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THE

COLLECTED

WORKS

MAHATMA

GANDHI

VOLUME NINETY

THE PUBLICATIONS DIVISION

THE

COLLECTED

WORKS

MAHATMA

GANDHI

(1947-1948)

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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF
MAHATMA GANDHI

(November 11, 1947 -January 30, 1948)

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF

MAHATMA GANDHI

(November 11, 1947 -January 30, 1948)

THE PUBLICATIONS DIVISION
Ministry of Information and Broadcasting
Government of India

April 1984 ( Vaisakha 1906 )

By Kind Permission of Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad

PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR, THE PUBLICATIONS DIVISION
NEW DELHI-110 001

AND PRINTED IN INDIA BY JITENDRA THAKOREBHAI DESAI
NAVAJIVAN PRESS, AHMEDABAD-380 014

Prime Minister
India

FOREWORD

Mahatma Gandhi once wrote, as a warning to those disci-
ples who placed more store by his word than his spirit: “My
writings should be cremated with my body. What I have done
will endure, not what I have said or written.” But he was one
of those who spoke as he thought and acted as he spoke, one
of those few in whom no shadow fell between word and deed.
His words were deeds, and they built a movement and a nation
and changed the lives of countless individuals.

That is why the Government of India decided to collect and
publish everything that Mahatma Gandhi wrote, and every
authentic account of what he had said. I am glad that with
this ninetieth volume the Collected Works series comes to a
culmination.

When Gandhiji was assassinated, Jawaharlal Nehru remark-
ed: “We will not see him again as we have seen him for these
many years. We will not run to him for advice and seek solace
from him.” But this set of books will enable us to seek guid-
ance and solace from a man who showed how to locate and
nurture the strength within. Through his experiments with the
power within himself he became a Mahatma.

Gandhiji warned us against the danger of making a sect
out of his thought. In reading him we should be guided by
what he said about his writings:

My aim is not to be consistent with my previous statements
on a given question, but to be consistent with truth as it
may present itself to me at a given moment. The result
has been that I have grown from truth to truth. . . . My
words and deeds are dictated by prevailing conditions. There
has been a gradual evolution in my environment and I re-
act to it as a Satyagrahi.

The volumes of the Collected Works provide a record of
the evolution of one of the greatest men of history; they also
provide source material on the making of our nation.

Gandhiji was a great persuader. He took interest in people’s
problems and tried to bring them around to his point of view.
Many sought his advice on personal matters. So he spoke and
wrote incessantly on a variety of subjects: not only eternal values
like truth and non-violence but practical matters like keeping
homes and streets clean.

I wish to place on record my appreciation and that of the
Government of India of the dedication and competence of
Professor K. Swaminathan and his team of editors, research
scholars and staff who have laboured over the last twenty-five
years to complete this monumental work.

Camp: Goa,

November 26, 1983

(Indira Gan

ADVISORY BOARD

The

Gandhi

Advisory Board for the Gollected Works
consists of the following:

. of Mahatma

Morarji Desai

Chairman

Ramlal Parikh

Member

R. R. Diwakar

Member

Jitendra Desai

Member

Joint Secretary
(In charge of
Publications Division
Ministry of Information
and Broadcasting)

Member

Director

Publications Division

Member

K. Swaminathan
Chief Editor

Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi

Secretary
Ex officio

In the earlier years, the following persons had been mem-
bers of the Advisory Board: Kaka Saheb Kalelkar, Devdas Gandhi,
Pyarelal, Maganbhai P. Desai, Ramdhari Sinha “Dinkar”, G.
Ramachandran, Shantilal H. Shah, Jivanji Desai, Thakorebhai
Desai, P. M. Lad, I.C.S., and Shriman Narayan.

EDITORIAL STAFF

At present, the editorial staff consists of:

Chief Editor

K. Swaminathan

Deputy Chief Editors
A. A. Shiromany
J. P. Uniyal

Deputy Director

L. S. Rengarajan

Assistant Editors

M. Koteswara Rao
G. T. Munshi

(Mrs) Satyawati Bhargava
V. G. Mathur
(Mrs) Lalitha Zackariah
(Mrs) Nirmala Subramanian
(Mrs) Rama Misra
(Mrs) Anjani Bhushan
(Mrs) Usha Kiran Goel
(Miss) Sneh Rai

Consultant

C. N. Patel

The project started in 1956 with Dr. Bharatan Kumarappa
as its first Chief Editor. On his demise in 1957, Mr. Jairam-
das Doulatram was appointed Chief Editor. He resigned in
October, 1959 and Professor K. Swaminathan took over as Chief
Editor in February, 1960.

In the recent past, the following had worked as Deputy
Chief Editors and/or Editors: U. R. Rao, Bhawani Prasad
Mishra, Anandilal Tiwari, C. N. Patel, K. N. Vaswani, G. D.
Gadre, (Mrs) Lakshmi Tripathi, R. N. Tivary, S. K. Sundar
and A. N. Singh.

Earlier, the following had served as Editors or Translators
for various periods: R. K. Prabhu, M. K. Desai, S. C. Dixit,
Ratilal Mehta, N. K. Desai, P. G. Deshpande, Madho Prasad,
Ram Singh, P. R. Kaikini, Govind Vyas and C. L. Narasimhan.

[ix]

Assistant Editors who had worked in the past include:
Shrinath Singh, Parashuram Mehrotra, Hasmukh Shah, Jaipal
Nangia, Dr. V. B. Gangal, O. P. Sharma, Sangam Lai, S. Sri-
vastava, G. S. Mobile, (Mrs) Urmila Kataria, (Miss) Rasik Shah,
(Miss) M. B. Laher, V. G. Nesarikar, (Mrs) Bharati Narasimhan,
A. Padmanabhan, (Mrs) Shyama Malhotra, M. V. Rajwadi, B. K.
Ahluwalia, D. K. Rai, Hari Shankar Sharma, R. P. Dhasmana,
Rama Nath Shastri, (Mrs) Rajani Aucharmal, P. J. Menon and
(Mrs) V. Kanakadurgamba.

The above staff have been assisted by a large and com-
petent team of Research Assistants, Reference Assistants and
Sub-Editors at various stages in the work of collection, research,
translation, editing and production.

PREFACE

This volume covers the last eighty-one days of Gandhiji’s
life, from November 11, 1947 to January 30, 1948, the fateful
Friday, when martyrdom mercifully ended his prolonged agony
as he witnessed the fires of hatred burning fierce on both sides of
the country’s new Western border. In fulfilment of his vow to
“ do or die”, to establish peace in Delhi or perish in the attempt,
he undertook on January 13 a fast which did have a cleansing
effect on most people in both countries, but which roused the
resentment of a few fanatics who promptly put out the light that
hurt their eyes. Then the whole world passed through a moment
of hushed silence, the “calm of mind, all passion spent”, which
follows any profound aesthetic experience. This perfect end to a
life which was a perfect poem, composed of deeds, not words,
lifted the protagonist from Indian history to world mythology
where human imagination (in Coleridge’s phrase) repeats in time
and space “the eternal act of creation in the Infinite I AM”.
The Kavi and the Kapi merged; the Mahatma became Hanuman,
the servant through Time of the Eternal Master.

The volume indeed reads like the last act of a Greek tragedy,
with Gandhiji playing the double role of hero and chorus, the
bird that eats the fruit and the bird that looks on, till the Pre-
sident of the Immortals pulls some string and stills the moving
music into synchronic silence.

In a convocation address on December 13, 1947 Nehru said:
“Freedom came to us, our long-sought freedom, with a minimum
of violence. But immediately afterwards we had to wade through
oceans of blood and tears . . . Horror piled on horror and a sudden
emptiness seized us. . . . The lights seemed to go out. But one
bright flame continued to burn and shed its light on the sur-
rounding gloom. And looking at that bright, pure flame, strength
and hope returned to us . . . There was the Spirit of India, strong
and unsullied, rising above the turmoil of the present . . . during
the past four months, in a dissolving world, he has been like a
rock of purpose and a lighthouse of truth”.

The volume opens with Gandhiji’s speeches on Diwali, the
festival of lights, symbolizing the triumph of good over evil.
Using the myth for interiorizing the historical situation and its
moral imperative, Gandhiji reminds his hearers that all men,
even Rama and Ravana, are brothers, that Rama is the light

[xii]

divine within each human heart and Ravana the darkness which
is but deliberate denial or forgetfulness of that light. It is within
each human heart that the great war between good and evil is
being perpetually waged. The paramount need, then, was to keep
alive “the light of love within”. The Diwali festival would be
celebrated in truth only when all the Muslims who had fled in
fear were brought back (pp. 18-9).

While humbly admitting his failure to understand the work-
ing of ahimsa (pp. 2-3 and 34), Gandhiji never lost his faith in
God and in the power of His Name, which gave him a peace
transcending his mental agony. This faith sustained his strength
as he struggled with patience beyond measure to save India’s
humanity (pp. 37, 82, 101 and 273). In prayer speeches and
in talks with visitors and with refugees in their camps, he
urged Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims alike to shed anger and hatred,
reminding them of the common human proneness to “commit
mistakes” and also of the need and the ability “to forgive and
forget” (p. 52). Admitting that the Muslim League started the
mischief long before August 15, 1947 and that Pakistan’s sins
were “terrible enough”, he told the Hindus and Sikhs that by
copying the sin they had become “fellow-sinners” (pp. 99 and 123)
and that confession of one’s guilt “purifies and uplifts” (p. 228).
He spoke again and again of reported atrocities against Muslims
in Jammu, Junagadh and elsewhere, even at the risk of his re-
marks being exploited in Pakistan (pp. 115, 117-9, 140-3 and 169).

With Indian Muslims he was gentler but not less frank. He
wanted them to acknowledge their part in bringing about the
tragedy and to atone for it. He told them, “I shall never advise
you to go away from here. . . . you should stay, for India is your
home. And if your brethren should kill you, you should bravely
meet death” (p. 154).

In Calcutta where Suhrawardy had shown such heroic courage
and faced the angry Hindus, a miracle had been possible. But in
Delhi there was no responsible Muslim who could approach the
Hindus “if only to die”; even the nationalist Muslims had “lost
this strength” (pp. 23-4). Nevertheless he looked forward to the
day when “all those who had been driven away from their hearths
and homes would return . . . and resume their avocations in per-
fect security and peace as before” (p. 262). That Hindus and
Muslims could not co-exist was a “poisonous doctrine” which he
pledged himself to resist and to do or die in the attempt (p. 222).

Gandhiji had to do some plain speaking in the Congress
Working Committee and the A. I. C. G. which represented “the vast

[ xiii ]

ocean of Indian humanity” (p. 38). He told them, “The Muslim
League indeed is culpable, but not every Muslim. ... it is your
prime duty to treat Muslims as your brothers, whatever may happen
in Pakistan” (p. 41). The All-India Congress Committee did pass
a resolution urging that “every effort should be made to enable the
evacuees and refugees from either Dominion ultimately to return
to their homes and to their original occupations under condi-
tions of safety and security” (pp. 538-9). But its implementation
required reciprocity and this was not forthcoming from Pakistan.

Far from responding to this gesture of friendship, Pakistan
made mutual reconciliation impossible by its cynically one-sided
approach to the problem of the princely States. In Junagadh it
readily accepted the Muslim ruler’s accession without reference
to the will of the people (most of whom were Hindus), but it
objected to Kashmir’s accession to India, though it was on the
advice of Sheikh Abdullah and subject to confirmation by the
people. The Maharaja’s decision was precipitated by the invasion
of the State by tribesmen, permitted, if not incited, by Pakistan’s
rulers and later actively supported by its army. The conflicts
over the two States destroyed whatever chances there might have
been for a wise and humane solution of the refugees problem.

For Gandhiji and the Government of India, accession was a
matter to be decided by the will of the people. Even so, Gandhiji
was not at all happy over his nephew Shamaldas Gandhi’s role in
frightening away “the poor little ruler of Junagadh” to Karachi
instead of winning him over through love (pp. 101-2).

In Kashmir, Gandhiji would have preferred non-violent mass
resistance to the Afridis, but in the absence of such moral strength
in the people, he had to yield “tacit consent” to the Government
of India’s action in sending the army to defend Kashmir against
the invaders (p. 511). But once this “righteous war” had been
won, he would have liked a mutually agreed settlement so that
“we could live as peaceful neighbours”. Mistakes had been
made on both sides, but we should not “persist in those mistakes”
(p. 357).

The Government of India tried to put pressure on Pakistan,
and so procure a quick, agreed settlement, by postponing pay-
ment of the agreed share of the cash balances of undivided India.
In a statement to the Press on January 12, Sardar Patel explain-
ed at length the rationale of this decision. However, as a result
of Gandhiji’s fast beginning on January 13 “in the cause of the
Muslims” (p. 415), the Indian Cabinet reversed a “settled fact”
and in order to save Gandhiji’s life and remove a “cause of

[xiv]

friction between India and Pakistan”, decided to give immediate
effect to the agreement about cash balances and to transfer
Rs. 55 crores to Pakistan’s account (Appendix V, pp. 550-6).

Like a mother giving bitter pills to her children, Gandhiji
gave to ministers, constructive workers and over-zealous reformers
much salutary advice, however harsh it might have sounded at
the moment. He warned people that freedom was not “suicidal
anarchy”, that it called for self-sacrifice and self-restraint, for
everyone thinking of “the whole of India”, not of oneself and
one’s family alone (p. 86). Refugees should learn to live together,
should work for and earn their bread, clothing and shelter, keep
their camps clean and “build ideal cities” (pp. 84 and 186). Since
controls encouraged laziness and corruption (which was even
worse than violence), they should be removed so that the millions
would learn to be far-sighted, “by making mistakes and rectifying
them” (p. 197). In a democracy, government should trust the
people and educate them in and through the exercise of freedom
(p. 344). “Real democracy people learn not from books, not
from the government who are in name and in reality their ser-
vants. Hard experience is the most efficient teacher in democracy”
(p. 399). Gandhiji had unbounded faith in the inborn goodness
of the common people and their capacity to learn. For the com-
munal disturbances he held others, intellectuals and leaders, re-
sponsible, not the common people (pp. 83 and 248). People should
be educated in freedom so that they could “keep the ministers on
their toes” (p. 391). A good government should ensure both
freedom and welfare and thus promote “the largest good of the
people with the minimum of controls” (p. 325).

While busily engaged in containing and quenching the fire
raging round him, Gandhiji never lost sight of the ultimate goal
of building a better India on the secure foundation of self-reliant
citizens in prosperous villages. He asserted that future govern-
ments (whether Congress, Socialist or Communist) would, after
stumbling in attempts to compete with America or Russia, realize
the truth that India had no option “except to develop village
industries” (p. 57). On December 11 and 12 he called a meeting
of various constructive work organizations and told them that
“the social order of our dreams cannot come through the
Congress of today”, that the task of the constructive workers was
to “improve our national character”, that with imagination and
intellect these institutions could be forged into “instruments for
the building up of democracy”, and that this aim could be achieved
only if they kept away from the competition for political power

[xv]

(pp. 215-23). Renunciation of power was the prerequisite for
the development of soul-force or the power of love. Compassion
was the root of dharma, and its outward expression was
loving service of the common people, and its fruit was spiritual
authority strong enough to prevail over temporal power. Indeed,
the weapon of satyagraha could be effective only in the hands of a
“man of God” who “renders unto Caesar that which is Caesar’s,
but who knows how to deal with the usurpation if Caesar
forgetting his limits oversteps them” (p. 119).

In the flames of hatred raging round him Gandhiji saw, not
the failure of ahimsa, but his own failure to understand and apply
the truth behind ahimsa. In a letter to Karl Struve he humbly
confessed that he had not “exhibited any heroic and demon-
strable” non-violence in himself as yet (p. 337). On January 1,
he wrote to a friend that the peace in Delhi was only from fear
of the police. “There is fire in people’s hearts. That fire must
either consume me or must be extinguished” (p. 339). On
January 4, he wrote: “Everything about me is uncertain. But I
am moving towards light” (p. 353). On January 8, he wrote:
“There is still much fire smouldering. One cannot say when it
may not leap into flames” (p. 383). Some Maulanas of Delhi
saw him on January 11 and one of them asked for help to enable
them to go away to England. Gandhiji had no answer to give
them (p. 422). In his prayer speech that evening, he pleaded:
“. . . we must forget that we are Hindus or Sikhs or Muslims
or Parsis. ... we must be only Indians. It is of no consequence
by what name we call God in our homes. In the work of the
nation, all Indians of all faiths are one. . . . We are Indians and
we must lay down our lives in protecting Hindus, Muslims,
Parsis, Sikhs and all others” (pp. 403-4).

For days he had been brooding over his “impotence” to
give the right answer to the Muslim friends who had sought his
guidance. The final conclusion flashed upon him on the after-
noon of the 12th and it made him happy. Without consulting
anyone, not even Nehru or Patel, who had called on him a cou-
ple of hours earlier, he drafted a statement to be read out at
the prayer meeting in the evening, announcing the commence-
ment of an indefinite fast the following day. This was his answer
to the Maulanas. The fast was to quicken conscience, not deaden
it, to turn the searchlight inwards and seek self-purification.
“No man, if he is pure, has anything more precious to give than
his life. I hope and pray that I have that purity in me to justify
the step” (p. 409).

[xvi]

The step was indeed justified as it evoked the right response
from all quarters. Numerous telegrams from Pakistan as well as
India conveyed assurances of communal amity. On the 16th,
the Government of India announced the decision to release forth-
with the cash balances due to Pakistan. On the 17th, leaders of
all communities, Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims, met in Delhi and
on the 18th a hundred representatives of various organizations
called on Gandhiji with a joint statement pledging themselves
to fulfil the conditions he had laid down for breaking the fast.
Satisfied at last, he said, “. . . till today our face was turned to-
wards Satan, we have now resolved to turn towards God” (p.
446). Then the fast was broken.

Even during this ordeal Gandhiji retained his detachment
and sense of humour. He wrote to Mirabehn that his meal
consisted of 8 oz. of hot water “sipped with difficulty” and he took
several such “poison-tasting but nectar-like” meals. “Yet I claim
to be fasting and credulous people accept it” (p. 430). Among
these credulous people, strangely enough, were two famous for-
mer critics of fasting as a method of coercion. This time Arthur
Moore of The Statesman and Nehru himself went on a sympathe-
tic fast.

After breaking the fast, Gandhiji wrote to co-workers, “From
calm I have entered storm” (pp. 454 and 468). In two days it
became clear what shape the storm would take. During his prayer
meeting on the 20th a group of angry Hindus made the first
attempt on his life. Gandhiji did not know at the time that
it was a bomb explosion. The following evening he adjured his
listeners not to hate the bomb-thrower. In fact, he pleaded his
case and cited in his defence a verse from the Gita. “He had
taken it for granted that I am an enemy of Hinduism” and
“thinks he has been sent by God to destroy me” (p. 472).

Deprecating the security measures taken by the Government,
he told his host G. D. Birla, “. . . it is Rama who protects me . . .
everything else is futile” (p. 470). As the end drew near, it
became clear that the oft-repeated mantra “Do or die” had only
been the sombre, strident counterpoint to the steady, bright,
basic melody: we are all in the hands of Rama, playthings,
dancing to the tune He sings, dancing as He pulls the strings
(pp. 96, 273).

On January 24, he wrote to a friend, “I am a servant of
Rama. I will do His work so long as He wills. ... if I have
been sincere in my pursuit of truth, non-violence, non-stealing,
hrahmacharya ... I shall certainly be granted the kind of death that

[ xvii ]

I seek . . . that should someone kill me I may have no anger against
the killer . . . and I may die with Ramanama on my lips” (p. 489).

With such serene faith in Rama, he was busy as usual, dis-
cussing with co-workers how the Congress could be reorganized
and made “a strong and efficient instrument of public service and
of public will” in free India (p. 506). He planned a ten-day visit to
Sevagram in February to study the “possibility of uniting the vari-
ous organizations for constructive work into one body . . .” (p. 520).
To an angry refugee who advised him to retire to the Himalayas,
he replied, “I want to find peace in the midst of turmoil or I
want to die in the turmoil. My Himalayas are here” (p. 525).

On the last day of his life on earth Gandhiji was preoccupied
with the reported rift between Nehru and Patel. In a long discus-
sion with Patel from 4 p. m. up to the minute he had to leave
for the prayer, he told him that the presence of both himself
and Nehru in the Government was “indispensable” (p. 534). While
he was busy talking with Patel, some visitors from Saurashtra sent
in a request for an appointment and received the message: “Tell
them I shall talk with them during my walk after the prayers,
if I am alive” (p. 533).

The last words he uttered were “Hey Ram”. The real Ruler
of the Universe, whose names are many and whose ways are mys-
terious, loved his patient servant and would not on the rack of
this tough world stretch him out longer.

Gandhiji’ s political legacy, a functioning democracy albeit
mounted on a rickety machine, was safe in the hands of a team
of selfless patriots led by Nehru, an idealist with a heart of gold,
and Patel, a realist with a mind of steel. Friendship with the
British people was intact and promised to be permanent. Their
rule had gone, but the use of their language would never go
(p. 443).

No such concrete success could be expected for Gandhiji’ s
larger mission of “spiritualizing” politics and public life. Indeed
there was for a moment the danger of “politicizing” religion and
so destroying it. The fast which restored the Hindus to sanity
averted this danger and was not the least of the Mahatma’s
services to his mother religion. Right from his early South
African days, he had continued and carried forward the process of
purifying and revitalizing the ancient dharma, a process begun
in South India by Ramalinga Swami and in Bengal by Swami
Vivekananda. The former was the mentor of the Tamil “coolies”
whose steadfast faith in dharma opened the eyes of the barrister
to the integrity of the common people and transformed him into

[ xviii ]

a mahatma bound by mutual trust with the masses of India.
The latter set up Daridranarayana (God in the form of the poor)
as the living image whose service was the highest sadhana. In a
letter to Wybergh in 1910 (Vol. X, pp. 247-8), Gandhiji had
declared that the ideal of mokska, the highest value and the im-
mediate aim of all mankind, should not be lowered for anyone
or withheld from anyone. Unbridled “materialism”, the bane of
modern civilization, did not add one inch to man’s moral stature.
The reduction of economic and social disparities was most smooth-
ly effected by the simultaneous satisfaction of the survival needs
of the poor and the Being needs of the rich. Gandhiji therefore
asserted that self-realization was “impossible without service of,
and identification with, the poorest” (Vol. XXXI, p. 511).
What Gandhiji meant was not relief or charity, but radical re-
structuring of the present exploitative economic system.

By thus bringing the light and warmth of dharma to bear
on artha, Gandhiji did succeed in some measure in breaking
down the barriers between Brahmin and “untouchable”, between
the rich elite and the poor masses, between sacred and profane.
He spread far and wide the faith and the feeling that all life is
holy, all selves are one and all human beings potentially divine.
Man was not an ape drunk with Mephistophelean power, but a
god manque. Life on earth was a constant ascent; the Hindu
should become a better Hindu, the Muslim a better Muslim,
the Christian a better Christian and so on (p. 293).

This Vaishnava dharma, which is the undying poetry of
earth, lives embodied in Rama and Krishna, gods whom one
does not fear and obey, but loves as friends and admires as heroes,
and freely chooses to play with and work for. In this myth,
metaphysics and morals meet as the beauty of truth in thought
and deed; like any athlete, artist or mathematician, the devotee
of Vishnu rejoices as much in discipline as in freedom, and the
ego wears away in the service of Narayana, who is Goodness,
Beauty and Truth combined. The wheel of dharma would not let
the servant rest one moment, but at its still centre there is peace
for the strong. This too Gandhiji knew: “My God is Formless
and Faultless and it is He who is giving me strength” (p. 37).

Identity with others is a felt, though not permanent, expe-
rience, taken for granted by ordinary people uncorrupted by
materialism and is comparable to the aesthetic delight in agony
as in ecstasy. It is not rhetoric, but a reminder of our common
humanity, when Gandhiji says, “. . . when someone commits a
crime anywhere I feel I am the culprit. ... If I were to commit

[xix]

any crime you should also think that you too were guilty of it.
Let us all merge in each other like drops of ocean. If the drops
of ocean remain apart they would dry up” (p. 133).

The Gita teaching Gandhiji summed up to this effect: This
whole universe exists in God, and even thieves and tigers are
ourselves. “It is man’s nature to do good, for all selves are
one. . . . When this is realized man’s ego melts away” (Vol.
XXXII, pp. 218 and 280).

All human beings are thus born friends bound together by
love and kindness. Hence mutual co-operation is normal, natural
and necessary in any society where wants and desires are limited
to legitimate needs. Hatred, distrust, cruelty and war are ugly
and unnatural, and therefore to be shunned. “Love, otherwise
ahimsa, sustains this planet of ours” (p. 195). The rule of life
is friendly co-operation with all. However bad a man may be
“we must treat him as a friend and work with him. We must
never under any circumstances treat anyone as an enemy” (pp.
450-1). Satyagraha is effective because it is a good friend’s delib-
erate and temporary withdrawal of co-operation in some action
or policy which is ugly and painful as it tends to disrupt the
essential unity that binds all human beings. All of us are prone
to commit sins sometimes, and also prone more often to per-
form saintly actions. Swadharma consists in responding courageous-
ly to the call of the Inner Ruler and rising above our usual
selves. Only so can one realize the ultimate truth through the
pursuit of beauty in action. “Everybody must act on the prompt-
ings of his conscience; you, on yours; I, on mine; others, on
their own; and from that at last truth will come out” (p. 225).
Inwit, the Inner light, illumining head and heart alike, would
guide the seeker of Truth from step to step on the path of action.

If beauty is a means to Truth, so too is utility. If a beauti-
ful myth moves the heart to heroic action, a lemma, like the as-
sumption of a separate and surviving self, may well be used to
support morality. In a letter of 1935, Gandhiji defines realization
as “pure and selfless service of all living creatures” (Vol. LX, p. 2).
In another letter he further explains: “For a belief in rebirth, it is
necessary to believe in the existence of T’. If I do not exist
and God alone exists, then who is to be reborn and how? This
realization itself is rebirth, isn’t it? ... When you truly believe . . .
that ‘God alone exists’, then there is no rebirth for you. The
man who becomes one with God is liberated. . . . Realization
comes through the heart. The head can provide only logic. . . .
Service alone can bring about realization” (Vol. LX, p. 159).

[xx]

However much doctrines and theories may differ, all real
religion . . makes for peace, love and joy in the world. . . .
science and religion are complementary to each other” (p. 316).
One’s swadharma is not determined by casuistry, but by the inner
call to prompt and precise action to relieve tension in human
relationships. All religions, applied in a “scientific” way to any
concrete situation, tend to converge and “make for peace, love
and joy”. A wooden slate-frame gone out of shape could be set
right by firm, correct handling of the one corner one happens
to hold (p. 84).

Taking the utmost responsibility on oneself and conceding
the utmost freedom to others, feeling and thinking globally and
acting locally, Gandhiji’s empirical religion reconciles the dual-
ism of Madhva and Islam, the modified non-dualism of Rama-
nuja and Christianity and the non-dualism of Sankara and pure
science. Where people are unconsciously moved to action by the
poetry of religion, goodness and beauty attend their thoughts,
words and deeds as naturally as leaves, flowers and fruit come
to a living tree. It is this humanizing Hinduism with its plura-
listic world view and non-violent way of life that Gandhiji was
proud of and claimed to be the universal religion which would
free the world from all its ills (p. 248) and which would live
as long as the sun shines in the sky (p. 79). From Man’s
spiritual element, the ocean of compassion, all religions arise and
into it again must Islam, Christianity and other streams flow
back (p. 177).

The golden age which began with Ramalinga Swami and
included Vivekananda, Sri Aurobindo, Tagore, Narayan Guru,
Bharati and Ramana Maharshi, and which ended with Vinoba
Bhave provided the congenial milieu for Gandhiji’s political and
social action. It was Gandhiji’s spiritual mission to try and
harmonize all religions and make multitudes of men and women
doers of the Word of God instead of being merely its preachers
and hearers.

NOTE TO THE READER

In reproducing English material, every endeavour has been
made to adhere strictly to the original. Obvious typographical
errors have been corrected and words abbreviated in the text
generally spelt out. Variant spellings of names have, however,
been retained as in the original.

Matter in square brackets has been supplied by the Editors.
Quoted passages, where these are in English, have been set up
in small type and printed with an indent. Indirect reports of
speeches and interviews, as also passages which are not by Gan-
dhiji have been set up in small type. In reports of speeches and
interviews, slight changes and omissions, where necessary, have
been made in passages not attributed to Gandhiji.

While translating from Gujarati and Hindi, efforts have been
made to achieve fidelity and also readability in English. Where
English translations are available, they have been used with
such changes as were necessary to bring them into conformity
with the original.

The date of an item has been indicated at the top right-
hand corner; if the original is undated, the inferred date is sup-
plied within square brackets, the reasons being given where
necessary. The writings are placed under the date of publication,
except where they carry a date-line or where the date of writing
has special significance and is ascertainable.

In the source-line, the symbol S. N. stands for documents
available in the Sabarmati Sangrahalaya, Ahmedabad; G. N.
refers to those available in the Gandhi National Museum and
Library (Rashtriya Gandhi Sangrahalaya), New Delhi; M. M. U.
for the reels of the Mobile Microfilm Unit and S. G. for the
documents of the Sevagram collection, which are also available
in the Gandhi National Museum and Library. C. W. denotes
documents secured by the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi.

The Appendices provide background material relevant to the
text. A list of sources and a chronology for the period covered
by the volume are also provided at the end.

A CKJVO WLED GEMENTS

For material in this volume, we are indebted to the Sabar-
mati Ashram Preservation and Memorial Trust and Sangraha-
laya, the Navajivan Trust and the Gujarat Vidyapith Grantha-
laya, Ahmedabad; the All India Radio, the Gandhi National
Museum and Library (Rashtriya Gandhi Sangrahalaya), the
National Archives of India and the Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library, New Delhi; Shri Pyarelal, New Delhi; Shri Mani-
bhai Desai, Uruli-Kanchan; Shri Jivanji D. Desai, Shri Munnalal
G. Shah, Shri Prabhakar, Smt. Gomatibehn Mashruwala, Bar-
doli; Shri Narandas Gandhi; Smt. Bapsy Pavry, Marchioness of
Winchester, England; Shri Valji G. Desai, Baroda; Smt. Sharda
G. Chokhawala, Surat; Shri Kanu Gandhi, Rajkot; Smt. Vana-
mala Desai, Shri Anand T. Hingorani, New Delhi; Shri Vallabh-
ram, Shri Roger W. Holmes, Smt. Vijaya Pancholi, Amala;
Shri Amrita Lai Chatterjee, Calcutta; Smt. Rajkumari Amrit
Kaur, Smt. Madeleine Rolland, Smt. Mirabehn, Smt. Prema
Kantak, Sasvad; Shri Kanubhai Nanalal Mashruwala, Shri
Kanti Gandhi, Smt. Lilavati Asar, Shri Shantikumar N. Morar-
jee, Bombay; the publishers of the books: Bapuki Chhayamen,
Bapuna Patro-4: Manibehn Patelne, Bapuna Patro-9: Narandas

Gandhine, Part II, Bapuna Patro-2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, Bapuni
Prasadi, Charles Ereer Andrews, Dilhiman Gandhiji, Parts I and II,
GandhijVs Correspondence with the Government, 1944-47, Mahatma:
Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Vols. I and VIII, Mahatma
Gandhi: The Last Phase, Vol. II, Prarthana-Pravachan, Part II,
Romain Rolland and Gandhi Correspondence, Sansmarno, Sardar PateVs
Correspondence, Vol. IV, and the following newspapers and jour-
nals : {The) Bombay Chronicle, Harijan, Harijanbandhu, Harijan Sevak,
{The) Hindu, {The) Hindustan Times and Majoor-Sandesh.

CONTENTS

FOREWORD BY Smt. Indira Gandhi v

ADVISORY BOARD vii

EDITORIAL STAFF viii

PREFACE xi

NOTE TO THE READER xxi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xxii

ILLUSTRATIONS XXXvi

1 WHEN A BLESSING BECOMES A CURSE (11-11-1947) 1

2 A PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPLANATION (11-11-1947) 1

3 LETTER TO R. B. GREGG (11-11-1947) 3

4 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (11-11-1947) 4

5 FRAGMENT OF LETTER TO A WOMAN WORKER (11-11-1947) 5

6 EXTRACT FROM A LETTER (11-11-1947) 5

7 LETTER TO SAHASRABUDDHE (11-11-1947) 6

8 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (11-11-1947) 6

9 LETTER TO MORARJI DESAI (12-11-1947) 9

10 LETTER TO JEHANGIR PATEL (12-11-1947) 11

11 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (12-11-1947) 11

12 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (12-11-1947) 12

13 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (12-11-1947) 12

14 LETTER TO D. B. JAGTAP (12-11-1947) 13

15 A LETTER (12-11-1947) 14

16 TALK WITH MUSLIM STUDENTS (12-11-1947) 14

17 BROADCAST TO REFUGEES AT KURUKSHETRA CAMP

(12-11-1947) 15

18 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (12-11-1947) 18

19 LETTER TO MANIBHAI B. DESAI (12-11-1947) 20

20 NO INCONSISTENCY (13-11-1947) 22

21 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (13-11-1947) 23

22 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (13-11-1947) 23

23 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (13-11-1947) 24

24 TALK WITH DAHYABHAI AND YASHODA PATEL (13-11-1947) 25

25 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (13-11-1947) 25

26 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (14-11-1947) 30

27 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (14-11-1947) 31

28 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (14-11-1947) 32

29 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (14-11-1947) 32

30 MESSAGE TO STUDENTS’ PEACE CONFERENCE (On or

befo re 15-11-1947)

[ xxiv ]

31 LETTER TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI (15-11-1947) 34

32 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (15-11-1947) 35

33 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (15-11-1947) 36

34 LETTER TO CHANDRANI (15-11-1947) 36

35 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (15-11-1947) 37

36 SPEECH AT A. I. C. C. MEETING (15-11-1947) 37

37 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (15-11-1947) 44

38 LETTER TO PYARELAL (After 15-11-1947) 45

39 LETTER TO CHAMPA R. MEHTA (16-11-1947) 46

40 LETTER TO ABBAS (16-11-1947) 47

41 LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH (16-11-1947) 47

42 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (16-11-1947) 48

43 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (16-11-1947) 48

44 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (16-11-1947) 49

45 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (16-11-1947) 49

46 HOW TO GROW MORE FOOD (17-11-1947) 52

47 CONTROLS (17-11-1947) 53

48 LETTER TO LORD ISMAY (17-11-1947) 54

49 FRAGMENT OF LETTER TO ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN

(17-11-1947) 54

50 LETTER TO PRABHUDAS GANDHI (17-11-1947) 55

51 LETTER TO INDU PAREKH (17-11-1947) 55

52 LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI (17-11-1947) 56

53 A LETTER (17-11-1947) 56

54 A NOTE (17-11-1947) 57

55 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (17-11-1947) 58

56 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (17-11-1947) 58

57 A LETTER (18-11-1947) 61

58 TALK WITH RAJENDRA PRASAD (18-11-1947) 62

59 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (18-11-1947) 63

60 LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH (19-11-1947) 67

61 LETTER TO KANCHAN M. SHAH (19-11-1947) 68

62 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (19-11-1947) 68

63 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (19-11-1947) 69

64 LETTER TO M. A. HUNAR (19-11-1947) 70

65 LETTER TO RATANDEVI (19-11-1947) 70

66 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (19-11-1947) 71

67 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (19-11-1947) 71

68 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (20-11-1947) 75

69 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (21-11-1947) 77

70 RAYS OF HOPE (22-11-1947) 81

71 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (22-11-1947) 82

72 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (22-11-1947) 83

[ XXV ]

73 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (22-11-1947) 83

74 LINGUISTIC REDISTRIBUTION (23-11-1947) 85

75 UNBELIEVABLE (23-11-1947) 87

76 DEATH COURAGEOUS OR COWARDLY (23-11-1947) 87

77 NATIONAL GUARDS (23-11-1947) 88

78 IN PRAISE OF DECONTROL (23-11-1947) 89

79 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (23-11-1947) 90

80 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (23-11-1947) 90

81 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (23-11-1947) 91

82 LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI (24-11-1947) 95

83 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (24-11-1947) 95

84 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (24-11-1947) 96

85 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (24-11-1947) 96

86 LETTER TO CHAMPA R. MEHTA (25-11-1947) 99

87 LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH (25-11-1947) 100

88 LETTER TO HIRAGAURI (25-11-1947) 100

89 LETTER TO CHUNIBHAI (25-11-1947) 100

90 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (25-11-1947) 101

91 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (25-11-1947) 101

92 LETTER TO PRABHAKAR (25-11-1947) 102

93 LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA (25-11-1947) 102

94 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (25-11-1947) 103

95 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (25-11-1947) 103

96 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (25-11-1947) 104

97 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR (26-11-1947) 108

98 LETTER TO PRABHUDAS GANDHI (26-11-1947) 109

99 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (26-11-1947) 109

100 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (26-11-1947) 110

101 LETTER TO S. M. QASIM RIZVI (26-11-1947) 110

102 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (26-11-1947) 111

103 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (26-11-1947) 111

104 LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR (27-11-1947) 113

105 LETTER TO SURENDRA MEDH (27-11-1947) 114

106 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (27-11-1947) 114

107 NO COMPARISON POSSIBLE (28-11-1947) 119

108 LETTER TO P. KODANDA RAO (28-11-1947) 120

109 LETTER TO MANKUMAR NAG (28-11-1947) 120

110 LETTER TO MANIBEHN (28-11-1947) 121

111 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (28-11-1947) 121

112 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (28-11-1947) 122

113 SPEECH AT GURU NANAK BIRTHDAY FUNCTION (28-11-1947) 122

114 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (28-11-1947) 124

115 LETTER TO YVONNE PRIVAT (29-11-1947) 129

[ xxvi ]

116 LETTER TO ANASUYA SARABHAI (29-11-1947) 131

117 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (29-11-1947) 131

118 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (29-11-1947) 132

119 ITS WISE USE (30-11-1947) 136

120 LETTER TO KISHORELAL G. MASHRUWALA (30-11-1947) 137

121 LETTER TO SATISH D. KALELKAR (30-11-1947) 137

122 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (30-11-1947) 138

123 LETTER TO RAIHANA TYABJI (30-11-1947) 139

124 LETTER TO MUSLIM CHAMBER OF COMMERCE (30-11-1947) 139

125 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (30-11-1947) 140

126 LETTER TO PYARELAL (1-12-1947) 145

127 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI (1-12-1947) 145

128 LETTER TO NARANDAS NALIERWALA (1-12-1947) 146

129 LETTER TO HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA (1-12-1947) 146

130 NOTE TO LT.-GEN. K. M. CARIAPPA (1-12-1947) 147

131 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (1-12-1947) 147

132 LETTER TO BAPSY PAVRY (2-12-1947) 149

133 LETTER TO GHULAM RASOOL QURESHI (2-12-1947) 150

134 LETTER TO DILKHUSH DIWANJI (2-12-1947) 151

135 LETTER TO JAYASHANKAR PANDYA (2-12-1947) 151

136 LETTER TO JAMNA GANDHI (2-12-1947) 152

137 LETTER TO SATYEN (2-12-1947) 152

138 LETTER TO RAIHANA TYABJI (2-12-1947) 153

139 TALK WITH MUSLIMS (2-12-1947) 153

140 TALK WITH MUSLIM DELEGATION (2-12-1947) 154

141 SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING (2-12-1947) 156

142 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (2-12-1947) 158

143 LETTER TO CHAMPA MEHTA (3-12-1947) 163

144 LETTER TO SHAMALDAS GANDHI (3-12-1947) 163

145 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR (3-12-1947) 164

146 LETTER TO BACHCHHARAJ & CO. (3-12-1947) 164

147 TALK WITH LT.-GEN. K. M. CARIAPPA (3-12-1947) 165

148 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (3-12-1947) 167

149 LETTER TO KANU GANDHI (4-12-1947) 172

150 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (4-12-1947) 173

151 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (4-12-1947) 174

152 TALK WITH BURMESE DELEGATION (4-12-1947) 174

153 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (4-12-1947) 175

154 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI (5-12-1947) 178

155 LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK (5-12-1947) 178

156 TALK WITH GHANSHYAMSINGH GUPTA (5-12-1947) 179

157 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (5-12-1947) 179

158 A TALK (5-12-1947) 184

[ xxvii ]

159 GIVE AND TAKE (6-12-1947) 185

160 LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI (6-12-1947) 186

161 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (6-12-1947) 187

162 DISCUSSION AT KASTURBA GANDHI NATIONAL MEMORIAL

TRUST MEETING (7-12-1947) 190

163 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (7-12-1947) 191

164 A FOREWORD (8-12-1947) 194

165 NO LIMITATIONS (8-12-1947) 195

166 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (8-12-1947) 196

167 LETTER TO ISMAT IFTIKHAR-UD-DIN (9-12-1947) 198

168 LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI (9-12-1947) 198

169 LETTER TO A MAULANA (9-12-1947) 199

170 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (9-12-1947) 199

171 QUESTION BOX (10-12-1947) 202

172 ITS DEEP ROOTS (10-12-1947) 203

173 DISCUSSION WITH H. S. SUHRAWARDY (10-12-1947) 203

174 TALK WITH TEACHERS AND STUDENTS (10-12-1947) 204

175 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (10-12-1947) 206

176 WHO SHOULD BE PROVINCIAL GOVERNORS? (11-12-1947) 208

177 LETTER TO MANIBHAI B. DESAI (11-12-1947) 210

178 LETTER TO VIJAYALAKSHMI PANDIT (11-12-1947) 21 1

179 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (11-12-1947) 21 1

180 ADVICE TO DECCAN STATES’ UNION RULERS (11-12-1947) 214

181 LETTER TO LORD MOUNTBATTEN (11-12-1947) 214

182 DISCUSSION AT CONSTRUCTIVE WORKS COMMITTEE

MEETING (11/12-12-1947) 215

183 DISCUSSION AT HINDUSTANI TALIMI SANGH MEETING

(11/12-12-1947) 222

184 LETTER TO SHARDA G. CHOKHAWALA (12-12-1947) 224

185 LETTER TO KANJI (12-12-1947) 224

186 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (12-12-1947) 225

187 NEVER DANGEROUS (13-12-1947) 228

188 THE DOCTRINE OF MERGER (13-12-1947) 228

189 SPINNING still! (13-12-1947) 229

190 LETTER TO NARAHARI D. PARIKH (13-12-1947) 230

191 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (13-12-1947) 231

192 REPLY TO RICHARD B. GREGG (14-12-1947) 234

193 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (14-12-1947) 234

194 LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI (15-12-1947) 237

195 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (15-12-1947) 238

196 LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI (16-12-1947) 241

197 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (16-12-1947) 242

198 TELEGRAM TO AMTUSSALAAM (16-12-1947) 242

[ xxviii ]

199 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (16-12-1947) 242

200 LETTER TO KIRAN SHANKAR (17-12-1947) 246

201 LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI (17-12-1947) 246

202 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI (17-12-1947) 247

203 LETTER TO JAMNA GANDHI (17-12-1947) 247

204 LETTER TO SHANKARLAL (17-12-1947) 247

205 A LETTER (17-12-1947) 248

206 MESSAGE TO U. P. STUDENTS (17-12-1947) 249

207 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (17-12-1947) 249

208 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (18-12-1947) 253

209 LETTER TO A MUSLIM (18-12-1947) 254

210 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (18-12-1947) 254

211 LETTER TO REV. GARDES (19-12-1947) 257

212 LETTER TO NAWAB OF BHOPAL (19-12-1947) 257

213 LETTER TO CHANDRANI (19-12-1947) 258

214 LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH (19-12-1947) 258

215 LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH NAYYAR (19-12-1947) 259

216 LETTER TO M. A. HUNAR (19-12-1947) 260

217 MESSAGE TO BIHAR (19-12-1947) 260

218 ADDRESS TO MEOS (19-12-1947) 261

219 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (19-12-1947) 262

220 LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH NAYYAR (20-12-1947) 265

221 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (20-12-1947) 265

222 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (20-12-1947) 266

223 LAWS OF HEALTH (21-12-1947) 268

224 COMPOST MANURE (21-12-1947) 269

225 COMPOST MANURE (21-12-1947) 270

226 LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL JOSHI (21-12-1947) 271

227 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR (21-12-1947) 272

228 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (21-12-1947) 273

229 NOTES (22-12-1947) 273

230 NEED FOR STORING GRAIN IN VILLAGES (22-12-1947) 275

231 TRIBUTE TO VALJIBHAI (22-12-1947) 276

232 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (22-12-1947) 276

233 LETTER TO DR. BANERJEE (22-12-1947) 277

234 LETTER TO V. L. MEHTA (22-12-1947) 277

235 LETTER TO YASHWANTKUNWARBA (22-12-1947) 278

236 LETTER TO KANU GANDHI (22-12-1947) 278

237 LETTER TO BACHU (22-12-1947) 279

238 LETTER TO RAMDAS GANDHI (22-12-1947) 279

239 LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK (22-12-1947) 280

240 NOTE TO MANU GANDHI (22-12-1947) 280

241 LETTER TO KUNDANLAL FIRODIA (22-12-1947) 281

[ xxix ]

242

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (22-12-1947)

282

243

LETTER

SHARDA G. CHOKHAWALA (23-12-1947)

285

244

LETTER

NARAHARI D. PARIKH (23-12-1947)

285

245

LETTER

VANAMALA PARIKH (23-12-1947)

286

246

LETTER

AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI (23-12-1947)

286

247

FRAGMENT

OF A LETTER (23-12-1947)

287

248

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (23-12-1947)

287

249

LETTER

ANAND T. HINGORANI (24-12-1947)

290

250

LETTER

GANGI A. HINGORANI (24-12-1947)

291

251

LETTER

DILKHUSH DIWANJI (24-12-1947)

291

252

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (24-12-1947)

292

253

LETTER

HAMID-UD-DIN (25-12-1947)

294

254

FRAGMENT

OF A LETTER (25-12-1947)

295

255

FRAGMENT

OF A LETTER (25-12-1947)

295

256

LETTER

KRISHNADAS (25-12-1947)

296

257

LETTER

HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA (25-12-1947)

296

258

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (25-12-1947)

297

259

LETTER

G. V. MAVALANKAR (26-12-1947)

299

260

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (26-12-1947)

300

261

LETTER

RATHINDRA NATH TAGORE (27-12-1947)

303

262

LETTER

B. G. KHER (27-12-1947)

303

263

LETTER

MANIBEHN PATEL (27-12-1947)

304

264

LETTER

KHANDUBHAI DESAI (27-12-1947)

304

265

LETTER

SURYAKANT (27-12-1947)

305

266

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (27-12-1947)

305

267

MESSAGE

; TO INDONESIA (Before 28-12-1947)

307

268

LETTER

VALJI G. DESAI (28-12-1947)

308

269

LETTER

SHANTIKUMAR N. MORARJEE (28-12-1947)

308

270

ADDRESS

1 TO CLOTH MERCHANTS (28-12-1947)

309

271

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (28-12-1947)

311

272

MATTER

WELL PLACED (29-12-1947)

313

273

“dhan’'

’ OF DUST (29-12-1947)

313

274

“URDU

harijan” (29-12-1947)

314

275

LETTER

PYARELAL (29-12-1947)

315

276

LETTER

VALLABHBHAI PATEL (29-12-1947)

316

277

FRAGMENT

OF A LETTER (29-12-1947)

316

278

FRAGMENT

OF A LETTER (29-12-1947)

317

279

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (29-12-1947)

317

280

LETTER

HOSA RASHID (30-12-1947)

320

281

LETTER

MUNNALAL G. SHAH (30-12-1947)

321

282

LETTER

JIVANJI D. DESAI (30-12-1947)

321

283

LETTER

SHARDA G. CHOKHAWALA (30-12-1947)

322

284

LETTER

CHIMANLAL N. SHAH (30-12-1947)

322

[ XXX ]

285 LETTER TO MORARJI DESAI (30-12-1947) 323

286 LETTER TO RAMDAS GANDHI (30-12-1947) 323

287 LETTER TO HARSHADRAM (30-12-1947) 323

288 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (30-12-1947) 324

289 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (30-12-1947) 324

290 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (30-12-1947) 325

291 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (30-12-1947) 325

292 TATYASAHEB KELKAR (31-12-1947) 328

293 LETTER TO VALLABHRAM (31-12-1947) 329

294 LETTER TO SHARDA G. CHOKHAWALA (31-12-1947) 330

295 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (31-12-1947) 331

296 A LETTER (31-12-1947) 331

297 LETTER TO HOSHIARI (31-12-1947) 332

298 LETTER TO BALVANTSINHA (31-12-1947) 332

299 TALK WITH SUBHADRA GUPTA AND OTHERS (31-12-1947) 333

300 A MESSAGE (31-12-1947) 333

301 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (31-12-1947) 334

302 TALK WITH ENGLISH FRIENDS (31-12-1947) 336

303 LETTER TO KARL STRUVE (1-1-1948) 337

304 LETTER TO PRAGJI K. NAYAK (1-1-1948) 338

305 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (1-1-1948) 338

306 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (1-1-1948) 339

307 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (1-1-1948) 339

308 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (1-1-1948) 339

309 A NOTE (After 1-1-1948) 341

310 WANTED ACCURACY (2-1-1948) 341

311 LETTER TO D. G. TENDULKAR (2-1-1948) 342

312 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (2-1-1948) 343

313 LETTER TO JAISUKHLAL GANDHI (2-1-1948) 343

314 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (2-1-1948) 344

315 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (2-1-1948) 345

316 IS IT DESERVED? (3-1-1948) 347

317 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (3-1-1948) 348

318 LETTER TO SAVITRI BAJAJ (3-1-1948) 348

319 LETTER TO HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA (3-1-1948) 349

320 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (3-1-1948) 349

321 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (3-1-1948) 350

322 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (3-1-1948) 350

323 QUESTION BOX (4-1-1948) 352

324 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (4-1-1948) 353

325 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (4-1-1948) 354

326 LETTER TO M. B. GODBOLE (4-1-1948) 354

327 LETTER TO RAJA OF AUNDH (4-1-1948) 355

[ xxxi ]

328 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (4-1-1948) 355

329 LETTER TO R. R. DIWAKAR (4/5-1-1948) 359

330 LETTER TO MAHMUD (4/5-1-1948) 359

331 LETTER TO RAMESHCHANDRA (4/5-1-1948) 360

332 LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI (5-1-1948) 360

333 LETTER TO VIJAYA M. PANCHOLI (5-1-1948) 361

334 LETTER TO NRISIMHAPRASAD K. BHATT (5-1-1948) 361

335 NOTE TO MUSLIMS (5-1-1948) 362

336 NOTE TO SUBHADRA GUPTA (5-1-1948) 362

337 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (5-1-1948) 363

338 KHADI CAN REMOVE CLOTH SHORTAGE (6-1-1948) 365

339 CERTIFIED AND UNCERTIFIED KHADI (6-1-1948) 366

340 HARIJANS IN HOSTELS (6-1-1948) 367

341 LETTER TO SITA GANDHI (6-1-1948) 368

342 LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI (6-1-1948) 368

343 LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI (6-1-1948) 369

344 LETTER TO ILA GANDHI (6-1-1948) 370

345 LETTER TO ARUN GANDHI (6-1-1948) 370

346 LETTER TO ANAND T. HINGORANI (6-1-1948) 371

347 LETTER TO MAHADEV A. HINGORANI (6-1-1948) 372

348 LETTER TO GANGI A. HINGORANI (6-1-1948) 372

349 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (6-1-1948) 373

350 A LETTER (7-1-1948) 375

351 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (7-1-1948) 376

352 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (7-1-1948) 376

353 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (7-1-1948) 377

354 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (7-1-1948) 377

355 LETTER TO SHANTA NERULKAR (8-1-1948) 380

356 LETTER TO E. W. ARYANAYAKUM (8-1-1948) 380

357 LETTER TO AMINA G. QURESHI (8-1-1948) 381

358 LETTER TO KRISHNADAS GANDHI (8-1-1948) 381

359 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (8-1-1948) 383

360 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (8-1-1948) 384

361 LETTER TO GOVIND BALLABH PANT (8-1-1948) 384

362 LETTER TO MANGAL SINGH (8-1-1948) 385

363 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (8-1-1948) 385

364 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI (9-1-1948) 388

365 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (9-1-1948) 388

366 LETTER TO AMRITA LAL CHATTERJEE (9-1-1948) 389

367 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (9-1-1948) 389

368 TRIBUTE TO BHAURAO PATIL (9-1-1948) 390

369 TALK WITH SAURASHTRA DELEGATION (9-1-1948) 390

370 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (9-1-1948) 391

[ xxxii ]

371 LETTER TO VIJAYA M. PANCHOLI (9-1-1948) 394

372 LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK (10-1-1948) 395

373 LETTER TO GANGADHARRAO DESHPANDE (10-1-1948) 395

374 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (10-1-1948) 396

375 “URDU harijan” (11-1-1948) 398

376 HOW DEMOCRACY WORKS (11-1-1948) 399

377 HOW TO INCREASE YIELDS? (11-1-1948) 400

378 A NOTE (11-1-1948) 401

379 LETTER TO PRABHAKAR (11-1-1948) 401

380 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (11-1-1948) 402

381 RACING AND BETTING (12-1-1948) 404

382 THE LATE TOTARAM SANADHYA (12-1-1948) 404

383 LETTER TO KONDA VENKATAPPAYYA (12-1-1983) 405

384 LETTER TO PARTHASARATHY (12-1-1948) 406

385 LETTER TO SHARDA G. CHOKHAWALA (12-1-1948) 406

386 LETTER TO SARAIYA (12-1-1948) 407

387 LETTER TO KEDARNATH SAHNI (12-1-1948) 407

388 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (12-1-1948) 408

389 LETTER TO A PUBLISHER (13-1-1948) 412

390 LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL (13-1-1948) 412

391 TALK WITH A SIKH FRIEND (13-1-1948) 413

392 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (13-1-1948) 413

393 NOTE TO MANU GANDHI (13-1-1948) 417

394 NOTE TO BALVANTSINHA (After 13-1-1948) 418

395 TALK WITH A MUSLIM FRIEND (After 13-1-1948) 418

396 TO GUJARATIS (14-1-1948) 419

397 LETTER TO DEVDAS GANDHI (14-1-1948) 420

398 TALK WITH MUSLIMS (14-1-1948) 422

399 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (14-1-1948) 423

400 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (15-1-1948) 426

401 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (16-1-1948) 430

402 TELEGRAM TO ANAND T. HINGORANI (16-1-1948) 431

403 LETTER TO PREMA KANTAK (16-1-1948) 432

404 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (16-1-1948) 435

405 TALK WITH RAJENDRA PRASAD (17-1-1948) 437

406 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (17-1-1948) 438

407 NEITHER ANGER NOR INFATUATION (18-1-1948) 441

408 SPEECH BEFORE BREAKING FAST (18-1-1948) 444

409 MESSAGE TO SIKHS (18-1-1948) 448

410 TALK WITH MUSLIM WOMEN (18-1-1948) 449

411 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (18-1-1948) 449

412 TALK WITH MAJ.-GEN. K. M. CARIAPPA (18-1-1948) 450

413 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (18-1-1948) 450

[ xxxiii ]

414

LETTER

NARAHARI D. PARIKH (18-1-1948)

454

415

LETTER

KONDA VENKATAPPAYYA (19-1-1948)

454

416

LETTER

MIRABEHN (19-1-1948)

455

417

LETTER

ABDUL HALIM GAZNAVI (19-1-1948)

455

418

LETTER

MANU MASHRUWALA (19-1-1948)

456

419

LETTER

B. D. KALELKAR (19-1-1948)

456

420

LETTER

MUNNALAL G. SHAH (19-1-1948)

456

421

LETTER

PIROJ WADIA (19-1-1948)

458

422

LETTER

JUGATRAM DAVE (19-1-1948)

458

423

LETTER

DEV PRAKASH NAYYAR (19-1-1948)

459

424

LETTER

ANAND AND GANGI HINGORANI (19-1-1948)

459

425

LETTER

M. S. ANEY (19-1-1948)

460

426

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (19-1-1948)

460

427

KASTURBA FORTNIGHT (20-1-1948)

463

428

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (20-1-1948)

464

429

LETTER

H. S. SUHRAWARDY (21-1-1948)

467

430

LETTER

C. RAJAGOPALACHARI (21-1-1948)

468

431

LETTER

KHURSHED NAOROJEE (21-1-948)

468

432

LETTER

REPRESENTATIVE, REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA

(21-1-1948)

469

433

TALK WITH

G. D. BIRLA (21-1-1948)

469

434

TALK WITH

SIKH DEPUTATION (21-1-1948)

470

435

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (21-1-1948)

472

436

CABLE TO ARUNA ASAF ALI (Before 22-1-1948)

475

437

LETTER

ISMAT IFTIKHAR-UD-DIN (22-1-1948)

475

438

LETTER

DR. CHARLES MOORE (22-1-1948)

476

439

LETTER

AMBASSADOR OF NETHERLANDS (22-1-1948)

476

440

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (22-1-1948)

477

441

WORTHY OF REFLECTION (23-1-1948)

479

442

LETTER

MANU GANDHI (23-1-1948)

481

443

FRAGMENT

OF LETTER TO NAWAB OF BAHAWALPUR

(23-1-1948)

482

444

LETTER

KANTI GANDHI (23-1-1948)

483

445

FRAGMENT

OF A LETTER (23-1-1948)

484

446

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (23-1-1948)

484

447

HIS majesty’s opposition (24-1-1948)

487

448

LETTER

JAISUKHLAL GANDHI (24-1-1948)

488

449

FRAGMENT

OF A LETTER (24-1-1948)

489

450

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (24-1-1948)

490

451

LETTER

AMTUSSALAAM (25-1-1948)

491

452

LETTER

PRABHUDAYAL VIDYARTHI (25-1-1948)

492

453

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (25-1-1948)

493

454

SPEECH

PRAYER MEETING (26-1-1948)

495

[ xxxiv ]

455 CONGRESS POSITION (27-1-1948) 497

456 HARIJANS AND TEMPLE-ENTRY (27-1-1948) 499

457 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (27-1-1948) 500

458 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (27-1-1948) 501

459 SPEEGH AT URS (27-1-1948) 501

460 INTERVIEW TO KINGSLEY MARTIN (27-1-1948) 502

461 A DISCUSSION (27-1-1948) 505

462 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (27-1-1948) 507

463 INTERVIEW TO VINCENT SHEEAN (27/28-1-1948) 510

464 LETTER TO NARAHARI PARIKH (28-1-1948) 512

465 LETTER TO VANAMALA PARIKH (28-1-1948) 513

466 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR (28-1-1948) 513

467 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (28-1-1948) 514

468 FRAGMENT OF A LETTER (28-1-1948) 514

469 LETTER TO DR. SYED MAHMUD (28-1-1948) 515

470 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (28-1-1948) 515

471 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR (29-1-1948) 518

472 LETTER TO VIJAYA WALJI SODAWALA (29-1-1948) 518

473 LETTER TO KANU GANDHI (29-1-1948) 519

474 LETTER TO SANKARAN (29-1-1948) 519

475 LETTER TO KISHORELAL MASHRUWALA (29-1-1948) 520

476 LETTER TO BALVANTSINHA (29-1-1948) 521

477 INTERVIEW TO MARGARET BOURKE-WHITE (29-1-1948) 521

478 INTERVIEW TO GENERAL SECRETARY, Y. W. C. A. (29-1-1948) 523

479 SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING (29-1-1948) 523

480 DRAFT CONSTITUTION OF CONGRESS (29-1-1948) 526

481 TALK WITH DEVDAS GANDHI (29-1-1948) 529

482 LETTER TO ANAND T. HINGORANI (30-1-1948) 530

483 TALK WITH PYARELAL (30-1-1948) 530

484 TALK WITH PYARELAL (30-1-1948) 531

485 TALK WITH SUDHIR GHOSH (30-1-1948) 531

486 TALK WITH MUSLIM LEADERS (30-1-1948) 532

487 A TALK (30-1-1948) 533

488 INTERVIEW TO SINDHI DEPUTATION (30-1-1948) 534

489 TALK WITH VALLABHBHAI PATEL (30-1-1948) 534

490 REMARKS ON WAY TO PRAYER MEETING (30-1-1948) 535

APPENDICES

I A. I. C. C. RESOLUTIONS 537

II EXTRACT FROM LETTER FROM PYARELAL 543

III LETTER FROM KARL STRUVE 544

IV LETTER FROM INDIAN REPRESENTATIVE TO THE 545

SECURITY COUNCIL

v(a) VALLABHBHAI PATEL’s STATEMENT TO THE PRESS 550

[ XXXV ]

v(b) government communique

555

SOURCES

557

CHRONOLOGY

559

INDEX OF TITLES

573

INDEX

577

ERRATA

598

ILLUSTRATIONS

WALKING ALONG WITH TWO AIDS
THE LAST DAY OF THE FAST
ARRIVING AT PRAYER MEETING

frontispiece
facing p. 448

449

WHEN A BLESSING BECOMES A CURSE

In declining to give a blessing I said the following to a
friend:

No one who wants to start a worthy enterprise should ever
wish to have anybody’s blessings, not even of the highest in
the land. A worthy enterprise carries its own blessing. On the
other hand, if an unworthy project receives any blessing from
outside, it becomes, as it should become, a curse. Indeed, I have
come to the conclusion that a blessing from outside interferes
with the even progress of one’s enterprise, because it very often
induces a false hope and turns one away from the industry and
watchfulness required for the success of a cause.

Though I have often said some such thing to many per-
sons, it is best that this considered opinion is reproduced for the
benefit of those who continue to ask for blessings for their enter-
prise. Thus, I have been asked to bless memorials about great
men and I have felt compelled to give much the same answer
as the above.

New Delhi, November 11, 1947
Harijan, 23-11-1947

2. A PSrCHOLOGICAL EXPLANATION

The following is from Mr. Richard B. Gregg, whom many
readers of the Harijan know as an American friend who used to
live in Shantiniketan as also with me in Sabarmati years ago:

Though because of my ignorance I am hesitant, yet I venture to
send you an idea that seems to me not only to explain with perhaps less
moral blame a part of the recent communal violence in India but also
to offer hope for the future.

It seems to me probable that much of this violence is an expression
not so much of inter-communal suspicion and hatred, but rather, and
more deeply and originally, of the long-pent-up resentments of the mas-
ses because of their oppression. The oppression was not only by foreign
political rule but by foreign modern social, economic and financial ways
which are contrary to the ancient habits of dharma which were a very
part of the nature of the masses. By foreign ways I mean such things

90-1

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

as the English land-holding system, usurious money-lending, heavy taxes
payable not in kind but in money, and other interferences with long-
established village life common to all Indian communities.

Psychological studies have shown clearly that severe frustrations suf-
fered during the childhood of an individual generate resentments which
are suppressed and remain suppressed long after the person who caused
the original frustration had died, but later some occasion pulls a trigger,
as it were, and releases the pent-up energy of the old resentment
which then pours forth in violence upon some perfectly innocent per-
son. This explains many crimes of violence, and perhaps some of the
cruelties against the Jews in Europe. In India the establishment of re-
ligious electorates created a channel into which it was easy for this energy
to flow, but I believe the fearful energy of the explosion of wrath comes
from the older cause I have mentioned. Such an idea as this would
help explain why in all countries all through history a major change of
political power results in more or less violence and disorder. The masses
always suflFer some oppression and, therefore, have resentments which
flare up upon a shift of control or may be exploited by selflsh leaders.

If this surmise is true, it suggests that the suspicion and hatred of
one community towards another is not so deep as now appears. It also
means that as soon as the masses can be guided back into their ancient
ways of life with the chief emphasis on religion and small organizations
— village panchayats and communal family systems — the energy of the
people will be turned from violence into creative channels. I would
expect that khadi work among the refugees might help start such a diver-
sion of energy into sound channels. In such a development I see hope.

Forgive me if this seems to be presumptuous. I write it only in
the hope that an humble outsider, just because he is outside, may see
a gleam of encouragement that is not so easy to see in the dust and
distraction of the struggle. Anyhow, I love you and India.

Though many psychologists have recommended a study of
psychology, I am sorry I have not been able, for want of time,
to study the subject. Mr. Gregg’s letter does not mend matters
for me. It does not fill me with any impelling enthusiasm for
undertaking the study. Mr. Gregg gives an explanation which
mystifies the mind instead of clearing it. “Hope for the future”
I have never lost and never will, because it is embedded in my
undying faith in non-violence. What has, however, clearly hap-
pened in my case is the discovery that in all probability there
is a vital defect in my technique of the working of non-
violence. There was no real appreciation of non-violence in the
thirty years’ struggle against British Raj. Therefore, the peace
the masses maintained during that struggle of a generation with

LETTER TO R. B. GREGG

exemplary patience, had not come from within. The pent-up
fury found an outlet when British Raj was gone. It naturally
vented itself in communal violence which was never fully absent
and which was kept under suppression by the British bayonet.
This explanation seems to me to be all-sufhcing and convin-
cing. In it there is no room for failure of any hope. Failure of my
technique of non-violence causes no loss of faith in non-violence
itself. On the contrary, that faith is, if possible, strengthened by
the discovery of a possible flaw in the technique.

New Delhi, November 11, 1947
Harijan, 23-11-1947. Also C.W. 4525

3. LETTER TO R. B. GREGG

November 11, 1947

MY DEAR GOVIND,

I have your lovely letter which I am reproducing in the
columns of Harijan} with such remarks as occur to me. If I
flnish my note on it in time, a copy will accompany this letter.

I am glad Radha^ is “slowly but steadily” improving through
vegetarian dietetics. If she recovers completely, I would like you
to write out your experience of this experiment for the sake of
the general reader of Harijan.

By the way, has vegetarianism a real foothold in America
or is it merely a fad of cranks like you and me? Have the
dietetic reformers found anything which can be described as a
complete substitute for milk? I must confess that I have failed
miserably in that direction and, in the absence of the discovery
of a complete substitute, I have come to the conclusion that
some form of animal fat and animal protein is necessary for
human sustenance in health.

You have yourself written ‘Radhabehn’ instead of mere
‘Radha’. According to Indian custom, between friends ‘Radha-
behn’ is mere ‘Radha’. The omission of the suffix behn, meaning
sister, is a mark of great endearment and intimacy. If you
were writing to a casual acquaintance or an utter stranger, then
you will naturally mention ‘Radha’ by her full name ‘Radha-
behn’. Therefore, I dare not call you ‘Govindbhai’ and ‘Radha’

* Vide the preceding item.

^ Addressee’s wife

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

as ‘Radhabehn’. Bhai means brother, but when behn and bhai
are used as suffixes to a name, they have merely an honorific
value.

How are you getting on yourself ? Have you lost all the
physical weakness which you had developed here? Also tell me,
when you write, what you are doing for earning. Or, are you
living on past savings when you were practising as a lawyer?
Love to both of you.

Bapu

Enclosure: 1

Richard B. Gregg, Esq,.

Fuller Memorial Sanatorium
South Attleboro, Mass.

U. S. A.

From a photostat: C. W. 4524

4. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 11, 1947

I did get the news that Shamaldas’ showed bravery and
won the battle.^ But today I am not happy about it. Why
should I talk of my happiness and sorrow? To whom shall I
talk? And who will listen today?

I have taken a vow that I shall not step out of Delhi till
I have achieved something or perished. Therefore it is not pos-
sible for me to go to Kathiawar. Kathiawaris have maintained
friendly relations with Muslims through the ages. If they do so
now, it will certainly have an impact on conditions here. See
that Kathiawar’s honour is not sullied. . . J

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 256

* Shamaldas Gandhi, son of Gandhiji’s elder brother, Lakshmidas Gandhi
^ The Junagadh State subjects, at a meeting held in Bombay on Sep-
tember 25, had challenged the decision of the Nawab of Junagadh to accede
to Pakistan and set up a provisional government, led by Shamaldas Gandhi,
and to take all necessary steps for Junagadh ’s formal accession to India.

In response to a request from the Dewan of Junagadh, the Indian
troops entered Junagadh city and the Government of India took over its
administration on November 9. Vide also pp. 6-9.

^ Omission as in the source

5. FRAGMENT OF LETTER TO A WOMAN WORKERS

November 11, 1947

What you say is true. But you should have so much love
in your heart that the children themselves would have the urge
to finish their household work early and run to you. The at-
traction should be so intense that the parents will ultimately
allow their children to go to you, realizing that the children
are actually growing wiser. From your very long letter and the
fact that you notice no change in the narrow-mindedness of the
villagers even after two years, I feel that you yourself are to
blame in some way. One should be able to discover one’s
own shortcomings. Moreover, I am of the view that it will be
easier for you to work amongst the less intelligent villagers as
you call them, than with the so-called polite and intelligent
people of the cities. Do give serious thought to this letter. If
it is necessary to change your attitude or style, do so; then your
work will shine forth.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 257

6. EXTRACT EROM A LETTER

November 11, 1947

. . A Who knows, my ahimsa might be tested at the fag

end of my life. A proverb says that ‘a dying flame burns the

brighter before it burns itself out.’ Maybe my end is approaching.
I am fully prepared. Everyone should be prepared. I write all
this to explain to you what passes in my mind as I see the way

things are going, as I see the explosion of violence and the

disappearance of human kindness. Try to understand this if you
can; otherwise just watch whatever unfolds itself.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 257

* The addressee had reported lack of enthusiasm among villagers
regarding education of their children.

^ Omission as in the source

7. LETTER TO SAHASRABUDDHE

New Delhi,

November 11, 1947

BHAI SAHASRABUDDHE,

I have your letter. I think that I have not received the
unconditional endorsement by both the parties made on one
document. If this impression is correct, there remains nothing
that I can do. But if my impression is wrong, then I must
not break my word however busy I may be. Yet I would
like to say that you should spare me this responsibility at this
hour. Since I cannot concentrate on any other matter except my
present responsibility, I am afraid my judgement in other mat-
ters might not be as correct as it ought to be.

You must have recovered fully by now.

From a copy of the Hindi : Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy : Pyarelal

8. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

November 11, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I told you yesterday that the Provisional Government had
entered the State of Junagadh at the request of its Prime Minis-
ter’ and Deputy Prime Minister^. I was surprised as well as
happy to tell you this because I had not expected that the strug-
gle which was being carried on on behalf of the people of
Junagadh would have such a happy ending.^ I had also expressed

’ Shah Nawaz Bhutto

^ Major Harvey Jones

^ A Press communique issued by the Government of India said : “the
Regional Commissioner of Rajkot was approached ... by Major Harvey Jones
. . . with a letter from the Junagadh Dewan, appealing to the Government
of India to take over the Junagadh administration ... to save the State from
complete administrative break-down . . . pending honourable settlement of
several issues involved in the Junagadh accession.

We have considered this request and with a view to avoiding chaos in
the State and its repercussions have agreed to take over the administration
of Junagadh with immediate effect.”

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

the fear that if the request of the officials of Junagadh did
not have the sanction from the Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah^, it would
not be proper to feel happy about it right now. Hence, you
would be amazed and distressed to know that the officials of
Pakistan have protested against the Provisional Government as-
suming power on behalf of the people of Junagadh. They have
demanded “withdrawal of Indian troops from the State territory
and relinquishment of the administration to the rightful Govern-
ment and stoppage of violence and invasion of the State by peo-
ple from the Indian Union”. They also say that neither the
Nawab nor the Dewan of Junagadh has any legal authority to
negotiate permanent or provisional settlement with the Indian
Union. According to Pakistan the action of the Government of
India is “a clear violation of the Pakistan territory and a breach
of international law”.

Looking at the Press reports that have appeared yesterday,
I find that there was neither a breach of international law in
this matter, nor any operation by the Union Government to
establish control over the State. As far as I can see, there is no-
thing illegal in the campaign carried on by the Provisional
Government on behalf of the people of Junagadh. It is true
that the Union Government sent military help for the safety of
the whole of Kathiawar at the request of the rulers of Kathia-
war. For that reason, I find nothing illegal in this whole ac-
tion. As against this, whatever the Dewan of Junagadh did by
publicly changing his stand was illegal. I look at the whole
situation like this — the Nawab of Junagadh had no right at all
to accede to Pakistan without the consent of his people, of which
I am told 85% are Hindus.^ The sacred hill of Girnar and
all the temples on it are part of Junagadh. The Hindus have
spent a lot of money on those temples and thousands of pilgrims
go to the Girnar on pilgrimage from all parts of India. In free
India, the whole country belongs to the people. Not even the
smallest portion of it is the private property of the Princes. They
can retain their claim only by becoming trustees of the people
and that is why they would be required to give evidence of
popular support for every action of theirs. True, the Princes have

' Governor-General of Pakistan

^ The Nawab of Junagadh after consenting to accede to India, had
revoked his decision, fled to Pakistan and executed an Instrument of Accession
on September 15 whereby the State was declared to have acceded to Pakistan.
The Government of India refused to accept the accession of Junagadh to
Pakistan in the circumstances in which it was made.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

not yet realized that they are the trustees and representatives of
the people. And it is also true that with the exception of the alert
subjects of some States, the people of all States have not yet
realized themselves as the true rulers of their States. But that
does not diminish the value of the principle I have laid down.

Hence, only the people of a particular State have a legal
right to accede to one of the Unions. If the Provisional Govern-
ment does not represent the people of Junagadh at any stage,
it is merely a group of people who are unjustly occupying seats
of power in the State and it should be driven out by both the
Dominions. If any ruler joins any of the Unions in his personal
capacity, the Dominion cannot stand before the world to justify
his action. From this point of view, I think that the Nawab’s
accession has been baseless from the very beginning till it is
proved that the people of the State have given their consent to
the accession by the Nawab. The dispute as to which Union
Junagadh would finally accede to can be resolved only by taking
public opinion, that is, by referendum. This task should be
properly carried out and should not involve violence or show of
violence. The stand taken by the Government of Pakistan and
now also by the Prime Minister of Junagadh, has created a
strange situation. Who was to decide whether Pakistan was in
the right or the Union Government? One cannot even think
that it can be decided by an appeal to the sword. The only
honourable way is to decide the matter through arbitration. We
can find many impartial individuals in the country itself but, if
the parties concerned cannot agree to arbitration by Indians,
I for one will have no objection to any impartial person from
any part of the world.

Whatever I have said about Junagadh equally applies to
Kashmir' and Hyderabad^. Neither the Maharaja of Kashmir
nor the Nizam of Hyderabad has any authority to accede

' On October 23, some two thousand or more Afridis and other tribes-
men entered the Kashmir State and indulged in loot, arson and murder. In
view of the grave emergency prevailing in the State, Maharaja Harisingh of
the Jammu and Kashmir State appealed to the Indian Union for military help
and signed the Instrument of Accession on October 27.

^ The Nizam wanted “Hyderabad to be an independent sovereign State”
and refused to accede to the Dominion of India. After prolonged discus-
sions between the Government of India and the Nizam, a delegation led by
the Nawab of Chhatari, arrived at a draft standstill agreement on October
22. The Nizam, however, against the advice of his Council, dissolved the
delegation and appointed a new one on October 29. Vide also “Fragment
of A Letter”, 26-11-1947.

LETTER TO MORARJI DESAI

to either Union without the consent of his people. As far
as I know, this point was clarified in the case of Kashmir.' If
it had been only the Maharaja who had wanted to accede to
the Indian Union, I could never support such an act. The Union
Government agreed to the accession for the time being because
both the Maharaja and Sheikh Abdullah^, who is the representa-
tive of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, wanted it. Sheikh
Abdullah came forward because he claims to represent not only
the Muslims but the entire masses in Kashmir.

I have heard people talking in whispers that Kashmir could
be divided. Jammu would come to the Hindus and the Muslims
would have Kashmir. I cannot even think of such divided loy-
alty and division of the Indian States into several parts. Hence,
I hope that the whole of India would act sensibly and this ugly
situation would be avoided soon at least for the sake of lakhs of
Indians who have been compelled to become helpless refugees.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 66-9

9. LETTER TO MORARJI DESAI

November 12, 1947

BHAI MORARjF,

I am dictating this letter to you at 4 in the morning. Dr.
Dinshaw and Jehangir Patel are at present with me. We sat
together and came to the conclusion that Dr. Dinshaw should
earn as much as he needs for his maintenance by charging fees
for the nature-cure treatment he offers outside the Trust'' formed
in Poona. There was a time when we had thought of paying
Dr. Dinshaw his maintenance allowance out of the Trust funds.

* The Government of India, while accepting the accession of Jammu
and Kashmir to India, had “made it clear to the Maharaja that, as soon as
the invaders have been driven from the soil of Kashmir, the people of the
State should decide the question of accession”.

^ Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah (1905-82), President, All-India States’
People’s Conference; President, Jammu and Kashmir National Conference.
After Kashmir’s accession to the Indian Union he was sworn in Head of the
Emergency Administration in Jammu and Kashmir on October 31, 1947.

^ (b. 1896); Minister, Bombay, 1937-39 and 1946-51; Chief Minister of
Bombay, 1952-56; Minister, Union Cabinet, 1956-58, 1958-62; Deputy Prime
Minister, 1967-69; Prime Minister, 1977-79

■' All-India Nature Cure Trust

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

But it was something Dr. Dinshaw could not bring himself to
accept. Then it was thought that he should engage himself in
some other occupation and earn enough for his maintenance.
That also is not possible at present. He should therefore accept
fees from the townspeople, offering them treatment in his own
style and practise nature cure as he conceives it. He should do
it either by expanding his own clinic which he runs in Bom-
bay or with the assistance of the hospital unit at Purandar.
From a broader point of view, between the two I would prefer
Bombay to Purandar. Neither institution has a place for nature
cure as I conceive it. It can be practised only with village
background and nowhere but in a village. At the root of it lies
the great question of changing individual life as well as social
life. This Trust therefore must maintain its separate identity. If the
treatment is meant for the townspeople it must have Govern-
ment’s aid, without which nowadays no accommodation can be
had. In Bombay extra floors will be required where Dr. Dinshaw
carries on his practice, or he will have to have another building
to meet his requirements. The point is that you should offer
Dr. Dinshaw the necessary accommodation in Purandar through
a non-government source at a reasonable rent or cost without
bestowing any special favour on him. The main consideration
here could be nothing but service to the public. The rich can
get nature-cure treatment also by paying for it. We can expect
such accommodation for a person whom the Government regards
as suitable. This letter will not be out of place if only the
Government of Bombay could think about it from this point of
view.

We trustees are considering a different plan for the site
that belongs to Jagtap.’ If we expect the Government to do
anything about it I shall write to you some other time.

I cannot say from here how much land will be required
either in Bombay or in Purandar or where it should be. I ought
to have more information as well as understanding, neither of
which I have. Hence only Dr. Dinshaw and Jehangir can dis-
cuss the matter with you. A similar letter for Dr. Dinshaw.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy : Pyarelal

* Vide pp. 13-4.

10. LETTER TO JEHANGIR PATEL

November 12, 1947

CHI. JEHANGIR,

I have read your letter carefully.

Lack of fertilizers has nothing to do with the poverty of
our soil. There is great divergence of opinion on inorganic ma-
nure. We waste a tremendous quantity of organic manure. It
is all a question of the education of the growers, whether owners
or not.

I have no doubt that food control is an unmixed evil and
it should go.

About alcohol, we must discuss the subject again when we
meet. For the time being do not write anything for publication.

Do return if you can with Dinshaw and we shall discuss
many things.

Love.

Bapu

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

11. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER

November 12, 1947

Today is Diwali day; but the nation has gone bankrupt. . . .'
Let us pray to God that people may see true light. The situa-
tion is tense here. Order cannot be maintained without the
police or the army. Murders and shootings have become com-
mon occurrences. Let us see what I can do.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 262

Omission as in the source

12. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 12, 1947

Shamaldas has, true to his nature, behaved like a Nawab.
Even this does not please me. But no one need worry whether
I am pleased or displeased; nor should anyone care. Ultimately,
everyone has to rely on his own strength. Therein lies the
true success of democracy.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 262

13. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 12, 1947

I appreciate your desire to get your daughter admitted to
the Ashram. Only bear in mind that I am not there. But what
of that? Many others are there. Ashadevi Aryanayakum’ is
there. Kishorelal does not stay there these days. She should
study the complete course under Nayee Talim; also all processes
associated with khadi. She should learn Hindi and Sanskrit
well. If she learns all these subjects with a steady mind, she
will become an expert in my view. And she can teach me
many things if I am still alive at that time.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 262

^ Wife of E. W. Aryanayakum; Joint-Secretary of Hindustani Talimi
Sangh; Editor of Nayee Talim, an organ of the Hindustani Talimi Sangh

14. LETTER TO D. B. JAGTAP

November 12, 1947

BHAI JAGTAP,

I had your letter. Your complaint about this letter of Dr.
Dinshaw should be regarded as directed against me. If you
have been at all humiliated it is my fault, although it could
never have been my intention, for the language in Dr. Din-
shaw’s letter is mine. Won’t you please now forget the matter?
Dr. Dinshaw and Jehangir Patel have been here for the last four-
five days. I had long discussions with them. On the basis of
that I am of opinion that if you wish to reject the Trust Deed
you can do so now, you can also remove the Sanatorium. It
will not involve any legal procedure or even arbitration. You
may, if you want, make some addition to the present list of Dr.
Dinshaw or have a talk with him. I can only say that if you
want the Trust to stay you should donate to the Trust the land
which I was occupying and where the patients were being treat-
ed. This should also include the rear portion which was being
used for the labourers. The place is not to be used for pro-
ducing anything but only to be developed in case we have to
accommodate a few people there for the sake of some patients.
The rest of the land should be returned to you. Then it can-
not have the Sanatorium either. It means that apart from the
land and building I have asked for, you will use the portion
which you are now occupying and which is included in the
schedule. When I am free myself from the work here, the other
trustees and I can live on the premises donated to the Trust.
Dinshaw, his wife, mother and such other relatives as can be
accommodated on the premises can live there; the Trust has
recognized their right to reside on the premises. Jehangir says
you have another complaint that Dr. Dinshaw does not at all
intend to let me be your guest. This is not correct. If my
suggestion is accepted, even if I stay in the house donated by
you, I shall still be your guest because, if you wish, arrangements
for goat’s milk, etc., will be made by you. Goats, etc., cannot
be kept on the premises I expect from you. I may say one more
thing, namely, that you are going to lose nothing by your
donation to the Trust. Dr. Dinshaw has invested more than a

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

lakh in your property. He has also spent a substantial sum on
the construction of bathrooms and a steamhouse, etc., on the
premises I am asking for. If you take all the land these expen-
sive additions will be of no use to you. Now you may do whatever
you think proper. You can have a further talk in this connec-
tion with Dr. Dinshaw and Jehangir.

From a copy of the Hindi : Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy : Pyarelal

15. A LETTER

November 12, 1947

I don’t know how long I shall have to stay here. Take it
that I have to ‘do or die’. I have no middle course.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 262

16. TALK WITH MUSLIM STUDENTS

New Delhi,

November 12, 1947

Truly speaking, there should not be too many student or-
ganizations. There should be one students’ body, and differences
of caste and creed should have no place in it. In the present
critical situation the Muslim students and youths, if they make
up their minds, can render great service. You should say, ‘We
are of course Muslims. You may not trust us. Still we entreat
you to trust us for the moment and accept our services.’ If
your hearts are pure and if you would serve India, there can be
no better service than this at the present juncture.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 263

17. BROADCAST TO REFUGEES AT KURUKSHETRA CAMP^

November 12, 1947

MY SUFFERING BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I do not know if it is only you or whether others too are
listening in to me today. ^ This is only my second experience at
the radio. My first was many years ago^ when I was in Lon-
don for the Round Table Conference. Though I am speaking
from the Broadcasting House, I am not interested in such talks.
To suffer with the afflicted and try to relieve their suffering has
been my life’s work. I hope, therefore, that you will accept
this talk in that light.

I was distressed when I heard that over two lakhs of refu-
gees had arrived at Kurukshetra and more were pouring in.
The moment the news came to me, I longed to be with you but
I could not get away at once from Delhi because the Congress
Working Committee meetings were being held and my presence
was required. Seth Ghanshyamdas Birla suggested that I should
broadcast a message to you and hence this talk.

Quite by accident, Gen. Nathusingh who has organized the
Kurukshetra Camp came to see me two days ago and told
me about your sufferings. The Central Government asked the
military to take over the organization of your Camp, not be-
cause they wanted to coerce you in any way, but simply be-
cause the military are used to doing such organization and know
how to do so efficiently.

Those who suffer know their sufferings best of all. Yours
is not an ordinary camp where it is possible for everyone to
know each other. Yours is really a city and your only bond
with your co-refugees is your suffering.

1 was sorry to learn that there is not that co-operation with
authority or with your neighbours that there ought to be in
order to make the Camp a success. I can serve you best by
drawing attention to your shortcomings. That has been my life’s

’ As Gandhiji was escorted to the studio he remarked: “You can regard
me as an almost uncivilized person and tutor me about my talk.” Gandhiji
spoke in Hindustani.

2 The following two sentences are reproduced from The Hindustan Times.

3 On September 13, 1931. Vide Vol. XLVIII, pp. 8-10.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

motto, for therein lies true friendship and my service is not
only for you or India; it extends to the world, for I know no
barriers of race or creed. If you can get rid of your failings, you
will benefit not only yourselves but the whole of India.

It pains me to know that many of you are without shel-
ter. This is a real hardship, particularly in the cold weather
which is severe in the Punjab, and it is increasing daily. Your
Government is trying to do everything it can for you. The bur-
den is heaviest, of course, on your Prime Minister^ The Health
Department which is served by RajkumarP and Dr. Jivraj Mehta^
is also working very hard to lighten your sufferings. No other
government could have done better in this crisis. The calamity
is immense and the Government too have its limitations. But
it is up to you to face your sufferings with as much fortitude
and patience as you can summon to your aid and as cheerfully
as you can.

Today is Diwali. But there can be no lighting of chirags^
for you or for anyone. Our Diwali will be best celebrated by
service of you and you will celebrate it by living in your Gamp
as brothers and looking upon everyone as your own. If you
will do that you will come through victorious.

The General told me of all that still needed to be done in
Kurukshetra. He told me that no more refugees should be sent
there. It seems as if there was no proper screening of refugees and
it is hard to understand why they come and are dumped in
various places without proper intimation to the local authority.
In my post-prayer speech last evening I criticized the East
Punjab Government for this state of affairs. I have just had a
letter from one of their ministers to say that the fault is not
theirs but the Central Government is responsible for it.

Now that all governments, whether central or provincial,
belong to the people, it does not befit one to throw the blame
on the other. All must work together for the general good. I tell
you this in order that you may realize your own responsibility also.

You must help in the maintenance of discipline in the Camp.
You must take the sanitation of the place in your hands. I have

*Jawaharlal Nehru

^ Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, Minister for Health in the Union Cabinet

^ Gandhiji’s personal physician; Director-General of Health Services,
Government of India, 1947; Dewan of Baroda, 1948-49; Minister of Public
Works in Bombay, 1952, and later of Finance; Ghief Minister of Gujarat,
1960-63; High Commissioner in London, 1963-66
Earthen lamps

BROADCAST TO REFUGEES AT KURUKSHETRA CAMP

known the Punjab well since the Martial Law daysh I know the
good qualities and failings of the Punjabis. One of them, and
that is not confined to the Punjab alone, is the utter lack of
knowledge of social hygiene and sanitation. Therefore it is that I
have often said that we must all become Harijans. If we do, we
shall grow in stature. I ask you, therefore, to help your doctors
and your Camp officials — every one of you, men, women and
even children — to keep Kurukshetra clean.

The next thing I want to ask you to do is to share your
rations. Be content with what you get. Do not take or demand
more than your share. Community kitchens are a thing which
should be cultivated. In this way too you can serve each other.

1 must also draw your attention to the danger of refugees get-
ting accustomed to eating the bread of idleness. They are apt to
think that it is Government’s duty to do everything for them.
Government’s duty is certainly there but that does not mean
that your own duty ceases. You must live for others and not
only for yourselves. Idleness is demoralizing for everyone and it
will certainly not help us successfully to get over this crisis.

A sister from Goa came to see me the other day and I was
delighted to learn from her that many women in your Camp
are anxious to spin. It is good to have the desire to do creative
work which helps. You must all refuse to be a burden on the
State. You must be as sugar is to milk. You will become one
with your surroundings and thus help to share with your Govern-
ment the burden that has fallen on them. All camps should
really be self-supporting but perhaps that may be too high an
ideal to place before you today. All the same I do ask you not
to despise any work but rejoice in doing anything that comes
your way in order to serve and thus make Kurukshetra an ideal
place.

The response to my appeal for warm clothing and quilts and
blankets^ has been very good. People have responded well to the
Sardar’s^ appeal too. Your share of these is also there. But if
you quarrel among yourselves and some take more than their due,
it will not be well with you. Your suffering is grave even now
but wrong action will make it even worse.

Finally, I am not one of those who believe that you who
have left your lands and homes in Pakistan have been uprooted

^ In April-May 1919

2 Vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 283-5.

^ Vallabhbhai Patel, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister-in-charge, Home,
States and Information and Broadcasting

90-2

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

from there for all time. Nor do I believe that such will be the
case with the thousands of Muslims who have been obliged to leave
India. I for one shall not rest content and will do all that lies in
my power to see that all are reinstated and are ahle to return
with honour and safety from where they have today been driven
out. I shall continue as long as I live to work for this end. The
dead cannot be brought back to life, but we can work for those
who are alive. If we do not do so it will be an eternal blot on
both India and Pakistan and therein will lie ruin for both of us.

Harijan, 23-11-1947. Also The Hindustan Times, 14-11-1947

18. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 12, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Today is Diwali and I congratulate all of you on the occasion.
It is a great day in the Hindu calendar. According to the Vikram
Samvat, New Year begins tomorrow on Thursday’. You must
understand why Diwali is celebrated every year with illuminations.
In the great battle between Rama and Ravana, Rama symbolized
the forces of good and Ravana the forces of evil. Rama con-
quered Ravana and this victory established Ramarajya in India.

But alas! Today there is no Ramarajya in India. So how can
we celebrate Diwali? Only those who have Rama within can
celebrate this victory. For, God alone can illumine our souls and
only that light is real light. The bhajarH that was sung today
emphasizes the poet’s^ desire to see God. Crowds of people go
to see artificial illumination but what we need today is the light
of love in our hearts. We must kindle the light of love within.
Then only would we deserve congratulations. Today thousands are
in acute distress. Can you, everyone of you, lay your hand on
your heart and say that every sufferer, whether Hindu, Sikh or
Muslim, is your own brother or sister? This is the test for you.
Rama and Ravana are symbols of the unending struggle be-
tween the forces of good and evil. True light comes from within.

With what a sad heart has Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru returned
after seeing wounded Kashmiri He was unable to attend the

’ According to the Gujarati calendar

^ “Light thy heart and sweep out from there evil thoughts and anger.”
Vide Vol. XLIV, p. 463, hymn 251.

^ Ranchhod

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

Working Committee meeting yesterday and also this afternoon.
He has brought some flowers from Baramula* for me. I always
cherish such gifts of nature. But today loot, arson and bloodshed
have spoiled the beauty of that lovely land. Jawaharlal had been
to Jammu also. There too all is not well.

Sardar Patel had to go to Junagadh at the request of Shri
Shamaldas Gandhi and DhebarbhaP who had sought his advice.
Both Jinnah and Bhutto are angry because they feel that the
Indian Government has deceived them and is pressing Juna-
gadh to accede to the Union.

It is the duty of everyone to banish hatred and suspicion
from his heart in order to establish peace and goodwill in the
country. If you do not feel the presence of God within you and
do not forget your petty internal quarrels, success in Kashmir or
Junagadh would prove futile. Diwali cannot be celebrated till
you bring back all the Muslims who have fled in fear. Pakistan
also would not survive if it does not do likewise with the Hindus
and Sikhs who have run away from there. ^

Tomorrow I shall tell you what I can about the Congress
Working Committee. May you and all India be happy in the
new year which begins on Thursday. May God illumine your
hearts so that you can serve not only each other or India but the
whole world.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 69-71

' After a brutal attack by the raiders the town was recaptured by
the Indian troops.

^ U. N. Dhebar (1905-77); organized Rajkot Mill Kamdar Mazdoor
Sangh; Minister of Saurashtra, 1948, President, Indian National Congress,
1955-59; Chairman, Scheduled Tribe Areas Commission, 1960; elected to Lok
Sabha, 1962; President of Bharatiya Adim Jati Sangh, 1962-64

^ Gandhiji then referred to his visit to the Broadcasting House.

19. LETTER TO MANIBHAI B. DESAI

New Delhi,

November 12, 1947

CHI. MANIBHAI,

I have your letter of the 5th. I had a long discussion with
Dr. Dinshaw and Jehangir Patel.

I am glad that the inauguration is to be done by Kakasahebb

Tell all the friends at Uruli that I am both happy and sorry
that I shall not be able to attend the function. I am happy be-
cause the work I am doing here is also, according to me, part
of the work that is being done at Uruli; for, the nature cure of
my conception includes treatment of both body and mind. If we
look at the matter from that point of view, curing the people
here of their psychological perversion is bound to have an effect
in Uruli also and would serve as a fine illustration of nature cure.

I am not sorry that Gokhale and Paramanand have left. It
will be enough if Dr. Bhagwat^ stays on. I should be glad if
Dhiru clings to the institution till the end and observes all the
rules, too. But I will be satisfied if at least Balkoba^ and you'^
remain. That is, I should be very pleased even if you alone decide
to dedicate your life to Uruli. By and by you will find other
workers from the local population. I should think it a disgrace
to have to import workers from outside. It would mean failure of
nature cure.

The present heavy burden on you will not last. You should
admit only as many patients as you can easily look after. If you
can persuade some young men there to volunteer their services,
you can train them. You will need a woman worker from outside.
By yourself, you will not be able to attract any woman worker
from among the local people. Let us see what the future brings.

The division into nature cure, village uplift work and Ashram
life seems all right to me. But from the point of view of nature

* D. B. Kalelkar (1885-1981); educationist, litterateur and a close asso-
ciate of Gandhiji; Vice-Chancellor of Gujarat Vidyapith, 1928-36; President,
Hindustani Prachar Sabha

^ Dr. A. K. Bhagwat

^ Balkrishna Bhave, younger brother of Vinoba Bhave
The addressee was manager of the Nature Cure Clinic at Uruli Kanchan

LETTER TO MANIBHAI B. DESAI

cure the three are indivisible. When you develop nature cure to
its highest potential, it will include village uplift work also.
And I cannot conceive of nature cure for village people which
does not imply the Ashram ideal of life. If you start cultivation
work through the institution itself and with the help of paid
labourers, I think you will have to repent it in the end. But
notwithstanding this view of mine, I shall accept what all of
you decide to do after careful thinking.

Since Bhansali’ sees a flaw in the offer of the donation, I
would prefer to decline it. It seems pointless to me to accept the
thing on a ninety-nine-year lease.

Jehangir told me about everybody.

I have already tried to explain why we should prefer cows
to buffaloes. If Balkrishna cannot collect the required amount,
forget about that scheme. The matter is not worth worrying
about at all. I shall be able to say more after I know the final
outcome.

It would be best, of course, if Premabehn^ undertakes some
work there on behalf of the Kasturba Memorial Fund. But we
can assume no financial liability for such work. You may permit
her to do what she can within the limits of the Kasturba Fund.

Do not entertain any hope of being able to get an expert
on nature cure from outside. Acquire whatever knowledge you
yourself can. If Dhiru stays there, he also should become pro-
ficient in it. He already knows a little.

If you get any nature-cure expert who does not agree to
abide by the Ashram rules, I will not accept him as suitable for
our purpose. I will write to Dr. Bhagwat afterwards, as also
to Balkrishna.

I am dictating this at night. I must not overexert myself
now.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati : C. W. 2723. Courtesy : Manibhai B. Desai

’ Jayakrishna P. Bhansali

^ Prema Kantak, Agent of Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust
Maharashtra

20. NO INCONSISTENCY

A subscriber to the Harijan presents as follows what appears
to him to be a conundrum to which I have sent the following
reply :

The other day you admitted* that you had not seen God face to
face. In the Preface^ to My Experiments with Truth you have stated that
you have seen God in the embodiment of Truth from a far distance.
The two statements appear to be incompatible. Kindly elucidate for
proper understanding.

There is a big gulf between ‘seeing God face to face’ and
‘seeing Him in the embodiment of Truth from a far distance’.
In my opinion the two statements are not only not incompatible
but each explains the other. We see the Himalayas from a very
great distance and when we are on the top we have seen the
Himalayas face to face. Millions can see them from hundreds of
miles away if they are within the range of that seeing distance,
but few having arrived at the top after years of travel see them
face to face. This does not seem to need elucidation in the
columns of the Harijan. Nevertheless, I send your letter and my
reply for publication in the Harijan, lest there may be some like
you who think that there is any inconsistency between the two
statements quoted by you.

November 13, 1947
Harijan, 23-11-1947

1 Vide Vol. LXXXVIII, p. 407.

2 Vide Vol. XXXIX, pp. 1-5.

21. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 13, 1947

The New Year commences from today. Of course you have
my blessings. But it would seem my blessings have no value
these days. May God grant us new strength and wisdom so that
we may overcome our present madness.

What shall I write about language? My view is clear, namely,
the national language should be such as can be spoken by mil-
lions of our countrymen. But we behave, knowingly or unknow-
ingly, as if it was our birthright to oppose and contest every
issue. As a result, we are able to achieve nothing. Though I do
like to face such difficulties and am able to overcome them also,
have you ever considered how much of our energy and time is
wasted over this? Often a person who raises opposition is consi-
dered to be a leader and, therefore, those who aspire to become
leaders oppose things. But we are what we are and we have to
find a way out of the existing difficulties.

“The path is surrounded by thick darkness; will that arrest
your step?”'

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 270

22. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 13, 1947

. . The restoration of peace in Calcutta was due to the
Muslims there and the credit should go to them.^ Suhrawardy
and his co-workers had helped me there. The situation in
Delhi is quite different. Here I don’t find a single responsible
Muslim who can approach the Hindus, if only to die, or whose

' A Bengali song by Rabindranath Tagore

^ Omission as in the source

^ At the instance of Muslim friends Gandhiji had prolonged his stay in
Calcutta in August, 1947. He stayed with H. S. Suhrawardy, the ex-Chief
Minister of Bengal, under a Muslim roof in a disturbed area and they went
round together to establish harmony between the two communities. Vide
also Vol. LXXXIX, p. 116.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

word weighs with the Muslims. Maulana Saheb* and the nation-
alist Muslims have also lost this strength. Hence my work here
is much more difhcult than it was in Calcutta. I am doubtful
whether I shall fulfil my vow of doing something here. But my
other vow, that of dying, will certainly be fulfilled. For that I
have not the least worry. May God take from me whatever work
He intends me to do.

If all of you stay there and carry on constructive work, it
will certainly have its impact. We had recognized the need for
constructive work when we were slaves. We will need it many
times more to transform swaraj into surajya^. Let not anyone think
that the 18-point programme^ is of no use now that we have
attained freedom.

Today is the New Year day. May God light our path and
cleanse our impure hearts.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 271

23. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 13, 1947

I have your letter. I was very much pained to read it. . .
Where are we going today? What is happening to us? I fail
to understand why we think or say that we should not have a
single Muslim in our country. If that happens, let me tell you
that you will once again be slaves. I intentionally write “you”
because I do not wish to see slavery again. I hope God will take
me away before such a day comes.

Today is our New Year day. May God grant good sense to
all of us and guide us on the right path.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, pp. 270-1

’ Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958); President, All-India Khilafat Com-
mittee, 1920; President of Unity Conference (Delhi), 1924; President, Indian
National Congress, 1923 and 1940-46; Minister for Education in the Union
Cabinet

^ Good government

^ For Gandhiji’s booklet on the Constructive Programme, vide Vol.
LXXV, pp. 146-66.

Omission as in the source

24. TALK WITH DAHYABHAI AND TASHODA FATED

New Delhi,

November 13, 1947

I do not wish to be sarcastic but this language slavery has
gone so deep that one begins to wonder. When even Sardar
Vallabhbhai Patel’s daughter-in-law, who, poor thing, certainly
does not know much English, is so obsessed with teaching her
son English words, what am I to say of others? It makes me un-
happy. If mothers could solve this question of language we
could be free of English and develop the national language.
Without doubt English is a very rich and beautiful language.
And if one learns it or teaches it out of love for it I should have
no objection. But thus to impose words on an innocent child
is nothing but an instance of our deep-rooted and incurable
slavery.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 272-3

25. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 13, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Yesterday was Diwali and today is the New Year. I have
heard and I heard it all the more yesterday that Delhi has great
illuminations on Diwali day which perhaps beat even the illumi-
nations in Bombay. There are magnificent illuminations in
Bombay every year. I was pleased to hear that people had
realized that this is not the time to celebrate Diwali. But the
superstition still persists that there should be at least some lights
on Diwali day. Hence, oil lamps were seen at some places. There
were some electric lights, too, though very few. I do not go out
but I get all the information.

^ They had come to Gandhiji with their little son. On Gandhiji’s
offering him a piece of bread the mother insisted that the child should say
‘thank you’.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

The new year begins today. I had already mentioned it
yesterday, but I may as well refer to it again. On New Year
day we make some pious resolutions and by the grace of God
try to follow them all through the year. If we do this, and if
the atmosphere prevailing today changes and the Hindus and
Muslims live together in amity, we shall have a right to cele-
brate the next Diwali with illuminations. We can accomplish
nothing by regarding one another as enemies. That is why I
stressed that this is no occasion for an outward celebration of
Diwali. We should try to illumine our hearts. Rama resides in
our hearts and there is a continuous battle between Rama and
Ravana raging inside us. If, in our hearts and not outside, Ravana
triumphs over Rama, it means that there is no light but dark-
ness in our hearts. If, instead, it is Rama who triumphs over
Ravana, then there is indeed light in our hearts and this entitles
us to have illuminations outside as well. Hence, all is well if the
light outside is the symbol of the light within. Instead, if there is
darkness in our hearts and we have illuminations outside and try
to convince ourselves that everything is fine, we are hypocrites
and liars. I only hope that we are never untruthful.

I told you yesterday that I would say something about the
meetings of Congress Working Committee. There was no
time yesterday because I did not want to take more than fifteen
minutes. Today is the third day of the Congress Working Com-
mittee meeting. It is still in session. One important thing that
I am entitled to tell you is that the members of the Working
Committee and others’ who have been specially invited by Acharya
Kripalani^ have been sitting together in the meetings for the
last three days. It is a good thing that they are unanimously of
the opinion that it has been the policy of the Congress since its
inception, that is, for the last sixty years, that Congress is not an
institution that propagates any particular religion. There are
people of all religions in the Congress or, say, because it belongs to
people of different religions, it does not belong to any one parti-
cular religion. It is an organization of the masses and it has

’ The special invitees to the Congress Working Committee meeting were :
B. G. Kher, Pattabhi Sitaramayya, S. K. Patil, Jayaprakash Narayan, Kamaraj
Nadar, Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew and Prof. N. G. Ranga.

^J. B. Kripalani (1888-1982); Principal, Gujarat Vidyapith, 1920-27,
General Secretary of the Indian National Congress, 1934-45; its President,
1946-47; Member, Constituent Assembly; started the Krishak Mazdoor Praja
Party which later merged into the Praja Socialist Party; resigned from the
Praja Socialist Party in 1954

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

to function only for political goals. It does not remain a religious
body if it functions that way. Supposing one of the policies of
the Congress is to provide food to all the people, to be true to its
name it must provide food for everybody. If the Congress provides
food only to those who are with it or, say, only to the Hindus
and the Sikhs because they are in a majority and allows others
to starve and says that it is not bothered about them, it would
be a religious body superficially but in fact it would become an
irreligious organization. If it advocates service of only those who
are its followers and wants others to be killed, it would not be
dharma, but adharma} in the name of dharma.

If I am a worshipper of Rama and do not worship any god,
the law cannot force me to do so. It is another matter if I act
against my faith or become a coward and say that a particular
man is carrying a sword and that if I do not obey him he would
kill me. But, if I am not a coward, when I am forced to worship
Allah instead of Rama, I should have, and I have, a right to
insist that I would worship only Rama and not Allah. All that
the other person can do is to cut my throat. Let him do so.
Then it is a matter of faith, which we call personal or individual
dharma. There is no power on earth which can destroy one’s
personal dharma. Of course, it can be destroyed when the indi-
vidual himself wants to do it, or when, instead of light, there is
only darkness in one’s heart. In such circumstances, when
he cannot make up his mind he takes help from someone or
just follows the bidding of some other person because he is sur-
rounded by darkness. But the person who is steadfast in his
faith would listen to the command only of God and none else.
Likewise, when an organization functions for the welfare of the
people, only the things which are consistent with dharma apply
to everybody and nothing else. And in this way it embodies
dharma and not adharma. That, in my view, is the true meaning
of politics and the Congress has followed this from the time of
its inception. You should be happy that it is so, whether you
belong to the Congress or not. Even I do not belong to the
Congress. But so what? After all, I have been a Congress
worker and have served it. What does it matter if I do not pay
four annas for membership? I must pay the membership fee of
four annas if I want to be its President. But that is not the
question. If all of you think like me, it is really remarkable. It
is good if you have registered yourselves as Congress members. It

* Contrary to dharma

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

is well, too, if you are serving the Congress from outside. I
have been sitting with the Congress Working Committee for the

past three days. There are many differences of opinion in the

Working Committee. The members are human beings after all,
they are not stones. One member says one thing and another
member says something else. There may be differences of opin-
ion, but there should be no contradiction in behaviour. That
is why they spent three days in discussing these differences.
But they are all united about one thing, that is, that the Cong-
ress should continue to be what it has been so far. If in the

process it has to perish, let it perish. Of course it cannot be
completely wiped out, though it can remain in minority. And
I doubt if it is in majority at present. For there should have
been no Pakistan if the Congress were in majority. I can quote
many instances to show how much the Muslims have been op-
pressed in India. But what should I say? You know more than
I do. Have the Hindus and the Sikhs in Pakistan been oppres-
sed less? But let us not talk about it. It is not for us to think
of those things. Should I stop following my religion because
others in the world do not adhere to theirs? That is why the
Congress, whether it is in majority or minority, must adhere to
its original objective. It is framing its resolutions from that
point of view. It wants to present its views in a straightfor-
ward, sincere manner. What can be more straightforward
than that we do not wish to compel a single Muslim to go
away from here? The point is not whether the Muslims are
good or bad. Can we claim that only angels have a right to
live in India, and, if not angels, only good people can remain
here? And, if only the good people can live here, are there no
bad or wicked people among the Hindus and the Sikhs? And
if there are wicked people among them, what would you say to
them? Would you order them to leave and threaten to cut
their throats with a sword if they refused to oblige? You have
no right to consider anybody wicked or to kill him. We have
committed excesses against the Muslims. There may be some
exaggeration in the reports I receive every day. But ultimately
I find that there is truth in those reports. When anything is
done in the name of the Congress, the A. I. C. C. has to be sum-
moned. The plenary session of the Congress is held once a year.
It is like a big show and because there is such a big crowd nobody
can even think clearly. But they know that the A. I. C. C.
carries on its work with due deliberation and so they put
their seal on what it does. Thus the A. I. C. C. is always on

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

the alert. It is going to meet the day after tomorrow. It is
the Working Committee which has to place the agenda before
the A. I. C. C. It is subservient to the A. I. C. C. If the Working
Committee does not place the agenda before it, then the A. I. C. C.
can say that they have not functioned well and the members of
the Working Committee have to resign. The A. I. C. C. can form
the Working Committee or terminate it. If the A. I. C. C. does
not accept its proposals or makes great amendments to those
proposals, then also it should resign. That is why the Working
Committee says that it wants to do everything in the name of
the A. I. C. C. If it does anything in its own name, it does not
have the same effect. For, what is the use of 15 individuals
proclaiming that not a single Muslim should be killed? If the
same thing is done in the name of the A. I. C. C., its effect is
much greater. That is why I have been advising the Congress
Working Committee for the past three days that it should cate-
gorically state that this is the only thing it wishes to carry out.
Let us not worry if this pleases the people or displeases them.
If we are true servants of the Congress, then this is the only
thing we have to do. Let the A. I. C. C. brush it aside if it so
wishes. After all we, and also Pakistan, have to stand before
the world. We do many things because we are worried about
what the world may say. I would say that you should do only
what you think is correct. Then the world too would regard it
as correct. It is said that the word of the Panch^ is like the word
of God. The world is like the Punch. That is why what the
world says is divine justice in the true sense.

The Working Committee is in session today. It would be
meeting again tomorrow. It is my prayer that it should place
before the A. I. C. C. such a resolution which would bring victory
to India and everybody would be able to live in peace here.
It does not mean that we should let the traitors do as they
please. But we should not take it for granted that a particular
person is a traitor. If someone is proved to be a traitor, you
may kill him, hang him, shoot him. But if you say that no
Muslim can ever be loyal or that only the Hindus and the Sikhs
have a monopoly of loyalty, then I would say that it would be
a grave thing. I am confident that the Congress would never
do such a thing. You must also pray that through the advice
of the Congress we and the whole country as well as other parts
of the world rise high. The Congress is meant only to raise

^ Elected members of a village panchayat; also, an arbitrator

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

the country high. But the Congress does not wish to raise it-
self by depriving anybody of his wealth or other property. The
Congress would die for the sake of the whole world, but would
not kill anyone. This has been the objective of the Congress,
not since I entered it, but for many years. The Congress has
tried to prevent the Europeans who come here from looting the
country, so that people of Asia and Africa could live in peace.
India has to remain alive for this purpose. It is for this that
India has attained her independence and for no other purpose.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan— II, pp. 71-7

26. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

Birla House, New Delhi,

November 14, 1947

For the last few days meetings of the Working Committee
have been going on. Its resolutions, I am sure, will be good.
How far they will be put into practice God only knows. My
suggestion is that, in so far as the Congress was intended solely
to achieve swaraj and that purpose has been gained — personally
I do not think that what we have gained is swaraj but at
least it is so in name — this organization should be wound up
and we should put to use all the energies of the country.
In this way we shall be able to do a great deal. For instance,
Jayaprakash' has immense energy. But he does not come
forward because of party considerations. I therefore feel that if
the country can get the benefit of whatever energy each one of
us has, it will prosper.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 278

* Jayaprakash Narayan (1902-79); one of the founders of the All-
India Congress Socialist Party; member, Congress Working Committee, 1936;
leading member of the Socialist Party and the Praja Socialist Party; joined
the Bhoodan and the Sarvodaya movements

27. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 14, 1947

. . In no other country are widows insulted as much as
they are in our country. But I place widows in the category
of spiritual riskis. I do not have the least hesitation in advising
you and other sisters to organize yourselves and see that if
widows are not allowed to be present on auspicious occasions,
or if restrictions are imposed on their diet or dress, the same
rules apply to widowers. It is another matter if a wife
voluntarily makes a sacrifice on the death of her husband.
But I have no doubt that the rigidity of social customs and
conventions must be broken.

I am keeping well. I am dictating this letter to Chi. Manu.
I am lying under a covering because it is cold. It is now 5.30
a. m. I snatch a nap while dictating letters. The work in Delhi
is arduous. God will do what He chooses. Why should we
worry over it? However, I think some untoward events are
taking place. I expect you will understand a lot from these few
words. A word is enough for the wise.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 278-9

* Omission as in the source

28. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 14, 1947

I have no doubt at all that so long as prominent people
do not propagate Hindustani, it will decline. That means that
our culture will die. It is our misfortune that these days in
our homes father and son and brothers and sisters speak only
English. Not even their own mother tongue! When the ocean
is on fire who can put out the fire?

Tours,

M. K. Gandhi

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 279

29. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 14, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

When I was on fast* in the Aga Khan Palace which was
turned into a jail to imprison me, Sarojini Devi^, Mirabehn^ and
MahadevbhaP, this bhajart’ had captured me. Here I do not wish
to go into the causes of the fast.

1 would like to mention only one thing in that connec-
tion, and it is that I survived for 21 days not because of the
amount of water I used to drink, or the orange juice which I
took for some days, or the extraordinary medical care, but be-
cause I had installed in my heart God whom I call Rama. I
was so much attracted by the lines of this bhajan that I in-
structed the persons concerned to send me the correct words by

* From February 10 to March 3, 1943; vide Vol. LXXVII.

2 Sarojini Naidu (1879-1949); poetess and orator; President of the Indian
National Congress in 1925; Governor of U. P., 1947-49

^ Nee Madeleine Slade; joined Gandhiji in 1925
Mahadev Desai (1892-1942); Gandhiji’s private secretary from 1917 till
his death on August 15, 1942

5 4il ^ fldtt 314^ I “I depend solely on my Rama,

all others are of no avail,” a bhajan by Tulsidas

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

telegram, as I had forgotten those words at the time. I was
very happy when I received the whole bhajan by reply telegram.
The essence of the bhajan is that Ramanama is everything and
other gods count for nothing compared to Him. I am mention-
ing this instructive episode in my life because I want the A. I. C. C.
members to think and deliberate with God in their hearts when
they meet for the important session on Saturday. They will
have to do so because they are representatives of all Congress-
men. Hence, if the leading Congressmen have Satan instead of
God in their hearts they are not true to their salt.

The Working Committee discussed for full three hours the
resolutions to be placed before the A. I. C. C. During the discus-
sion the question arose as to how the Hindu and the Sikh re-
fugees could be honourably and safely sent back to their homes
in West Punjab. They came to the conclusion that the trouble
started from the Pakistan side, but they also realized that when
the wrong was copied on such a large scale and when the Hindus
and the Sikhs resorted to acts of retaliation in East Punjab
and the adjoining areas of the Union, the question of where
the trouble started became insignificant. If the A. I. C. C. could
claim with confidence that so far as the Indian Union was con-
cerned, the days of madness were over and sanity reigned from
one end of the Union to the other, the Committee could also
say that the Dominion of Pakistan would be obliged to call back
the Hindu and Sikh refugees with honour and safety. Such a
situation can be created only when all Hindus and Sikhs install
Rama in their hearts instead of Ravana. For, when you drive
Satan out of your hearts and give up the present madness, every
Muslim child will be able to move about with as much freedom
as a Hindu or a Sikh child. Then, I have no doubt, the
Muslim refugees who have left their homes under duress will
gladly come over and the way will be cleared for the honourable
and safe return of the Hindu and Sikh refugees to Pakistan.

Will my words have an echo in your hearts and will the
A. I. C. C. be able to come to a wise and just conclusion?

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 78-9

90-3

30. MESSAGE TO STUDENTS' PEACE CONEERENCE'-

New Delhi,
[On or before November 15, 1947Y

An auspicious deed needs no blessings, for it is ever blessed.
The Hindustan Times, 16-11-1947

31. LETTER TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI

November 15, 1947

I know that I cannot realize Truth if I get impatient.
That in the judgment of the world I may seem to have overcome
my ego is of little consequence. And if that belief is not true,
my realization of ahimsa and truth is imperfect. Then the argu-
ment about the success of ahimsa does not arise at all. Where
ahimsa is perfect, there can be no failure. One must, therefore,
conclude that whenever ahimsa is found to have failed, that
ahimsa cannot be perfect. Who is qualified to pass judgment
as to its success or failure is of course another matter. I
myself cannot see the traces of ego and impatience that may
be lurking within me. Only other people can observe them to
some extent. But God alone sees the whole truth. I should not
give the slightest impression, either, that I rebuke the Hindus
more than the Muslims.

[From Gujarati]

Bapuni Prasadi, p. 221

* & 2 The Conference began at Agra on November 15.

32. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 15, 1947

I find that God keeps me wide awake these days. How
grateful I am! I often think how blind I was years ago; or
was it that God had deliberately made me blind? If I say
that, however, I think I would be trying to avoid blame in a
subtle way; hence only the first half of the previous sentence
is correct. You are a student of the Vedas and the Shastras
and therefore, I presume, you will understand what I mean.

Recently there was an incident. I have with me two young
girls. They are almost of the same age; but not of equal edu-
cation. One of them, it may be said, was brought up by me at
Aga Khan Palace since her childhood. She is my grand-
daughter. The other . . .* is also a close relation. I have put
Ghi. Manu to various tests in Noakhali. She is younger than
... by one year. It must be said that by now Chi. Manu has
learnt a good many things. But I have not been able to im-
press even the importance of prayer on ... It is more desirable
that we accept her as she is, rather than that I should forcibly
wake her up or make her do things that please me. I there-
fore indulge her. But I have to look into my own heart to
ascertain whether it is awake or sleeping. You must have seen
my speech of yesterday. I do not think it will produce any
effect. When a girl like . . . cannot see the importance of prayer,
how can people understand what I said? God will do what
He pleases. I consider it a good omen that my faith is grow-
ing every day. I hope you take good care of your health.
You have still to do much work. And you must aspire to live
for 150 years. How is nature cure progressing? I must do or
die here. So there is no middle path.

Blessings to all.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, pp. 284-5

’ The name has been omitted in the source.

33. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 15, 1947

. . I must admit that there are differences of opinion
between the two. . . No one can have any objection to mere
differences of opinion. But it is bad when personal relations
become strained on account of that. I am trying to make them
see this. Not that what I say will be of any avail. And
though I know all this, still I have to do or die in Delhi.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 286

34. LETTER TO CHANDRANI

New Delhi,

November 15, 1947

CHI. CHAND,

What a girl you are! Dev^ arrived here only today; he will
leave after two or three days’ stay here. Your mother must
have reached there.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: Chandrani Papers. Courtesy: Gandhi
National Museum and Library

* & ^ Omissions as in the source
3 Dev Prakash Nayyar

35. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 15, 1947

The more I look within the more I feel that God is with
me. He does not have two hands and two feet. My God is
Formless and Faultless and it is He who is giving me strength.
These days the Working Gommittee meeting is going on and
I am doing some plain speaking with them. We shall perish if
we become cowards, that is, the Congress will die. I have no
doubt about this.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 285-6

36. SPEECH AT A. I. C.C. MEETING

November 15, 1947

I have come in your midst today. I came to Delhi* not
to stay for long, but since my arrival many things have happened
which should not have happened. And so I have had to pro-
long my stay here instead of proceeding to the Punjab. This
explains my presence in your midst today.

I had made a vow to do or die. When the occasion comes
I shall indeed either do or die. I have seen enough to realize
that though not all of us have gone mad, a sufficiently large
number have lost their heads. What is responsible for this wave
of insanity? Whatever the cause, it is obvious to me that if we
do not cure ourselves of this insanity, we shall lose the freedom
we have won. You must understand and recognize the gravity
of the plight we are in. Under the shadow of this impending
misfortune the A. I. C. C. has met today. You have to face very
serious problems and apply your minds to them.

There is the General Body of the Congress which meets once
every year, but it is more or less demonstrative in character. The
real Congress is the All-India Congress Committee, in whose
keeping is the honour of the Congress. It is for you to give a lead

On September 9

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

to the Congress and to see that it functions eifectively and with-
out any disruption within its ranks. That is why I want you to
be true to the basic character of the Congress and make Hindus
and Muslims one, for which ideal the Congress has worked
for more than sixty years. This ideal still persists. The Congress
had never maintained that it worked for the interest of the
Hindus only. Must we now give up what we have claimed ever
since the Congress was born and sing a different tune ? Congress
is of Indians, of all those who inhabit this land, whether they
are Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs or Parsis. There have been
Muslims, Christians and Parsis as Presidents of the Congress.
But today we hear a different cry. Let me tell you that what we
hear today is not the voice of the Congress.

You represent the vast ocean of Indian humanity. You will
not allow it to be said that the Congress consists of a handful of
people who rule the country. At least I will not allow it. I am
an Indian to the last. Ever since I returned from South Africa
I have tried to serve the Congress in every way and have done
nothing else. I have tried to understand Indians from different
walks of life, have lived with them, eaten with them and loved
them. I have seen no difference between Harijans and other
Hindus. That is how I am made.

The Congress is held responsible for whatever happens to-
day. The situation has changed since August 15. I am leaving
out of consideration what happened before that date. I do not
wish to hear what part you played in the events that have
happened since August 15. I have not the right to sit here.
I have much work to do outside this hall. That is why I had
requested that I might be allowed to have my say and then take
your leave. You might ask me any questions you like at the
end of my speech, though there ought to be no necessity for such
questions. I wish only to show you a little of the way so that
you might find it easier to carry on your deliberations.

When we were fighting for our freedom, we bore a heavy
responsibility, but today when we have achieved freedom, our
responsibility has grown a hundred-fold. What is happening to-
day? Though it is not true of the whole of India, yet there are
many places today where a Muslim cannot live in security. There
are miscreants who will kill him or throw him out of a running
train for no reason other than that he is a Muslim. There are
several such instances. I will not be satisfied with your saying
that there was no help for it or that you had no part in it. We
cannot absolve ourselves of our responsibility for what has

SPEECH AT A. I. C. C. MEETING

happened. I have to fight against this insanity and find out a
cure for it. I know and I confess that I have not yet found it.

In Calcutta I was able to achieve a measure of success.
I was to go to Noakhali. Suhrawardy wanted me to go there.
But I said to him, “How can I go there when there is a fire raging
here?” He replied that it was beyond his capacity to control
the flames, but that I could do so. I did achieve some result in
Calcutta. Peace is a simple thing which has become most diffi-
cult to achieve. Today we are reduced to such a state that not
even an old man or a child feels safe, if he happens to be a
Muslim. Under such circumstances we have met today. I have
enough experience of such misfortunes and if you allow me and
have the patience to hear me, I will say what I have to say.
Then if you feel like it, you may do what I suggest.

Today your President Kripalani desires to hand over the
responsibility of his office to other hands. You should accede to
his request and select a new President. Twice or perhaps more
than twice before this Kripalani had asked to be relieved of his
office. I do not wish to know the reason for his resignation,
though I would wish you to know it. What he has said is true.'
In due course fresh elections for the president[ship] will be held
when the annual session of the Congress meets. It is a matter of
about four months. But even if the difference was only of ten
days, I would still plead with you to relieve him, since he feels
that he is unable to discharge his functions effectively. It is a
law of nature that when a thing is not done well, it is ill done.
You would not wish to have a President in whose hands your
affairs go awry. It is beyond his power to create conditions where
not a single Muslim’s life will be unsafe in India. Those who
say that since it is a matter of four months only, why not let
the status quo continue, do not know what the nation is facing
today. If you realize the seriousness of the situation, it is your
duty to relieve Kripalani. He himself confesses his inability to
keep the reins of the Congress in his hands. When your pilot

* J. B. Kripalani, had said at the A. I. C. C. meeting: “While no one dis-
putes the necessity of a close and harmonious co-operation between the
Government and the Congress Executives, the difficulty is how to achieve it.
The need for this co-operation is recognized in theory but I find it missing
in practice. It may be due to the fact that all of us are not united on
basic policies. Or it may be that this co-operation is lacking because I who
happen to be the President of the organization do not enjoy the confidence
of my colleagues in the Central Cabinet. If that is so, then I should be the
last person to stand in the way of what is necessary in the interest of the
nation.”

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reports to you that he is unable to steer your ship, will you still
say to him, ‘Never mind what happens, but you remain at your
post’? You should therefore forget about the four months and
not worry about constitutional proprieties. What would you do if
an accident happened to me? Law does not recognize accidents.
Think of this also as a natural calamity and be content to accept
his resignation and proceed forthwith to elect a president of
your choice. You should also know that according to practice
the Working Committee retires with the President.

The second point I wish to talk to you about is the Hindu-
Muslim relations to which I have already made a reference. I
am ashamed of what is happening today; such things should never
happen in India. We have to recognize that India does not
belong to Hindus alone, nor does Pakistan to Muslims. I have
always held that if Pakistan belongs to Muslims alone, then it is
a sin which will destroy Islam. Islam has never taught this. It
will never work if Hindus as Hindus claim to be a separate
nation in India and Muslims in Pakistan. The Sikhs too have
now and again talked of a Sikhistan. If we indulge in these
claims, both India and Pakistan will be destroyed, the Congress
will be destroyed and we shall all be destroyed.

I maintain that India belongs both to Hindus and Muslims.
You may blame the Muslim League for what has happened and
say that the two-nation theory is at the root of all this evil and
that it was the Muslim League that sowed the seed of this
poison; nevertheless I say that we would be betraying the Hindu
religion if we did evil because others had done it. Ever since
my childhood I have known that Hinduism teaches us to return
good for evil. The wicked sink under the weight of their own evil.
Must we also sink with them? My own experience of sixty years
has confirmed what Hinduism has taught me and my study of
other religions has revealed the same thing. Islam too says the
same thing. It is the basic creed of the Congress that India is
the home of Muslims no less than of Hindus. I also know that
the Congress has had no hand in what has happened. I do not
need to quote the authority of the Congress Constitution to sup-
port my claim.

It is held by some that if we perpetrate worse atrocities on
Muslims here than what have been perpetrated on Hindus and
Sikhs in Pakistan, it will teach the Muslims in Pakistan a salutary
lesson. They will indeed be taught a lesson, but what will hap-
pen to you in the mean while? You say that you will not allow
Muslims to stay in India, but I hold it to be an impossibility to

SPEECH AT A. I. C. C. MEETING

drive away three-and-a-half crores of them to Pakistan. What
crime have they committed? The Muslim League indeed is cul-
pable, but not every Muslim. If you think that they are all traitors
and fifth-columnists, then shoot them down by all means, but to
assume that they are all criminals because they are Muslims is
wrong. If you bully them, beat them, threaten them, what can they
do but run away to Pakistan? After all, life is dear to them. But it
is unworthy of you to treat them so. Thereby you will degrade
the Congress, degrade your religion and degrade the nation.

If you realize this, then it is your duty to recall all those
Muslims who have been obliged to flee to Pakistan. Of course
those of them who believe in Pakistan and wish to seek their
happiness there are welcome to migrate. For them there is no bar.
They will not need military protection to escort them. They go of
their own will and at their own expense. But those who are leaving
today have to be provided with special transport and special
protection. Such unnatural exodus under artificial conditions
must cause us shame. You should declare that those Muslims
who have been obliged to leave their homes and wish to return
are welcome in your midst. You should assure them that they
and their religion will be safe in India. This is your duty, this
is your religion. You must be humane and civilized, irrespective
of what Pakistan does. If you do what is right Pakistan will
sooner or later be obliged to follow suit.

As things are we cannot hold our heads high in the world
today and have to confess that we have been obliged to copy
Pakistan in its misdeeds and have thereby justified its ways.
How can we go on like this? What is happening is a provocation
to war on both sides and must inevitably lead to it. You will then
have to part company with Jawaharlal. And yet it is because of
him that we are held in high esteem in the world today. He is
respected outside India as one of the world’s greatest statesmen.
Many Europeans have told me that the world has not known
such a high-minded statesman. I have known Americans who
hold Jawaharlal in higher esteem than they hold President
Truman. Even those who have fabulous wealth, vast armies and
the atom bomb respect the moral worth of Jawaharlal’s leader-
ship. We in India ought to have due appreciation for it.

I repeat to you that it is your prime duty to treat Muslims as
your brothers, whatever may happen in Pakistan. We will not
return blow for blow but will meet it with silence and restraint.
Restraint will add to your strength. But if you copy what hap-
pens in Pakistan, then on what moral basis will you take your

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Stand? What becomes of your non-violence? If you approve of
what has happened, then you must change the very creed and
character of the All-India Congress Committee. This is the
basic issue before you. Until you have faced it, you cannot solve
any of the problems that are before you. When your house is
on fire you must first put out the flames before you can do any-
thing else. That is why I have taken so much of your time. Let
all Muslims who have left their homes and fled to Pakistan come
back here. India is big enough to keep them as well as the Hindu
and Sikh refugees who have fled from Pakistan. What I wish
to emphasize to you is that if you maintain the civilized way,
whatever Pakistan may do now, sooner or later, she will be
obliged by the pressure of world opinion to conform. Then war
will not be necessary and you will not have to empty your
exchequer.

One more point. I understand that a hundred-and-fifty-
thousand Muslims are about to be sent to Pakistan. You will
say, they belong to the criminal tribes who are better sent to
Pakistan. Why should they have to go? If there are criminal
tribes in India, whose fault is it? We are to blame for not
having reformed them. They were here during the British regime.
Was there any talk of deporting them then? It is wrong of us
to send them away because they are “criminal”. Our duty should
be to reform them. How shameful it is for us that we should
force them to trudge three hundred miles on foot! I am against
all such forced exodus.

Another problem that has arisen in the wake of the British
withdrawal from India is the claim on the part of rulers of Indian
States to do as they please. These rulers were kept in power
by the British as henchmen of British imperialism. Some of these
rulers have indeed tried to reform their ways and have adjusted
their claims to the rights of their people. But the same cannot
be said of all of them, though the number of the recalcitrant
ones is very small. Their assertion of independence is as untenable
as their claim to rule as they please is wrong. Because we are
independent it does not mean that each one of us is free to do
as be pleases. Such freedom means the end of all freedom.
I therefore plead with these rulers to seek their good in the
common good. If they do not carry the people with themselves,
they will invite their own doom. I do not wish this to happen.
If the Princes wish to survive, they can do so only as the servants
of their people. If they wish to rule, they can do so only as
trustees of their people’s welfare.

SPEECH AT A. I. C. C. MEETING

I claim to be an orthodox sanatanist. I know that my religion
does not advocate untouchability. The mission of the Hindu
Mahasabha is to reform Hindu society, to raise the moral level
of the people. How then can the Sabha advocate the compulsory
evacuation of all Muslims from India, as I am told it does?
I know what some people are saying. ‘The Congress has surrendered
its soul to the Muslims. Gandhi? Let him rave as he will. He is
a wash out. Jawaharlal is no better. As regards Sardar Patel
there is something in him. A portion of him is sound Hindu, but
he too is after all a Congressman.’ Such talk will not help us.
Where is an alternative leadership? Who is there in the Hindu
Mahasabha who can replace Congress leadership? Violent row-
dyism will not save either Hinduism or Sikhism. Such is not
the teaching of Guru Granthsaheb. Christianity does not teach these
ways. Nor has Islam been saved by the sword. I hear many
things about the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. I have heard it
said that the Sangh is at the root of all this mischief. Let us not
forget that public opinion is a far more potent force than a thousand
swords. Hinduism cannot be saved by orgies of murder. You
are now a free people. You have to preserve this freedom. You
can do so if you are humane and brave and ever-vigilant, or else
a day will come when you will rue the folly which made this
lovely prize slip from your hands. I hope such a day will never
come.

You will forgive me for taking so much of your time.
There is yet another point. “Control” is a vicious thing. It is
responsible for much of the corruption that is rampant today.
I am receiving innumerable letters and telegrams that confirm
what I say. If you do not abolish control immediately, you
will one day regret it. It makes people lazy and helpless. Do
away with it. But before you proceed to other business, accept
your President’s resignation. '

A. I. C. C. File No. G. 43/11, 1947-48. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library

^ The A. I. C. C. accepted the resignation of J. B. Kripalani by their
resolution of November 17. Rajendra Prasad was elected President of the
Congress. According to Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, after the
meeting of the A. I. C. C. Gandhiji said: “I am convinced that no patchwork
treatment can save the Congress. It will only prolong the agony. The
best thing for the Congress would be to dissolve itself before the rot sets
in further. Its voluntary liquidation will brace up and purify the political
climate of the country. But I can see that I can carry nobody with me
in this.”

37. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

November 15, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I think you would naturally expect me to convey to you
what I said at the A. I. C. G. meeting in the afternoon. But I do
not feel like repeating what I said. As a matter of fact I had
said the same thing which I have been telling you all these days.
If I am sincerely regarded as the Father of the Nation, it is true
only in the sense that, after my return from South Africa in
1915, I had a big hand in giving the Congress the shape it acquired
later. This means that I exercised a great influence throughout
the country. But today I cannot claim that. I am not worried
about it; at least I should not be. Everyone should do his
duty and leave the result to God. Nothing happens without
the will of God. Our duty is only to make the effort. Hence,

I had gone to attend the A. I. C. C. meeting with the idea that
if I was allowed to address the members before the delibera-
tions started, I would put before them what in my view is
truth.

I want to tell you something about controls. Since I spoke
at length at the A. I. C. C. meeting on the other current topics
of great importance, I could only briefly refer to the subject of
controls.

I feel that continuing the controls is criminal. The policy of
controls might have been good during the War. It may be good
even today for a military nation. But it is harmful for India. I
am sure that there is no scarcity of food or cloth in the country.
The rains have not betrayed us this year. There is enough
cotton in our country and enough people to work on the spinning-
wheels and the looms. Apart from these, there are mills in the
country. That is why I feel that both the controls are bad. We
have also control on petrol, sugar, etc. I do not see any logical
reason why we should have controls on such things. Controls
make people lazy and dependent. Laziness and dependence are
bad for the country at any time. I receive daily complaints
about the controls. I hope that the representatives of the country
would come to a wise decision and would advise the Government

LETTER TO PYARELAL

to remove the controls that encourage corruption, hypocrisy and
black market.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 80-1

38. LETTER TO PTARELAL^

[After November 15, 1947Y

I did receive copies of your correspondence with Nazimuddin.

. . I liked the whole of it. Here are replies to your questions:”*

As to his statement on Pakistan, in my opinion, Khwaja
Saheb has overshot the mark. I can understand their objecting
to propaganda in favour of reunion backed by action. But how can
they ban the holding or the propagation even of views contrary
to the Pakistan Government’s present policy, or the cultivation of
public opinion in favour of those views? You should see Khwaja
Saheb personally or write to him to get the issue clarified. No
one may try to coerce the Pakistan Government but surely every-
one has a right to bring home to the Muslims the error of what
has taken place and to convert them to one’s view if possible.
Send me the draft of your letter to Khwaja Saheb before posting.

You have referred to my attitude in regard to the British
Empire. Let me tell you, I derived no little strength from my
implicit loyalty to the British Empire in thought, word and deed.
I am doing exactly the same in regard to Pakistan.

What is happening in Tripura is very wrong. It is naked
coercion. But if the people of Tripura have no grit, if they are
stupid or if the State administration is rotten to the core, what
can one do? I do not think you can do anything in this matter.

. . . Of course, you can help with advice. If by coming into
personal contact with the State officials you could get them to
behave as men, it would be a great thing.

* & ^ This was in reply to Pyarelal’s letter which mentioned the probability
of his going to Delhi “during the next three or four weeks”. The addressee
did not receive the letter at Noakhali and came to know about it only
when he rejoined Gandhiji at Delhi on December 15.

^ Omissions in the letter are as in the source.

The addressee had drawn Gandhiji’s attention to a statement by
Khwaja Nazimuddin, Chief Minister of East Bengal, that even cultivation
of public opinion in favour of a reunion with India would be treated as
treason against the State. For extracts from the addressee’s letter, vide
Appendix II.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

I cannot regard the Noakhali situation as ‘normal’ in any
sense so long as the corruption is not rooted out. Death at a
stroke is better than death by inches.

On the surface there is peace here. But so long as hearts
are not united it is like a castle built upon sand. You are per-
fectly right that so long as things on the top do not come right
here there will be no real improvement there.

The story about that little boy is very touching.’ The
decision about the use of the fine money was very appropriate.
The action taken by the local Muslims does them credit. . . .

I have already written to you that you should come whenever
the situation and your work there permit.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 530-1

39. LETTER TO CHAMPA R. MEHTA

New Delhi,

November 16, 1947

CHI. CHAMPA^,

I have your letter. Whose handwriting is it? I was not
convinced. I smell in the letter the old Champa. If you cannot
stay in the Ashram, how can you stay in any other institution
connected with it? I have written to Aryanayakum^, too, and
asked him. I am in no hurry. I don’t wish to displease you.
Even though you may be my daughter, I will not agree to act
contrary to dharma through you.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./XX

’ Some Muslim urchins in a village in Noakhali had performed a
mock conversion of a Hindu boy forcing him to drink what was supposed
to be cow’s blood. The elder Muslims awarded to the offenders punishment
by caning and a fine of five rupees each to be paid to the aggrieved party.
The latter would not accept the money, saying that only genuine repent-
ance could wipe off the insult to their religion. Later, both parties agreed
to utilize the sum to provide powder milk to Muslim orphans of the locality.

^ Wife of Ratilal Mehta

^ E. W. Aryanayakum, Secretary, Hindustani Talimi Sangh

40. LETTER TO ABBAS

New Delhi,

November 16, 1947

CHI. ABBAS,

I have your letter. Has the rot entered Bhavnagar also?
Whether or no, what can it do to you? Let things be as they
will. You should go ahead with your own work. Your behaviour
at any rate should be faultless.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

41. LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH

November 16, 1947

CHI. CHIMANLAL,

Regarding your letter to Sushilabehn the correct view is
that for the present you should be content with as much as
you can achieve with the help of the amount which you have
already received. If the C. P. Government offers some money
and if you feel that you needs must accept it, then Sushilabehn,
Jaju* and the others, not I, can advise you in this regard. I
think you or I could hardly have anything to say about it. As
for me, I would know nothing from this long distance. I should
of course like it if you have a Persian wheel instead of an
engine, but the final decision must rest with Sushilabehn. Since
it is a hospital establishment you are bound to need a lot of
water.

I can offer no solution whatsoever in the case of Chandra-
prakash. I cannot even visualize a complete picture of him.
Hence, if I should guide you in the matter it would be no
more than a pretence. I cannot be said to have given a clear
verdict. I must therefore content myself with letting things take
their own course.

* Shrikrishnadas Jaju, Treasurer of Hindustani Talimi Sangh and Secretary
of A. I. S. A.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

It will be a welcome attitude if we give in to his objection,
in case Aryanayakum raises one in the matter of the potter.
I may not understand all his decisions. But that is a different
matter. If the potter could live on his own, if he is a good
person and an expert pot-maker, we ought to accommodate
him, irrespective of Chandraprakash’s presence or otherwise.
If his is a case of leprosy we should put up with it. Moreover,
I understand it is not yet in a contagious form. This simplifies
the problem.

How is the problem of Champa now?

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

42. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 16, 1947

I have read your advice. Is it not a fact that though Nara-
sinh Mehta used to sing his bhajans in the midst of Harijans
these bhajans are today chanted in your temples? Hence all
advice is like soap-suds. Soap does produce lather; but this
lather alone does not remove the dirt. Clothes become clean
only when they are rubbed with hands. Similarly, if you wish
to understand the nature of my work, you should delve deeper
into it; otherwise all this is like pebbles inside a dried gourd.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 290

43. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 16, 1947

Recently the Working Committee had been meeting here
and I did not have time even to breathe. But it is your duty
to write to me even if I don’t write. Your first duty, however,
is to take complete rest and recover your health. If you have
now lost faith in nature cure, consult a good doctor in Bombay.
If he suggests an operation, have it done. Do write if you
need any help from me.

Yes, what you say is true. The political atmosphere has
become vitiated. But you are forbidden to worry over it until
you are fully recovered. And if the Congress has become

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 49

rotten, I have no doubt that it is bound to die. Rotten things
cannot last long in the world and if a rotten thing is kept in
some place it emits foul odours. I hope you know this. So
repeat Gurudev’s^ words “It will not do to worry” like a
mantra and get well.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — pp. 290-1

44. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 16, 1947

One should admit one’s failings. One who admits his fail-
ings progresses in life. How long will we remain rebels? I feel
you should submit your resignation. I prefer a bad man who
admits his failings to a good one who does not even try to see
his mistakes. We have no right to see the shortcomings of
others. None of us is a perfect stkitaprajna yet.

M. K. Gandhi

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 291

45. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 16, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

It is indicated in the bhajan sung this evening that man’s
highest endeavour lies in trying to find God. He cannot be
found in the temples or in the places of worship created by
man. Nor can He be found by observing fasts, etc. God can
be found only through love and that love should be not worldly
but divine. Mirabai who saw God in everything lived in such
love. For her God was all in all.

The ruler of the Rampur State is a Muslim. But that does
not mean that it is a Muslim State. The late Ali Brothers^ had

* Rabindranath Tagore

2 Mahomed Ali and Shaukat Ali

90-4

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

taken me there many years ago* and I stayed with them. I had
the pleasure of meeting the then Nawab also, for he was a friend
of the well-known nationalist Muslims of the day, the late Hakim
Ajmal Khan^ and the late Dr. Ansari^. In those days the Hindus
and the Muslims used to live there more peacefully and in greater
harmony than today. But the Hindu friends who came last
Sunday from that place to meet me had an altogether different
tale to tell. They told me that though that State had acceded
to the Indian Union it was still under the insidious influence
of the Muslim League. Had that been the only obstacle, it
could have been easily overcome. But there is also the Hindu
Mahasabha assisted by members of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh who wish that all the Muslims should be driven away
from the Indian Union.

The problem is how the Congressmen who are loyal to the
Congress objectives can strengthen their position. Can they
offer satyagraha with any hope of achieving success? They
were happy to know that the A. I. C. C. is firm about the Con-
gress objectives and is opposed to turning India into a country
in which only Hindus could live as masters. The principles and
objectives of the Congress are so broad-based that they include
all the communities of the country. There is no room in it for
narrow communalism. It is one of the oldest political organiza-
tions. Its only objective is service of the people. The Rampur
Congressmen are gaining strength for their struggle by what
is happening at the A. I. C. C. meeting. Even so, those people
were keen to know my views in the matter. I told them that
I was not well acquainted with the situation prevailing there;
so I could not lay down any law and I did not have the time
either to study the situation. But this much I can say with

full confidence that satyagraha is the greatest force in the

world, before which the opposing forces which they had men-
tioned cannot survive for long.

These days it is a fashion to describe any armed opposi-
tion or opposition of any kind as satyagraha. That only harms

* On March 6, 1919

^ (1863-1927); Chief physician to Nawab of Rampur, 1892-1902; Presi-
dent of the Indian National Congress, 1921; First Chancellor of Jamia Mil-
lia Islamia, 1920-27

^ Dr. M. A. Ansari (1880-1936); eminent physician and surgeon; Mem-
ber, Congress Working Committee; General Secretary of Indian National

Congress in 1920, 1922, 1926, 1929, 1931 and 1932; its President in 1927;
Chancellor, Jamia Millia Islamia, 1928-36

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

society. Hence, if you understand the true meaning of satya-
graha and realize that the living God, in the form of truth and
love, is with the satyagrahi, then you would not hesitate to
believe that no one can ever succeed against satyagraha. I am

sorry to say what I was constrained to say about the Hindu

Mahasabha and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. I would
be happy to know if I am wrong. I have met the Chief of
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. I had attended one of the
meetings of that organization.^ Ever since, I have been repri-
manded for having attended its meeting and have received many
letters of complaints about the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.

Though all of us are engaged in extinguishing the fire of
communalism in the country, we should not forget our fellow-

beings living outside India. You are well aware that the Indian

Delegation^ to the United Nations is fighting for the rights of
the Indians in South Africa with great courage and unity. All
of you know Smt. Vijayalakshmi PandiU. She is the leader of
the Indian Delegation not because she is the sister of Jawahar-
lal Nehru, but because she is able and carries on her work
efficiently. She is accompanied by a good team and they all
speak there with one voice. ^ I was pleased most by the speeches
of Zafrullah Khan® and IsphahanP which appeared in the

* M. S. Golwalkar, known as Guruji

2 Vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 193-5.

2 Which consisted of Vijayalakshmi Pandit, M. C. Setalvad, K. M.
Panikkar and Maharaj Singh

(b. 1900); daughter of Motilal Nehru; leader of Indian Delegation to
U.N. O., 1946, 1947 and 1963; Ambassador of India in U. S. S. R., 1947-49,
and the U. S. A., 1949-52; India’s High Commissioner in England, 1954-61;
Governor of Maharashtra, 1962-64

® During the debate at the United Nations Political Committee on
November 15, M. C. Setalvad, protesting against the treatment of Indians
in South Africa said: “Human rights and fundamental freedoms, which this
Committee and Assembly are called upon to vindicate, are not only a mat-
ter of concern to the 250,000 Indians and other Asians settled in South
Africa, they affect millions of human beings all over the world who look to
this organization to protect them against the vicious doctrine of racial supe-
riority and racial arrogance.”

® Mohammad Zafrullah Khan, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Leader
of the Pakistan Delegation to U. N. O., supported the Indian stand and said:
“I do not know the Bible very well but I have been told that the Boers of
South Africa are deeply attached to the Bible. Is the treatment of Indians
in the Union in accordance with the teachings of a Christian civilization?”

2 M. A. H. Isphahani, Pakistan’s Ambassador to the U. S. A., stated
during the debate: “The grievance of Indians is with regard to measures

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

newspapers today. At the United Nations, they said in plain
words that Indians in South Africa were not given the same
treatment as the whites. They are being insulted there and
boycotted as if they were outcastes. It is true that the Indians
in South Africa are not poor and hungry. But man cannot live
by bread alone. Money has no value before human rights. And
the South African Government does not give these rights to
Indians there. The Hindus and the Muslims in India do not
have divided views on the problems concerning the Indians
living abroad. This only proves that the two-nation theory is
incorrect. The lesson which I have learnt from it and which
is also the lesson people should learn after my mentioning it
today is that love is the highest thing. If the Hindus and the
Muslims can speak unitedly outside India, they can certainly do
SO here as well, provided there is love in their hearts. Man is
prone to commit mistakes. But he can rectify his mistakes if
he wants to. This too is natural for man. It is always possible
to forgive and forget. If we can do this today and can speak
with one voice here as we do outside, then we would get over
our present troubles. As far as South Africa is concerned, I
hope their government and the whites there would profit by
what is being openly said by distinguished Hindus and Muslims
with one voice.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 81-4

46. HOW TO GROW MORE FOOD'^

Are your little seedlings coming up well — are those of you, with no
land, growing mustard and cress salads, and improving your health by eating
them? These thoughts pass through my mind. And this big question is also
always there: How many of you are really doing the thing? May God inspire
you with energy and faith.

Here is the promised list^ of vegetables. As it takes up a lot of space,
the hot weather list will be carried over into the next issue of the Harijan.

which entrench upon their own legitimate rights as nationals of the Union
of South Africa and which reduce them to a position of inferiority and sub-
servience to European settlers.”

’ This was the fourth and last of a series of articles on the subject by
Mirabehn.

^ This is not reproduced here.

CONTROLS

Mirabehn’s is an apposite question. It will be interesting
to know how many are profiting by her hints. Will such please
send their names to the editor of the Harijan, Ahmedabad?

New Delhi, November 17, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947

47. CONTROLS

It is now becoming clear to me that the controls on food-
grain, cloth, etc., are unwarranted. I keep getting letters and
telegrams in support of my view.

As against this there are many who consider themselves
experts on the subject. They write scholarly articles. Many of
them are servants of the old foreign Government. I do not wish to
disregard any of them merely for the sake of doing so. But I
cannot help it if failure to be convinced by their ideas is consider-
ed as disregard for them. Would a person who is getting scorched
in the sun believe a pundit who says that sunshine is not hot and
his feeling scorched is merely an illusion? Such is my condition.

Experts and officials genuinely feel that we do not have
sufficient foodgrain in our country. I not only hold the con-
trary view, but I say that the deficit of foodgrain if any can be
met with a little effort by a large number of people. What can
the Government do if people become lethargic or indulge in
malpractices and as a result suffer death? The Government
should find out ways and means to remove lethargy and take
steps to eradicate malpractices. It should not procure foodgrain
by fair means or foul and encourage malpractice and lethargy.

But I don’t wish to write a treatise here. The people of
Gujarat know how to carry on trade and there are skilled far-
mers there. The soil is fertile and water is available. What
do they think? Is it true that lethargy and malpractice are
behind this scarcity of food? If not, why should there be need
for control in Bombay? Even if lethargy and malpractice are
there, is it not possible to overcome them? Why cannot the
farmers and businessmen of Gujarat or rather the whole of
Bombay province prove that there is no scarcity of food and
cloth and, even if there is, it can be removed immediately?
Gan they not do this much?

New Delhi, November 17, 1947

[From Gujarati]

Harijanbandhu, 23-11-1947

48. LETTER TO LORD LSMAT

November 17, 1947

DEAR LORD ISMAY,

Will 3 p. m. on Wednesday next suit you?’ If you would
prefer any other time, please tell me.

While I shall be glad to welcome you where I am staying
please be sure that I could as easily come to you. You shall
decide.^

Tours sincerely,

M. K. Gandhi

GandhijVs Correspondence with the Government, 1944-47, p. 282

49. ERAGMENT OE LETTER TO
ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN^

November 17, 1947

This"* you can do here with me or otherwise. What that
otherwise can be, I do not know. ... I do not believe as some
do that non-violence can only be offered in a civilized or
partially civilized society. Non-violence admits of no such limit. ^

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, p. 283

’ The addressee, Chief of the Viceroy’s Personal Staff, had sought an
appointment with Gandhiji.

2 In his letter dated November 18, the addressee confirmed the appoint-
ment with Gandhiji.

^ (b. 1891); popularly known as “Frontier Gandhi”; founder of the
Red Shirt or Khudai Khidmatgar movement; Member, Congress Working
Committee

Several thousand Khudai Khidmatgar workers had been arrested and
convicted without trial. Khan Obeidullah Khan, son of Dr. Khan Saheb,
was arrested on November 14. Their weekly paper Pakhtoon was banned.
These reports were causing concern about the Khan Brothers’ safety.

'’Gandhiji had suggested to the addressee “openly to leave the Frontier
Province and develop the non-violent technique from India”.

^ The addressee, “in reply, sent word to Gandhiji not to worry but just
send him and his associates his blessings and prayers”.

50. LETTER TO PRABHUDAS GANDHI

New Delhi,

November 17, 1947

CHI. PRABHUDAS,

I admit it is my failure that I could not write to you in
my own hand. But these days there are a great many instances

of such failure on my part. Strength is limited and work is

heavy. Today is silence-day and I am therefore able to write
this letter, though, to be sure, the shoulder is feeling the strain
now. I am sad that you have fallen ill again. But one must
pay the penalty demanded of the body. You did well in go-
ing to Calcutta again. I hope they will carry out a successful
operation now. Janakibehn' had exactly the same trouble.

As a last resort you have Ramanama. But its success de-
pends on one condition being fulfilled, like the success of any
other experiment. Ramanama has its full effect only when it
proceeds from the heart. The habit of mechanical repetition

must of course be formed in any case. From the lips it may

by and by sink into the heart. That is why we pray aloud. I
expect another letter from you.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 158

51. LETTER TO INDU PAREKH

November 17, 1947

CHI. INDU,

Your letter. I learnt just now that you had a younger
brother^. I don’t remember to have received any letter in that
connection. Why need Father grieve over the event? Illness comes
and goes. But while illness is bad, death is a friend. Surely,

' Widow of Jamnalal Bajaj
^ Madhu Parekh

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Jayanti' would marry some day, is it not? Would the desire
for marriage spare even a communist? See me when you come.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 6259

52. LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI

November 17, 1947

CHI. JIVANJI^,

I write more in English these days because it is more
convenient to do so. The reason is not that my articles might
reach those also who know English. I feel unhappy that I am
not able to write in Gujarati. The truth is that these days I
get no time to write for Harijan. I do as He bids. I try to
write one article [every week].

The pamphlet regarding constructive work is lying in front
of me. I shall finish it at the earliest opportunity.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9986. Also C. W. 6960. Gourtesy:
Jivanji D. Desai

53. A LETTER

November 17, 1947

You will find in Harijanbandhu my recent article^ on controls.
I have no doubt in my mind that controls will mean controls
over our minds too, and we shall not be able to taste the sweet
fruit of freedom. Many people argue the case before me; but
when I start asking questions they cannot answer them. I
agree that it would be good if we could provide jobs for the
staff that will be retrenched when controls are removed. I feel
like laughing when these people, motivated by their self-interest
for the time being, argue that a revolt would erupt in India

' Jayanti Parekh, addressee’s brother
^ Manager, Navajivan Press
3 Vide p. 53.

A NOTE

if there were no controls. But at the same time I also feel de-
pressed. I would remove controls even at the cost of a revolt.
That has always been my way. I have travelled thus far
through fiery ordeals. And I have limitless faith in God. Don’t
we have a proverb, “He who has provided the teeth will also
provide the food?” There is an element of truth in it. But there
must also be full effort.

I am pulling on somehow. These days we are busy with
the A. I. C. C. meeting. There is great pressure of work. I hardly
have time to breathe. Letters have heaped up. I am all right.
Everything here is quite uncertain at the moment. But God
will certainly show a way out.

I hope all of you are quite well. Blessings to all.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, pp. 295-6

54. A NOTE^

November 17, 1947

I find that talk of khadi and village industries does not
interest people any more. Here I am sitting in the capital.
Refugees are lying all round shelterless and shivering. Thou-
sands are pouring in every day. How long will you feed them
without giving them any work? I am sure everyone will remem-
ber this old man one day when it is realized that India has no
alternative except to develop village industries. Any government
formed by any party — Congress, Socialist or Communist — will be
forced to accept this truth. We do not realize this today, but
we shall realize it after we stumble in our attempts to compete
with America or Russia.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 296

’ This was addressed to a member of the All-India Village Industries’
Association.

55. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 17, 1947

I feel very sad that we still write to each other in Eng-
lish. When both of us know Hindi quite well, why do we still
write [in English] ? I will not feel that we are independent and
free so long as we do not pay attention to these small little
things. Why need I tell you all this? Or is it that I have be-
come old and senile? So much for today. . . .’ Things are get-
ting worse here. Let us see how God guides us.

Tours,

M. K. Gandhi

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 296

56. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

November 17, 1947

Yesterday I spoke about Rampur and our countrymen in
South Africa. Today I feel I must deal more fully with the
latter subject. I have lived in South Africa for twenty years
from 1893 to 1914 with a break probably of one year. During
that long and formative period of my life I came naturally in
closest contact with all kinds of Indians as also with the white
settlers of that sub-continent almost as big as ours. Between then
and now if South Africa has risen, India has made giant strides.
What seemed to be impossible only the other day has happen-
ed. We need not go into the causes. The fact is that India has
come into the British Commonwealth, i. e., she has exactly the
same status as the Union of South Africa. Should members of
one Dominion be helots in another Dominion? An Asiatic nation
enters the Commonwealth for the first time in its history with
the willing consent of all the members of the Commonwealth.

' Omission as in the source

^ As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written message in Hindustani
was read out.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

Mark now the following message that the Administrator Dr.
S. P. Barnard of Orangia sent to the Natal Indian Congress of
Durban five days after the entry of India in the Commonwealth:

As you are celebrating Independence of the new Dominions which
you can consider a great day in the annals of Indian history, I hope
all Indians in South Africa will now emigrate voluntarily to the new
Dominions to act as missionaries of the gospel they have been taught
in South Africa, namely, to live in peace and order and not to fight
in communal riots in which hundreds are being killed in India.

It is worthy of note that Dr. Barnard evidently doubts
whether the entry was a great event. And then he treats the
Natal Indian Congress with the gratuitous advice that the
Indians of South Africa should emigrate to India and become
“missionaries of the gospel they have been taught in South
Africa, namely, to live in peace and order and not to fight in
communal riots”. I very much fear that this message is typical
of the average white man’s mind in the South African Domi-
nion. Hence the series of disabilities on our countrymen for the
crime of being Asiatics and having a coloured pigment. I appeal
to the best western mind of South Africa to revise this anti-
Asiatic and anti-colour prejudice. They have an overwhelming
African population in their midst. They are worse treated in
some respects than the Asiatics. I urge the European settlers to
read the signs of the times. Either this prejudice is wrong
from every point of view or the British people and their fellow-
members of the great Commonwealth have made an unpardonable
mistake in admitting Asiatic countries as members. Burma is
about to get her independence,* Ceylon will presently become a
member of the Commonwealth.^ What does it mean? Member-
ship of the Commonwealth is, I am taught, as good as inde-
pendence, if not superior to it. Responsible men and women of
these independent States need to ponder well as to what they
will do with their independence. Is all this movement towards
multiplying independent States, though proper and healthy in
itself, to result in another war more deadly, if possible, than
the last two, or is it to end, as it should, in the promotion of
universal brotherhood?

* The Burma Independence Bill which was passed by the House of
Commons on November 14, came into force on January 4, 1948.

^ Under the Ceylon Independence Bill, passed by the House of Com-
mons on November 26, Ceylon was to become a self-governing “near-Domi-
nion” within the Commonwealth in February 1948.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

“A man becomes what he thinks,” says an Upanishad mantra^.
Experience of wise men testifies to the truth of the aphorism.
The world will thus become what its wise men think. An idle
thought is no thought. It would be a serious mistake to say
that it (the world) will become as the unthinking multitude act.
They will not think. Like a mob they will follow.^ Indepen-
dence should mean democracy. Democracy demands that every
citizen has the opportunity of receiving wisdom as distinguished
from a knowledge of facts so called. South Africa has many wise
men and women as it has also many able soldiers who are
equally able farmers. It will be a tragedy for the world if they
do not rise superior to their debilitating surroundings and give
a proper lead to their country on this vexed and vexing problem
of white supremacy. Is it not by this time a played-out game?

I must keep you for a moment over the much-debated
question of control. Must the voice of the people be drowned
by the noise of the pundits who claim to know all about the
virtue of controls? Would that our ministers who are drawn
from the people and are of the people listened to the voice of
the people rather than of the controllers of the red-tape which,
they know, did them infinite harm when they were in the
wilderness! The pundits then ruled with a vengeance. Must
they do so even now? Will not the people have any opportu-
nity of committing mistakes and learning by them? Do the
ministers not know that they have the power to resume con-
trol wherever necessary, if decontrol is found to have been
harmful to the people, in any instance out of the samples, by
no means exhaustive, that I am giving below? The list before
me confounds my simple mind. There may be virtue in some of
them. All I contend is that the science, if it is one of controls,
requires a dispassionate examination and then education of the
people in the secret of controls in general or specified controls.
Without examining the merits of the list I have received
I pick out a few out of the samples given to me: Control

* tisn i i qiq^R'l qiqi i s^q :

q^RRT RRllt qiq : qi^iR i rrI <35^15 : 1 qjiRRq g^q 1 e qqjq^TR't rrIr

I qtqigilqfti Rg; q;if i qiqiR f g^fRdg^^ 1

— Brihadaranjakopanishad, 4. 4.5

According as one acts, according as one behaves, so does he become.
The doer of good becomes good, the doer of evil becomes evil. One becomes
virtuous by virtuous action, bad by bad action. Others, however, say that
a person consists of desires. As is his desire, so is his will; as is his will, so
is the deed he does, whatever deed he does, that he attains.

^ This sentence has been translated from Prarthana Pravachan — II.

A LETTER

on exchange, investment, capital issues, opening branches of
banks and their investments, insurance investments, all import
and export of every kind of commodity, cereals, sugar, gur, cane,
and syrup, vanaspati, textile, including woollens, power, alcohols,
petrol and kerosene, paper, cement, steel, mica, manganese,
coal, transport, installation of plant, machinery, factories, distri-
bution of cars in certain provinces and tea-plantation.

Harijan, 30-11-1947

57. A LETTER

November 18, 1947

CHI. . . .,’

Chi. Manudi took, or it would be equally true to say, I
gave her, about ten minutes before writing this letter to you.
She read out your letter to me and asked a question. In
answer to that I gave her a long lecture. Has it not become
my profession to lecture people? I would not be surprised if
it only justified the ancient Sanskrit saying “wise in advising
others”. Because today unforeseen events are overtaking us
from all sides, I am fumbling in the dark in search of a way
out. Your letter is certainly inspiring; but I have to do or die
here. If heart unity is not restored in Delhi, I can see flames
raging all over India. And I have no strength, nor the courage
to reach that far. I would much rather spend myself in Delhi.

I must admit that only the intellectuals and political
leaders are responsible for the present distressing atmosphere.
The poor peasants in the villages do not even know that India has
become free. Hence I have not the least hesitation in saying
that we are grossly abusing the intelligence and energy which
God has bestowed upon us. Now you will understand what it
is I am trying to put across or what pain fills my heart. My
prayer today is “one step enough for me”^. I am keeping well
in spite of all that is happening and I hope you are also well.
The fact that one can keep fit physically and mentally, whatever
the circumstances be, is a sign of one’s nearness to God. My
Rama is not a man with two hands and two feet. But if I am
perfectly fit it is due to Rama’s grace. Chi. Manudi is well
trained. But after all she is only a girl, in the playful age of

* The name is omitted in the source.

^ From “Lead Kindly Light” by Cardinal Newman

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

16 or 17 — she is almost a child. When I discuss with her or
dictate to her such spiritual subjects, it occurs to me how dense
I was at the age of 18. As compared to that, this girl has deve-
loped quite well. At the same time I am also conscious that I
may be putting too heavy a burden on her tender mind with
my discussions or dictations of such highly pedantic matters. But
she is always very happy and keeps cheerful. Only she does
not take care of herself, because of which I have to scold her
often. These days she has been making notes and summaries of
my interviews with visitors, and she has been doing it quite
well. Of course she shows me all she writes down. While she
is growing in other directions, her physical growth has been
stunted. There is such a rush of visitors and so much writing
work to be done that I am unable to talk to her however much
I may wish to.

Well, today I have dictated a very very long letter. And
now my eyes are also closing. Chi. Manudi will certainly write
about other matters. When I get up after a little rest Rajendra
Babu^ and others will arrive. I hope you are all well.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, pp. 304-5

58. TALK WITH RAJENDRA PRASAD

November 18, 1947

I realize that just when you started devoting yourself to agri-
culture you have to give it up.^ But there is no alternative. Either
this institution [Congress] has to be disbanded or if it has to
be kept alive we will need a man of dynamic personality. You
should tour the whole country and if possible go to the villages
also. The people are agitated but nobody is there to listen to
their grievances. We have given innumerable promises in our

* Rajendra Prasad (1884-1963); joined Gandhiji in 1917 during the satya-
graha in Champaran; President of Indian National Congress, 1934 and
1947; Member for Food and Agriculture in the Interim Government; President,
Constituent Assembly; Union Minister for Food and Agriculture; President
of India, 1950-62

^ Rajendra Prasad had resigned as Minister for Food and Agriculture on
his election as President of the Congress, the office of which he took over on
December 22.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

speeches that we shall ensure the welfare of the people. It is
enough that we humbly admit that we are unable to fulfil our
promises, and give them a sympathetic hearing. . . .'

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 305-6

59. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 18, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

You must have read the resolutions^ passed by the All-India
Congress Committee. Some of those resolutions are useful in
our life — in a good part of our life. It may as well be said
that they are useful in the life of every man. They are not the
resolutions merely to be implemented by the Government. For
instance, the resolution on controls is the one which has to be
implemented by Jawaharlal, Rajendra Prasad — now Rajendra
Prasad is out — and also by others. They have to implement the
policy of control on food, cloth and every other thing. We too
have to do the same thing. If we resort to cheating and do not
abide by the law, the result would be disastrous. When we can
do with one yard of cloth, why should we buy ten yards and
try to convince ourselves that no harm will be done if it is
bought and tucked away in the house? If we develop such an
attitude, become self-centred and not think of India we will
turn into rogues.

The resolutions of the All-India Congress Committee are
so important that I wanted to explain them to you one by one.
I am still here, and I shall say something about the resolutions
if I get a chance. But let me at least tell you the substance
today. There is a resolution about bringing back the people
who have left their homes in panic and this resolution applies
to everybody. All of us, from Kanyakumari to Kashmir, belong
to India. What if India has been divided? All of us have to
shoulder the responsibility because we are all brothers. If only
one individual goes on stuffing his belly and does not care for
the poor — if he eats for pleasure — he is stealing and commits
a crime against India. What if India does not possess all the
foodgrain she requires? The poor also should get foodgrain.

* Omission as in the source

2 Vide Appendix I.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

If the rich get just a few chhataks^ and are able to manage
with the same I would consider that the rich and the poor have
become equal. Apart from anyone else, let me talk about the
rich person in whose house I am living. If you ask me whether
Shri Ghanshyamdas manages with his legitimate quota, I would
say he does not. I have got to tell the truth after all. Because
he is a man of means, he is able to procure everything. I do

not know if all those who come here are able to have milk. I

get milk. I do not know how and from where that milk comes.

His idea is to somehow get milk for me, whether he has to

keep one goat or two; and to get the best quality of wheat,
because I am, after all, a Mahatma. He provides for me greens
or fruits, whatever I want. I do not ask him from where he
gets those things. Something must be offered to the members of
the Working Committee when they come to visit me. So, they
are given fruit juice. He owns property worth crores of rupees.
That is the case with the wealthy people. Millionaires can get
all those things. But something can happen only when they de-
prive themselves a little. How else can the poor get things for
themselves? Let the rich and the businessmen not indulge in
profiteering. Let them become honest. They may make profit
but just enough to satisfy their hunger. How wonderful if all of
them would follow the same system about profits! Why should
there be control on food? There is no need at all for it. It
would be good indeed if everyone became like this.

The most important thing is that we cannot rest in peace
till all the refugees go back to their homes. It is madness to
kill the Muslims or drive away those who have run away from
Pakistan in panic leaving their property there. Now the All-
India Congress Committee has issued orders that people have
to be kept wherever they are, and in comfort, and those who
wish to return to their homes have to be sent back. Thousands
of millionaires managed to come away even leaving their
beautiful houses, but the poor are still left behind. I do not
intend speaking about every point today. But the resolution
shows where our duty lies. And that is the most important
thing. If we take it for granted that the Muslims are a worth-
less lot, it is a grave sin. It is the supreme duty of all of us
not to drive away anyone. People have seen the Working Com-
mittee resolution three or four days ago and they have also
seen the indications in the Press. In spite of that the Muslims

' One-sixteenth of a seer

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

are running away. People say that the A. I. C. C. accepted this
resolution because of my insistence. They say that the Muslims
should go away, otherwise they would be killed. People ask me if
I would be a witness to the slaughter of Muslims. I have already
said what I would do — I would ‘do or die’. When I am ready to
die, the Muslims too should be ready to die if the need arises.
We have become so heartless that we want them to walk 300
miles in this cold winter. It is said that there are not too
many deaths in the camps — some ten or twenty die every day.
Now, out of five, ten or fifty thousand if so many people die, has
anyone tried to estimate how many people would die in India
at this rate? Should it not be our concern as to how they
die? Some of them do not get food, some have cholera, some
get dysentery, or something else happens to them. But does any-
one bother to know why these people die ? We are worried about
the availability of food and all the other things we need. We
are always on the look-out for settling the Hindus and the Sikhs
in the houses of Muslim evacuees. Of course, the situation is
not the same everywhere. But it is certainly so in many places.
This has pained me very much and I have conveyed my feel-
ings to you many times. Now even the A. I. C. C. has said that
what has happened is highly deplorable. This thing has to be
conveyed to the millions and it cannot be done in one day.
There are great men in the Government — Jawahar, the Sardar,
Rajendra Babu (but Rajendra Babu is not there now) — and how
could [other members] displease them? That is why they agreed
to it. I have heard that now there are even some Congressmen who
think that the Muslims should not live here. They think that
only then can Hinduism prosper. But they do not know that
Hinduism is degenerating day by day. It would be dangerous
if they did not change their attitude. All the members of the
A. I. C. C. are the representatives of India as a whole. If they are
all one at heart, as they should be, then the entire face of India
would change. It is their duty not to allow anything else to
happen. Their primary task is to find out how they can bring
back all those who have fled from here. We would be restless till we
brought back all the Muslims who have gone away from India.
We have to create the necessary climate and that is not difficult.
It is a great thing that there are still 350 million Muslims in
India. Nobody knows how many have gone away and how many
are going to come. Supposing all those who have gone away
came back, it would mean no expenditure for us, for they
would be living in their own houses, since they have their
90-5

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

houses here. Our job is only to return their houses to them. But
are all those houses vacant? Refugees have occupied those
houses by force. But they would have to be accommodated in
spite of that. If we act without proper thought and if our hearts
are not clean, outsiders would wonder if the representatives of
India were hypocrites. I think they are not. Those days
are over when we used to be angry with the Muslims and
wanted them to go away. Today we consider them as our
brethren.

I would like to believe that the people of Delhi and Gur-
gaon have become good. When I had been to Panipat recently,
I saw people living in amity. But now I hear that the refugees
have occupied the houses of the Muslims and the Muslims
want to go away to Pakistan. The Muslims might say that
they did not want to go to Pakistan willingly as neither any
delicacies nor good clothes would be available there. And how
could things be otherwise? The people there are in the
same condition as we are here. After all, it is not as if there
were more provisions for them there while they had nothing
here. Those who have gone away write back that it would have
been much better if they had remained in India. Having left
their hearth and home, they are now living in camps and are in
great distress. It is bound to be so. Then, why do the Muslims
of Panipat want to go to Pakistan? If that is so, Panipat is a test
for me and I too may have to go there. Panipat is about 50 miles
from here. It cannot be called a distant place. It is just like
Delhi. Now, even if a single Muslim is forced to go to Pakistan,
it would hurt me and it would hurt you. Of course, when they
stay here, they must get food and clothes from the money they
receive. They are industrious, they earn and subsist on it. How
will they live if they earn money but cannot have food? If
the craftsmen, who have been like brothers, have to leave just
because refugees from the Punjab have come, nothing could be worse
than that. I would tell all the refugees at Panipat that they should
give up the houses of the Muslims and the Muslims too should
say that they would stay there. They should say that they do not
need police for protection and they would live in amity. The
police should only see to the distribution of food and clothes. They
need do nothing more. Then I would say that the A. I. C. C. has
done a good thing and we are all with it. We may not be four-
anna members of the Congress, but we respect the organization.
Let us today also support and follow what this organization, which
has served the country all these days, is with full deliberation

LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH

saying in these adverse circumstances. That is all I would like to
say for the day.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 88-93

60. LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH

New Delhi,

November 19, 1947

chi. MUNNALAL,

I had your letter. You may wind up the construction work
with the consent of all, but certainly not before receiving such
consent. The difficulties which you notice are psychological and
bespeak a subtle form of egoism. Financial arrangements have
already been made for the construction work. But in any case
how does it concern you? You have nothing to do with that.
You will have done your part when you complete the task as-
signed to you.

Decide about where to stay only after Kanchan' returns.
The decision will have to be approved by her. You should do
nothing against her wishes.

I am surprised that you can think of leaving Sevagram.
For some, Sevagram is their very body. That means that
leaving Sevagram is committing suicide. And suicide is forbidden
in all circumstances. If you yourself are good others at Seva-
gram will also be good. Sevagram is not something apart from
you. People are afraid of you and, therefore, avoid asking
you to do anything. If you become steady in your mind, it will
be easier for others to ask for your help. I ask you to do
things because both Kanchan and you put trust in me. That
trust must not be forced. If that trust is lost, you would have
no justification for writing to me and I for offering you any
advice. May all three of you keep well and live a good life.

I suppose you understand that such a wish can be expressed
for a child.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 7224. Courtesy: Munnalal G.
Shah

' Addressee’s wife

61. LETTER TO RANCH AN M. SHAH

New Delhi,

November 19, 1947

CHI. KANCHAN,

I have your letter. I see that you have still not learnt to
write letters. My cart is jogging along, but it seems to have got
stuck here just now. I don’t see any chance of my going over
to that side in the immediate future.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 6976. Courtesy: Munnalal G.
Shah

62. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER

November 19, 1947

Don’t you know that these days I have stopped sending mes-
sages? I have only one preoccupation: ‘Do or Die’. I shall think
of other activities only when I have accomplished either of the
two. The situation here is getting worse every day. It is not a
question of Hindu-Muslim riots only. The rancour within has
now come out in the open, and it would not be wrong to say
that the present delicate situation is a reflection of it.

I have digressed to other matters. But you may take it that
my blessings go with any good work. So think of God and get
on with the work.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 311

63. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 19, 1947

We should be agreed on some matters at least, or should
we not? Even as regards language we have raised such a storm
that one might think a rebellion had broken out. The matter is
simple. Our language should be that which the millions of vil-
lagers in India can understand and read with ease. If I had my
way, I would give the same place to language as has been given
to khadi in the Congress Constitution. I would allow only those
who knew Hindustani to become members of the Congress. We
should now have no resolutions in English. How many persons
understand English in a mass meeting? But mine is like a pipe
of carrot' and I continue to blow it whether or not it produces
any sound.

The problem of States will be solved easily in most cases.
Among the Kathiawar States, the attitude of Bhavnagar appears
very sound, although there have been no negotiations directly
with the Raja yet. I believe that his response will be good.
Many of his men come here for discussion.

I am keeping well by God’s grace. I have no doubt that we
shall suffer if we neglect khadi. The Congress will not survive
in a democracy if it abandons any one of the constructive
activities. No party which does so will survive. The reason is
that when you are there at the helm of affairs, you have been
entrusted with power by the people in the hope that you will
strive to relieve their misery. If we do not make such efforts and
neglect those which have already been initiated, what fate will be
in store for us? In the end, may God grant good sense to all.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, pp. 311-2

* A Gujarati saying

64. LETTER TO M. A. HUJVAR

{^November 19, 1947y

CHI. HUNAR,

I have your letter. Now there is no need to go to Ahmed-
abad. I understand what you say about language. The question
of staying at Patna also does not arise now. I would therefore
like you to go to SundarlaP rather than elsewhere. I have dis-
cussed the matter with him. He will arrange for your maintenance.
Consult him and do what he suggests.

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

65. LETTER TO RATANDEVI

[^November 19, 1947Y

CHI. RATAN,

I got your beautiful letter. Have I not written at length on
the subject of blessings ?“*

I do have a keen desire to visit Vanasthali. But does not its
fulfilment depend only on God?

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

* In the source the letter is placed among those of this date.

^ (1886-1981); nationalist leader and a prolific writer; member of the
Congress Working Committee, 1930-31; started a number of magazines
including Karmayogi; wrote Bharatmen Angrezi Raj and a comparative study
of the Gita and the Koran; President of the All India Peace Council; Founder-
President of the India-China Friendship Association

3 In the source the letter is placed among those of this date.

Vide p. 1.

66. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 19, 1947

Truth and ahimsa had been the weapons for achieving swaraj.
Today we have forgotten both. Actually it was my fault that
I believed that people had truth and ahimsa in them. But I was
mistaken. Anyway I consider it my good luck that God has at
last opened my eyes. And I regard it as God’s grace that even
if I can do nothing else at least I shall now be able to do or die.
I do not wish now to live for 125 years. I would either like to
die bravely taking the name of God or, if Hindus and Muslims
became sincere friends, would tour the whole of India and then
go to Pakistan.

How are you? How is Behn? Write about everything.
The boarding-house must be functioning well. Tell all your
students that I would very much like to go and stay amongst
students because I am myself a student. Most of our problems
are solved automatically if one remains a student or a humble
person throughout one’s life. But today I am confined here.
Let all the students be united and forget that they are Hindus,
Muslims, Banias or Brahmins. I think that if they realize that
they are all Indians, my presence there will not make much
difference.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 312-3

67. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 19, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Last evening I referred to the main Resolution on Hindu-
Muslim relations passed by the A. I. C. C. But unfortunately
today itself I have to cite an instance to show how that Reso-
lution is being rendered futile in Delhi. I had never imagined
that on the very evening when I was expressing my doubt
about the behaviour of the public, that doubt would be proved
right in the heart of old Delhi. I was told last night that
a large crowd of Hindus and Sikhs had gathered in front of a

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Muslim’s shop in Chandni Chowk. Though the shop belonged
to a Muslim, the owner had abandoned it and gone away.
The shop had been given to a refugee on condition that he would
give it up when the owner returned. Fortunately, the owner of
the shop has returned. He did not want to give up his business
for good. The officer in charge of the allotment came to the
refugee and asked him to vacate the shop. The refugee hesitated
at first, but then agreed to vacate it when the owner came
to take possession in the evening. When the officer went
again in the evening he found that instead of vacating the
shop the occupant had informed his friends who had collected
there to overawe whoever [forced them] to vacate it. The few
constables at Chandni Chowk could not control the crowd,
and they sent for more help. The police or, may be, military
arrived and fired in the air. The crowd dispersed in panic, but
a pedestrian was stabbed in the bargain. Fortunately the wound
did not prove to be fatal. But this demonstration of the
trouble-makers had a strange result. That shop was not vacated.
I do not know if the order of that officer was defied or the
shop has ultimately been vacated. Nevertheless, I do hope that
the Government will not fail to punish the culprit if it has to
retain its true authority under our precious freedom. Otherwise,
the Government will have no authority at all. I am told that the
crowd of Hindus and Sikhs was not less than two thousand.

I have understated the news that was given to me. If there
is room for correction and if it is brought to my notice I will
gladly let you know about it.

This is not the only thing. In other parts of Delhi, too,
attempts are being made to drive the Muslims out of their
houses, so that the Hindu and the Sikh refugees could be
accommodated there. The Sikhs go about brandishing their
swords and threaten the Muslims with dire consequences if they
refuse to give up their houses. I am also told that the Sikhs
drink liquor, the consequences of which can be well imagined.
They dance about with their naked swords and scare away the
pedestrians. I am also informed that according to custom
Muslims do not sell kababs^ and other meat preparations in
Chandni Chowk and nearby areas. But the Sikhs and perhaps
other refugees, too, freely sell these forbidden things there. This
hurts the feelings of the Hindus in that locality. The nuisance
has grown to such an extent that people cannot easily pass

' Meat cutlets

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

through the crowded Chandni Chowk. They are afraid of being
insulted. I appeal to my refugee friends that they should not
indulge in such things for their own sake and for the sake of
the country.

As for the kirpans, the Sikhs have been forbidden by law to
carry kirpans larger than the prescribed size. While this law is
in force, many Sikh friends come to me with a request that I
should try to have this restriction withdrawn. They told me
about the judgement passed by the Privy Council several
years ago which permitted the Sikhs to carry kirpans of any
size. I have not read that judgement. I think the judges have
interpreted kirpan to mean sword of any size. The then Punjab
Government, in order to carry out the Privy Council’s decision,
declared that everyone was free to keep a sword. That is why
in the Punjab men carry swords of any size they choose.

I have no sympathy with the Punjab Government or the
Sikhs in this matter. Some Sikh friends have brought to my
notice certain portions from the Granfhsakeb which support my
view that the kirpan is not a weapon to be used to attack the inno-
cent. Only the Sikhs abiding by the tenets of the Granfhsakeb
can use the kirpan for the protection of innocent women, children
and old and helpless people. That is the reason why one Sikh
is regarded equal to one-and-a-quarter lakh opponents. That is
why any Sikh who takes intoxicants, who gambles, or is prey to
other vices, has no right to keep a kirpan which is a symbol of
purity and restraint and which is to be used only on particular
occasions in a prescribed manner.

In my view, it is not only futile but also harmful to seek the
help of the now defunct judgement of the Privy Council to justify
the indiscriminate use of the kirpan. We have just freed ourselves
from foreign rule. It is highly improper to do away with all
necessary restrictions in our state of freedom, because, without
those restrictions, society cannot make progress. Hence, I would
tell my Sikh friends that they should not bring the great Sikh
religion into disrepute by using the kirpan for doubtful purposes.
Let them not destroy a religion which has been shaped by a
number of martyrs in whose martyrdom the world takes great
pride.

I wish to draw your attention to another thing. I have
been informed about a refugee camp where the army has been
accused of rude behaviour. The entire life of the camp should
be a model from the point of view of inner and outer cleanliness.
To preserve such cleanliness [the police and the army] should vie

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

with each other. Hence I hope that the information I have re-
ceived does not apply to these protectors of law and order, and that
it is only an exception. The army and the police should be
the first to experience the glow and excitement of freedom. Let
not the people get a chance to say that good behaviour can
be expected of them only under strict discipline imposed on them
from above. They have to establish through correct beha-
viour that they too can become good and ideal citizens of India.
If these protectors of law disregard law itself, it would be
difficult to carry on administration at all. And it would be all
the more difficult to implement the Resolutions of the All-India
Congress Committee.

After presenting the gloomy side of the picture, I would
now like to present the bright side also. I have just heard an
eye-witness account of great valour which I am going to nar-
rate to you.

Mir Maqbool Sherwani was a young brave leader of the
National Conference at Baramula. He had just entered his thir-
tieth year. On learning that he was an important leader of the
National Conference the invaders tied him to two poles near
the Nishat Talkies. They first beat him up and then told him
that he should give up the National Conference and its leader
Sheikh Abdullah, the lion of Kashmir. They told Sherwani
that he should swear loyalty to the Provisional Government of
Azad Kashmir which had its headquarters at Palundry.

Sherwani refused to give up the National Conference under
pressure. He made it clear to the assailants that the Sheikh
was the head of the Kashmir Government, that the Indian army
had already reached Kashmir and, before long, would repel the
assailants.

On hearing this, the assailants were enraged and were in
panic. They riddled his body with fourteen bullets. They cut
his nose and disfigured his face and pasted a notice on his
body: “This man is a traitor. His name is Sherwani. All
traitors would be treated in the same way.”

But within 48 hours of this ruthless murder and blood-
shed, Sherwani’ s prophecy came true. The invaders fled from
Baramula in panic and the Indian army chased them away.

Anybody, whether Hindu, Sikh, Muslim or anyone else,
would be proud of such martyrdom.

A friend of mine has related an instance of a proud mo-
ment whose lustre would not fade even in the most painful si-
tuation and an instance of friendship which proves its worth in

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

the moment of greatest trial. It is the story of Narayan Singh, a
Sikh ex-officer. He has lost enormous property in West Punjab.
Now he is in Delhi. He has nothing left, which means that he
would be compelled to beg or to let death claim him. He met
an old friend who he did not want to suffer on his account
because he was not bothered by his own misfortune. The Sikh
officer was very happy to meet Ali Shah, his old friend and
colleague. Ali Shah too has lost his entire property, but not
because of communal frenzy but because of some other misfortune.
He too is a courageous man like Narayan Singh and both of
them are proud of their friendship. When they met after a
separation of twenty-five years, they were so happy that they
forgot their misfortune.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 93-8

68. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 20, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I have received two notes from the same person. In one
note he says that he has given up his job and wishes to work
under me. In the second note he expresses his desire to sing
a bhajan at the prayer. As for his first wish, I can’t help say-
ing that it was a mistake to have given up his job. It is true that
during the British days I had exhorted people to give up their
jobs and non-co-operate with the Government. But that is not
the case now. Anyone who wishes to serve his country can do
so while carrying on with his job. If every wage-earner does
his job honestly and without indulging in any kind of violence,
he is no doubt serving the country. The writer of the note
should realize that I have no work to offer him. If he wants
to render service, he must do something for the goshala about
which I am going to talk presently.

As for singing bhajan at the prayer, it is not that everyone
can be allowed to sing. Only people known to be servants of
God can do so with prior permission.

I was happy to find the camp' admirably clean. There are
dharmashalas at various places for the pilgrims who come there

* The Okhla camp which Gandhiji had visited in the afternoon along
with Sucheta Kripalani and others

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during the fairs. These fairs are organized there periodically. At
present these dharmashalas are being used for the refugees. There
is some difficulty about water supply, which the officials are
trying to remedy. I have no doubt that if water supply can be
guaranteed, many more refugees can be accommodated there.

Now that I am talking about the refugees, I shall speak
about their shortcomings to which my attention has been
drawn. I am told that the refugees are indulging in black
market among themselves. The officers who are in charge of
looking after the refugees are themselves, I am told, at fault.
I learn that it is impossible to find a place in the camps
without bribing the officers who are in charge of the camps.
As regards other things also, their behaviour is not above
reproach. True, all officers cannot be guilty, but the entire ship
can sink because of one sinner.

Then I am told that the refugees also indulge in petty
thieving. I expect from them honest and straightforward behaviour.
I am told that some of the quilts provided to the refugees to
protect them against cold are torn up, the cotton thrown away
and the chintz cover is used for making shirts, etc. I have been
told of many such things, but I do not wish to waste your time
by narrating all the misdeeds of the refugees. I wish promptly to
come to the topic of the evening.

In a locality called Kishanganj in Delhi a goshala is having
its annual function. Acharya Kripalani is going to preside over
that function tomorrow and I am being pressed to attend the
function at least for ten minutes. I felt that I should not
attend any function just for show. I cannot do or see anything
in ten minutes. Moreover, I am so much involved in these
communal problems that I have no time to attend to other
things. Hence, I expressed my helplessness and, realizing my
difficulty, the organizers excused me. They told me that they
would be satisfied if I would say something about goseva — espe-
cially about goshalas, during the prayer meeting. I readily agreed
to do so. I have stated in plain words that the task of preserva-
tion and increasing the cattle wealth of India and taking proper
care of the cow and calf is much more difficult than attaining
political freedom.' I claim that I am working with faith and
devotion in this field. I also claim that I have true knowledge
of how the cow can be saved. However, I do admit that so
far I have not exercised any influence on the public which

' Vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 73-4.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

may lead them to give to the problem the attention it
deserves. Those who manage the goshalas know how to spend
money or collect funds for the purpose. But they have no know-
ledge at all about rearing the cattle scientifically. They do not
know how to rear the cow so that it may yield more milk.
They do not know how to rear the oxen or improve their breed.

That is why, throughout India, goshalas, instead of being
the institutions where one could learn the art of rearing the
cattle, where there would be ideal dairies providing the best
quality of milk and the best breed of cows and oxen, are places
where the cattle are herded together in a pitiable condition.
The result is that India, instead of being a prominent country
where the best breed of cattle and the best quality of milk
should be available at the cheapest rate, is the lowest in the
world in this regard. The people managing the goshalas do not
even know that the dung and urine of the cattle can be used
most profitably. Nor do they know how best to utilize the dead
cattle. The result is that because of their ignorance crores of
rupees are being lost. An expert has stated that our cattle wealth
is only a burden on the country and deserves to be destroyed.
I do not agree with this view. But, if the general ignorance in
this matter persists for some time more, I will not be surprised if
our cattle become a burden on the country. That is why I
hope that the management of this goshala would do its best to
make it an ideal institution from every point of view.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 98-101

69. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 21, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

While I am making my speech before you, the goshala is
probably celebrating its annual function about which I told you
yesterday. I would like to mention one thing. In the course
of my speech yesterday I did not mention about the dairies
conducted for the soldiers all over India. Dr. Rajendra Prasad
told me that these dairies are still in operation. Many years
ago I had visited^ the Central Dairy at Bangalore. It used to

1 On June 12, 1927; vide Vol. XXXIII, p. 476.

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function under the supervision of Col. Smith. I had seen some
beautiful cattle there. One of them was a prize cow. It was
believed that she was the best cow in the whole of Asia. I do
not quite remember if she used to give a daily yield of 75 lbs.
of milk or whether she really yielded so much milk at one
time. That cow used to roam about without any restriction
anywhere she chose. Fodder used to be kept for her at various
places, which she could eat any time she chose. This is the
bright side of the picture. I have not seen the other side of it.
But I am authentically told that a large number of male calves
are killed, because all of them cannot be turned into bullocks
that can carry heavy weight. These dairies are spread over
hundreds of acres of land if not more. They are meant specially
for European soldiers, and crores of rupees have been spent on
them. Now that we no longer have the British soldiers in India,
I do not deem them necessary. I am sure that if the Indian
soldiers know that such expensive dairies are being run for their
sake, they will feel ashamed. I am also certain that the Indian
soldiers will not demand what ordinary citizens cannot claim as
a matter of right.

The most authentic and perhaps complete information about
the cow and the buffalo can be found in a voluminous treatise'
written by Shri Satis Chandra Das Gupta of the Khadi Pratish-
than. It is not filled with extracts from other books but is
based on his personal experience and written during one of his
imprisonments. The book has been translated into Bengali and
Hindustani. Those who read it carefully would find it extremely
useful in improving the cattle breed and increasing the yield of
milk. There is a comparative study of the cow and the buffalo
also in the book.^

These are all relevant questions. I am no great scholar of
history. I do not even claim to be a learned man. But I have
read in an authoritative book on Hinduism that the word
“Hindu” does not occur in the Vedas. When Alexander the Great
invaded India, the people living in the region east of the river
Sindhu, which is called the Indus by the English-speaking
Indians, were described as the Hindus. The letter ‘S’ of the
Sindhu became ‘H’ in Greek. The religion of the people living

* Cow in India, published in two volumes. For Gandhiji’s preface to it,
vide Vol. LXXX, pp. 149-50.

^ Gandhiji then referred to a question from the audience, “What is
meant by ‘Hindu’? What is the origin of that word? Is there anything
called Hinduism?”

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

in this region came to be known as Hinduism which, as you
are well aware, is the most tolerant of all religions. It gave shel-
ter to the Christians who had escaped from the harassment of
the people of other religions. Besides, it also gave shelter to
the Jews known as Beni-Israel and also to the Parsis. I feel
proud to belong to Hinduism which embraces all religions and
is very tolerant. The Aryan scholars followed the Vedic religion
and India was first known as Aryavarta. I do not wish that
once again the country should be known as Aryavarta. The
Hinduism of my conception is complete in itself. Of course, it
includes the Vedas, but it also includes many other things. I do
not think it is improper to say that I can proclaim the same
faith in the greatness of Islam, Christianity, Zoroastrianism and
Judaism without in any way impairing the greatness of Hinduism.
Such Hinduism would live so long as the sun shines in the sky.
Tulsidas has expressed this idea in his couplet;

Compassion is the root of religion, pride the root of sin.

Do not give up compassion, says Tulsi, so long as there is

life in you.

The sister' who accompanied me during my visit to the
Okhla camp was upset because she wondered if the misconduct
in some of the refugee camps I had mentioned was related to
the Okhla camp. I paid a very hurried visit to the Okhla
camp, and so it is impossible to mention any such thing about
it. In my speech I have mentioned the misconduct in the refu-
gee camps in general.

I cannot help mentioning the fact that according to the
information received by me 137 mosques have been almost de-
stroyed in Delhi during the riots. Some of them have been
converted into temples. There is one such mosque near Con-
naught Place which can never remain unnoticed by anyone.
Today there is a tri-colour fiag fiying over it. It has been
changed into a temple by installing an idol in it. Desecrating
the mosques in this manner is a blot on Hinduism and Sikhism.
It is gross adharma in my view. The blot which I have mentioned
cannot be wiped out by saying that even the Muslims in
Pakistan have desecrated the Hindu temples or changed them
into mosques. In my view, any such act can only destroy
religion, whether it is Hinduism, Sikhism or Islam. ^

' Sucheta Kripalani, vide p. 75.

^ Gandhiji then read out the A. I. C. C. resolution on this subject, vide
Appendix I.

80 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Even at the risk of having to stay longer than usual at the
prayer meeting I would like to say one thing in the end as
a matter of duty. I am told that the Roman Catholics are be-
ing harassed near Gurgaon. This has happened in a village
called Kanhai which is 25 miles away from Delhi. An Indian
Roman Catholic priest and a Christian missionary came to meet
me. They showed me a letter which gave the description of the
harassment of the Roman Catholics at the hands of the Hindus.
Surprisingly, the letter was written in Urdu. I think the Hin-
dus, the Sikhs and others living in that area can speak only
Hindustani and write only in the Urdu script. The persons who
brought the information told me that the Roman Catholics were
threatened, that they would have to suffer if they did not leave
the village. I hope this threat is unfounded and that the Chris-
tian men and women would be allowed to follow their religion
and carry on their work without any hindrance. Now that we
have freed ourselves from political bondage, they, too, are en-
titled to the same freedom to follow their religion and occupa-
tions as they had under the British. The freedom we have
achieved does not imply the rule of Hindus in the Indian Union
or that of Muslims in Pakistan. I have already told you in one
of my speeches' that when the anger of the Hindus and the
Sikhs against the Muslims abated it was likely to be directed
against one another. But I did not expect my prophecy would
come true so soon. The anger against the Muslims has not yet
completely calmed down. As far as I know, these Christians
are absolutely innocent. It has been pointed out to me that
their only fault is that they are Christians. Their greater fault
is that they eat beef and pork. When out of curiosity I asked
the priest if there was any truth in it, he said that those Roman
Catholics had on their own given up eating beef some time ago.
If such childish prejudice persists, the future of India is bound
to be dark. When the priest was at Rewari, he was deprived
of his bicycle, and he narrowly escaped death. Would this mi-
sery end only with the extinction of all non-Hindus and non-
Sikhs?

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 101-5

Vide Vol. LXXXIX, p. 380.

70. RATS OF HOPE

Although there is from all sides so much debris of hope,
now and then one sees a few rays of hope penetrating through
this debris. The reflection is due to a study of my correspon-
dence file for the Harijan which has been carefully kept for
reading during moments of leisure.

One such letter is from Shri Shivabhai Patel of Bochasan
Residential School. He has sent me a few unvarnished facts
and figures of the work done during the annual celebrations.
He is ably assisted by Gangabehn* of the late Satyagraha
Ashram of Sabarmati, now known as the Harijan Ashram and
the ever indefatigable Ravishankar Maharaja, with his two sons
who have not deserted him. A speciality of the recent celebra-
tion was that instead of the usual mechanical contrivance for
carding, they resorted exclusively to the tumi process. This time
the management was induced to begin a boarding-house for the
children of those who, in that part of India, are considered
to be a backward race. The beginning has been made with
only ten inmates. After seven years of suspension, they have
recommenced the day school for boys who have finished four
years’ course in ordinary schools. They expect to have a further
six years, bringing the boys up to the matriculation standard
minus English and plus a good grounding in khadi work, car-
pentry or agriculture. Unlike past years, during the year under
observation, the parents have become interested in the upright
conduct of their children. The result is that during the four
months preceding the celebration of October last, the boys who
were given to hard smoking and drinking strong tanning tea,
have shed the habit which was ruining them. The earnestness
of the boys has aflFected their parents who have also given up
these evil habits that make chimneys of their mouths and ruin
their digestive apparatus. When the boys were admitted, they
could not sit still or hold their tongues for five minutes. They
have now learnt to enjoy hand-spinning in perfect silence for

* Gangabehn Vaidya

^ Ravishankar Vyas, who devoted his life to the uplift of the Baraia
tribe in Gujarat

90-6

82 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

one hour. Gangabehn who is in complete charge of the dairy
of the institution takes good care to provide pure cow’s milk.

During the celebration days the students’ recitations con-
sisted of useful dialogues which were largely attended. They had
also an unpretentious exhibition of all the processes that cotton
undergoes before it comes out as khadi. Twenty- three students
took part in a competition — for neat calligraphy, a subject about
which there is so much indifference as if neatness of handwriting
was no part of good training.

New Delhi, November 22, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947

71. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 22, 1947

I am thinking of going to Panipat and staying there. I do
not wish to take many workers with me. Manu will of course
be there. If . . .* wants to go with me he may. But I think it would
be better if he went to Rajkot or stayed with . . for the

present. Because it is a matter of “do or die” with us. And
there is no knowing when this yajna will end. Jawahar does
not like the idea. I am trying to bring him round. If he is
persuaded and consents willingly, I may leave for Panipat at
the earliest.

You must not be anxious in the least. Rama is the Pro-
tector of us all. As long as I have this faith, everything is right
with me. God knows what will happen to me the day I lose
this faith. That is the reason why I remain so cheerful in spite of
being surrounded by this raging fire. I am at peace. I get sound
sleep. I keep well.

My blessings to you all. I hope everyone is keeping well.
If you find the time, make a copy of this letter and read it to
the Ashram inmates.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 333

' & ^ The names are omitted in the source.

72. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 22, 1947

Now we are daily growing more and more barbarous.
Yesterday I had some Christian visitors. I did not talk about
them at length in the prayers, but they too are being harassed
a lot. That is why I am praying within, ‘O Rama, now take
me away soon.’

I have to admit that the intellectuals and the leaders are
more responsible for these disturbances than the common people.

Look at what happened in Sind. All the leaders managed
to come away and the innocent people are being killed. Can we
turn so sinful and deceitful? It makes me shudder.

This is the situation today. Let us see what God ordains
ultimately.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 332

73. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 22, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I have received information about some instances of simi-
lar harassment' to the Christians at Sonepat also. I am told
that the Christians were first requested to allow use of their
buildings for the refugees. They readily agreed, for which
they were also thanked. But that gratitude turned into a
curse, for their other buildings were also forcibly occupied for
accommodating the refugees. They were then told that they
should leave Sonepat if they did not wish to subject themselves
to misery. If my information is correct, it is clear that the disease
is spreading and no one can say where it would lead India.

While discussing the subject with friends I was told that so
long as the atrocities in Pakistan do not abate, not much im-
provement can be expected in the Indian Union. In support of

’ Vide p. 80.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

this argument I was shown Press reports about what is hap-
pening in Lahore. I personally do not accept Press reports
to be absolutely correct. I would also warn the newspaper
readers not to be easily carried away by the newspaper reports.
Even the best of newspapers are not above giving exaggerated
reports and embellishing them. But supposing what you read in
the newspapers is all correct, still we should never imitate bad
examples.

Imagine a square frame to which no slate is fixed. If you
mishandle that frame its right angles would become acute and
obtuse angles. But if the frame is once again held properly at
one end, the remaining three angles would automatically become
right angles.

Similarly, if the people and the Government of the Indian
Union behave well, I have no doubt at all that Pakistan would
also give proper response and the whole of India would once
again come to her senses. This harassment of the Christians who
have, in my view, committed no crime, should be an indication
that it is not proper to let this madness spread. And, if India
has to keep its prestige before the world, this madness should
be combated sternly and at once.

There are doctors, lawyers, students, teachers, nurses, etc.,
among the refugees. If they segregate themselves from the poor refu-
gees, they would not be able to learn anything from their own
misfortune. I feel that all professional and non-professional, rich
and poor refugees should live together and build ideal cities just
as the rich people of Lahore made Lahore an ideal city which
the Hindus and the Sikhs had perforce to give up. Such
cities would relieve the burden of overcrowded cities like Delhi
and this would lead to better health and progress of the people
living there. If over two lakh refugees at the Kurukshetra camp
become ideal in the matter of inner and outer cleanliness, and
if the professional and the rich people live with the poor on
terms of equality and live a life of contentment in these colo-
nies of tents, and if they do their own work, beginning with
sanitation, etc., and engage themselves in some useful work
throughout the day, they would cease to be a burden on the
Government treasury. And the people in the city, in their turn, would
not stop at merely admiring the simplicity and co-operation of
the refugees, but would feel ashamed of their own lives, and
follow the good example of the refugees. Then the present
bitterness and mutual jealousies would vanish in no time. And
the refugees, no matter how large their number may be, would

LINGUISTIC REDISTRIBUTION

no longer be a matter of worry for the Union and local Govern-
ments. The world would admire the ideal life of these millions
of refugees.

In the end, I would talk about removing controls, espe-
cially the controls on food and cloth. The Government hesitates
to remove controls because it feels that there is a real scarcity
of food and cloth in the country, and the prices of these com-
modities will shoot up if the controls are removed and the
poorer sections will have to suffer a great deal. The Govern-
ment thinks that the poor can be saved from starvation by
continuing the controls and that they can be provided sufficient
clothes. The Government is suspicious about the traders,
cultivators and the middlemen. It fears that these people are
waiting like hawks for the removal of controls, so that they
could fill their pockets with tainted money at the cost of the
poor. The Government has to make a choice between the two
evils. It thinks that continuing rather than removing the con-
trols is the lesser evil.

That is why I appeal to the traders, middlemen and culti-
vators that they should dispel these doubts about them and
assure the Government that the prices will not rise when the
controls are removed. It may not be possible to root out black
market and underhand dealings by removing the controls but
the poor would have a much easier time than now.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 106-8

74. LINGUISTIC REDISTRIBUTION

Acharya Shriman Narayan Agrawal writes to me a letter
published in the columns of the Harijan Sevak. Its purport is
that new universities should not be established before the pro-
posed linguistic redistribution of Provinces. The following is the
rendering of his argument’ :

I entirely endorse the suggestion underlying the foregoing
letter, viz., that what is proper to be done should not be de-
layed without just cause, and that what is improper should
not be conceded under any circumstances whatsoever. There can
be no compromise with evil and since linguistic redistribution is

Which is not reproduced here

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

desirable from almost every point of view, all delay in carrying
out the project should be avoided.

But the reluctance to enforce linguistic redistribution is
perhaps justifiable in the present depressing atmosphere. The
exclusive spirit is ever uppermost. Everyone thinks of himself
and his family. No one thinks of the whole of India. The
centripetal force is undoubtedly there, but it is not vocal,
never boisterous; whereas the centrifugal is on the surface, and
in its very nature makes the loudest noise, demanding the at-
tention of all. It manifests itself most in matters communal.
This has given rise to fear in other fields. The history of the
quarrel between Orissa and Andhra, Orissa and Bihar and Orissa
and Bengal is fresh in our minds. The whole of it has not died
out even now. This is but an illustration of an almost accom-
plished fact. The other provinces were never redistributed in
law though they were in 1920 when the Congress had a brand
new constitution* enabling it to put up a life-and-death struggle
with perhaps the greatest empire that has ever been. How will
Madras, though divided by the Congress divide itself into four
provinces, and Bombay do likewise in law? Many other clai-
mants have come to the fore. They are not recognized by the
Congress, but they are not less vocal or less insistent. The
Congress does not command the prestige and authority it found
itself in possession of in 1920. Despair has given place to hope.
Now, when we have freedom, we seem not to know what to
do with it. It is almost mistaken for suicidal anarchy. Even
zealous reformers would postpone controversial issues to a more
hopeful time when, in the interest of the country, the virtue
of ‘give and take’ would be freely recognized and all sectional
interests would be subordinate to the one interest of the good
of India, which will include the good of all. Therefore, those
who, like me, want constructive suggestions to come into play
at this very moment, have to work to bring about a healthy
atmosphere, promoting concord in the place of discord, peace
in the place of strife, progress in the place of retrogression and
life in the place of death. That happy day will be most mani-
fest when the communal strife has died out. Meanwhile, will
the Southern linguistic groups settle their disputes and bound-
aries, will Bombay produce an agreed scheme of redistribution
according to language, and will the new candidates withdraw their
claims at least for the time being? Then linguistic redistribution

1 Vide Vol. XIX, p. 191.

DEATH — COURAGEOUS OR COWARDLY

can come into being today without the slightest difficulty or
fuss.

Let there be no undue strain upon the Congress, whose
foundations have been shaken to their roots. It is ill-equipped
today either for arbitrating between rival claimants or imposing
its will upon recalcitrants.

New Delhi, November 23, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947

75. UNBELIEVABLE
A correspondent writes:

Those who advocate the policy of undivided Bengal shall be
punishable with death is the Gazetted Order of the East Bengal
Government.

I should like to see the text of the Order before I can be-
lieve it. I feel sure that even if there is any Order to some
such effect, the exact wording would bear a different meaning. I
can understand the criminality of such action. There are very
few Hindus and certainly not many Muslims who believe in the
advisability or justice of the step. But only a mad man would
advocate any forcible measure to upset the settled fact. The
partition can be undone only by the willing consent of both the
parties. But even that consent will be impossible, if no one is
allowed to convert public opinion to the side of unity.

New Delhi, November 23, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947

76. DEATH— COURAGEOUS OR COWARDLY

A Bengali friend writes a long letter in Bengali on the
exodus from East Pakistan. Its purport is that though workers
like him understand and appreciate my argument and distinction
between death — courageous and cowardly — the common man
detects in my statement a not-too-hidden advice in favour of
migration. He says: “If death is to be the lot in any case, courage
becomes of no count; for man lives but to escape death.”

This argument seems to beg the question. Man does not
live but to escape death. If he does so, he is advised not to

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

do SO. He is advised to learn to love death as well as life, if

not more so. A hard saying, harder to act up to, one may say.

Every worthy act is difficult. Ascent is always difficult. Descent
is easy and often slippery. Life becomes livable only to the
extent that death is treated as a friend, never as an enemy.
To conquer life’s temptations, summon death to your aid. In
order to postpone death a coward surrenders honour, wife,
daughter and all. A courageous man prefers death to the sur-
render of self-respect. When the time comes, as it conceivably
can, I would not leave my advice to be inferred, but it will
be given in precise language. That today my advice might be

followed only by one or none does not detract from its value.

A beginning is always made by a few, even one.

New Delhi, November 23, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947

77. NATIONAL GUARDS

A correspondent from East Bengal asks:

The Pakistan Government are sure to raise a volunteer army called
National Guards or by some other name. What are the Hindus to
do, if they are asked to join? What are they to do, if the army is
confined only to the Muslims?

This is a difficult question to answer in the present state of
things. Almost every Muslim is a suspect in the Union and
every Hindu or Sikh likewise in Pakistan, West or East. If
there is a hearty invitation, I would advise joining the body,
assuming of course that the terms are equal and there is no
interference with one’s religion. If there is no such invitation,
I should, for the time being, submit to the exclusion without
harbouring any resentment.

New Delhi, November 23, 1947
Harijan, 30-11-1947

78. IN PRAISE OF DECONTROL

The following extracts’ are taken from a very long thesis
sent by a correspondent in favour of decontrol at least so far as
food is concerned.

By reducing rations from lbs. to | lb. the Government has . . .
created a bigger vicious circle. The . . . agriculturist. . . knows that the
lesser the ration the greater is the demand of the black market. . . .
He will hoard secretly. . . . The lower production figures will cause . . .
further reduction in the ration. . . .

If we think over what we import and what is being spoiled and
thrown away at storage places, it will be realized that our wastage is
greater than the imports! Hence we must not import. We must reduce
wastage.

Why have our leaders kept themselves entangled in the net created
for us for specific reasons by their predecessors, the British? How is it
that things do not become clear to them? Why are they guided by
the figures put before them by the officers which in some cases are nei-
ther complete nor accurate? . . .

Food crop production is not less today than what it was six years
back. . . . During the war period a large quantity was supplied to the
military with certain unavoidable wastages. Foodgrain were also sup-
plied to the Middle East. These conditions do not obtain today. The
public was then given 1 ^ lbs. daily ration. Thus . . . more stock was
then available . . . than today. Six years back . . . grain was stored ac-
cording to old customs in underground stores. Every merchant . . . had
big stocks of grain. . . . There were heaps of foodgrain .... Today, nei-
ther the consumer nor the businessman nor the Government has any
stock. . . . The Congress, which is in power, is not able, owing to de-
fects in the present procedure, to give to the public what as a matter
of fact is really available in the country and the public is displeased
and interested parties are taking advantage of this situation to make
the Congress unpopular. It is only the Congress which can maintain
peace in the country and if it once loses its hold over the public, which
may happen if the situation does not show signs of improvement, and
is allowed to deteriorate from day to day as it is doing, it will be very
difficult, if not impossible, for it to avoid the storm that may come.

Harijan, 23-11-1947

’ Only excerpts from which are reproduced here

79. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 23, 1947

Since I had no letter from you recently, I was beginning to be
afraid lest you had fallen sick. You must regularly take sun-bath
and apply mud-packs. Take complete rest and repeat Ramanama
with eyes closed till you fall asleep. Give up all anxiety regard-
ing your sons or other things. Don’t start taking milk yet. Take
whey, as much hot water as you can and some honey. Among
fruits, avoid heavy ones like bananas. You can take mosambi,
orange or lemon; also raw vegetables. Stop all walking and
reading. Get someone to read to you. Strictly avoid newspapers,
because they publish all sorts of true and false reports about the
country and about me, which make you anxious. Listen to news-
paper reports only if you are a sthitaprajm. Listen to Ramayana,
Bkagawat, the Bible, etc. If you carry out these instructions,
you will recover soon and be in a position to share my work.

Babo must be going to school. Let them all do their own
work with their own hands. That will make them self-reliant.
I am keeping well. The burden of work is heavy. Manu will
be writing about all other things. I am instructing Manu to
write to you every week even if I am not able to do so.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 340-1

80. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER

November 23, 1947

Just now I have written an article’ on Shrimanji’s letter.
Do read it. Why do we find the linguistic [problem] so diffi-
cult? But these days instead of settling our problems we think
it is brave and clever to fight over everything. Or this is
considered some sort of a fashion nowadays.

Things are not all right here. People’s hearts are filled with
poison. I am thinking what my duty is in these circumstances.
I also feel that the leaders are no longer honest.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 341

’ Vide pp. 85-7.

81. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

November 23, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Gandhiji apologized to the radio men for his occasional breach of the
rule that his speech should not exceed twenty minutes, not even fifteen, if
possible. He said that he could not always observe the rule for his main
purpose was to reach the hearts of the audience that was physically before him.
The radio came next. He did not know whether there was any arrange-
ment whereby the radio could record longer speeches. He was not in the
habit of speaking without purpose or for the sake of hearing his own voice. ^

A gentleman writes to ask me whether one should take to
violence if one’s rights are not granted. We cannot secure our
rights through violence. I would even say that we can secure
nothing through violence. Apparently, it seems we can get our
things that way. But how? Supposing a child is having a
rupee. If I slap him twice and take away that rupee, I may
have the satisfaction of having got the rupee, but how much
would I have lost in the bargain? What could the poor child
do? But it would prick me that I snatched away the rupee
from the poor child by beating him. Of course there are any
number of such rogues in the world. But I cannot do such a
thing. I have no right to deprive anyone like that. Snatching
away something would have a bad result. That is why I say
that we cannot demand rights with violence. There is only one
way of securing our rights which I have already explained.^
Everybody approved of it. I have stated my view about the
rights of the people and how they can be achieved. I would say
that there is nothing like a right. For the one who has no duties
there are no rights either. In other words, all rights emanate
from duties — if there is no duty, there is no right either. When
I do my duty, it brings some result and that is my right. For
instance, I eat because it is my duty to do so. If I eat for

* Gandhiji exhorted the audience to observe silence which was being
disturbed by the murmur among women who were present in a large number.
Complete silence was then restored.

^ This paragraph is from Harijan.

3 Vide Vol. LXXXVIII, pp. 230-2 and 236-8.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

pleasure, I fall victim to some disease or other. If I eat be-
cause it is my duty to eat, if I pray to God, if I serve the
world, that itself is my right. What is my right? It is the
right to serve. You would ask me how that can be called a
right. But you would understand this if you thought over it a
little. I would say that that itself becomes the right. Suppose
I work for the whole day and earn eight annas — I get those eight
annas as my right. How did I have that right? Because I worked.
If I do not work and take eight annas, I appropriate that
amount, I do not have it as my right. I can have a right only
when I fulfil my promise to work and that too sincerely in
thought, word and deed. But if I do not work with my heart in
it, if I exploit the employer and deceive him because he is not
noticing it, then it is a sin. When I know that everybody is
getting a rupee I too want to have a rupee for myself. But when
can I have it? Only when I have the employer’s permission.
I would ask him why, when everybody is getting one rupee, I
should work for eight annas only, and would ask for at least fifteen
annas. He may say that I should work for eight annas or leave.
What should I do in that case? Should I burn his property?
Obstruct his work? Do picketing? Go on fast? If I say that
I would resign but not work for eight annas, then I would be
acting like a gentleman. I would say that whatever you do, you
must do in a decent way. Decency means following one’s reli-
gion, doing one’s duty and earning one’s rights non-violently by
performing one’s duty. Let us not try to get anything through
violence — that is the only way to sustain the world. Otherwise
things go wrong in the world.

I have already talked to you about the Christians. Today
I will tell you about the Harijans. It is a matter of shame for
us that there are Harijans in Rohtak, or, say, in Rohtak
district — they were there everywhere before and are still there.
There are the Jats and perhaps Ahirs too. They felt that
the Harijans were their slaves and they could get any work
done by them. Once again the question of their rights
came and they felt that the Harijans were born slaves. They
may be given water and food but they can get nothing by
right. I regard this as arrogance. This was prevalent during
the days of the British and now it is all the more there. These
poor Harijans are timid, so they came to me and asked me what
they should do in the face of harassment. Should they remain
slaves or die or leave Rohtak? It is quite understandable that
they cannot leave the place. If they leave Rohtak, other people

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

would suffer, because their work would be affected. But this
means that Harijans have to remain slaves forever. And so, those
poor people came. Some of them study in schools, some are study-
ing further and some lag behind; some even learn crafts, but
what can they tell those who are harassing them? We have now
reached a stage when we do not stop to think where we are
going. During the British days we used to be afraid of being
beaten or killed. Now that the alien rule has ended we think
that no one can do us any harm. We feel that we can even
intimidate a judge if we are brought before him. We think that
the judge can do nothing to us. We have become so arrogant.
The result is that the Harijans are ruined. So, I suggested to

them that they should go to Thakkar Bapah He was born just

to serve the Harijans and the tribals. He does everything for

the Harijans. So those people went to him and came back to

tell me that he was not doing anything for them. I knew what
they wanted. They are seated right here. I told them that they
should go to Dr. Gopichand^. What if he has become the
Premier now? He used to attend to every work of the Hari-
jan Sevak Sangh at one time. I decided to meet him since he
was coming here today, and I met him. But what can be done
when the people there have become such tyrants, resort to
coercion and refuse to listen? The British rule is no longer
there, and the people cannot behave like that. Then what should
the Harijans do? So, I thought that today I should talk about
the sad plight of the Harijans. Can we not do even this much?
What is our duty today? So far we have acted against dharma
in regarding the Harijans as untouchables and slaves. We com-
mitted that mistake, that sin, and the Harijan Sevak Sangh
came into being^ by way of expiation. The Sangh has done
considerable work. But not all Hindus have taken the same stand.
Millions of Hindus have not even accepted the Sangh. If all
Hindus had accepted it, where was the need for me to narrate

^ A. V. Thakkar (1869-1951); joined the Servants of India Society in
1914; established the Bhil Seva Sadan in 1922; General Secretary, Harijan
Sevak Sangh; President, Gujarat Antyaja Seva Mandal; Secretary, Kasturba
Gandhi National Memorial Trust, 1944-51; established the Bharatiya Adimjati
Sevak Sangh

^ Gopichand Bhargava (1889-1966); President, Harijan Sevak Sangh in
the Punjab; Chief Minister of the Punjab, 1947-51

^ On October 26, 1932, initially under the name of Anti-Untouchability
League, with G. D. Birla as President and A. V. Thakkar as General
Secretary

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

this sad tale? During the days of the British we used to abuse
them and say that we would become good if the British did not
rule us. Now the British have gone. But have we become good
or bad? I would say that there is more degeneration now than
before. We used to commit excesses and are committing them
even now. First we oppressed the Muslims. This too was a sin.
Forget that Pakistan has come into being, don’t think of it. If
one man commits a sin should we also do the same? You will
realize that it is bad if you think over it. One wrong leads to
another. We have killed a large number of people. We have
acquired false courage and we are determined to kill the
Christians, and then we want to have Jatistan, Ahiristan and so
many separate states. But no one is keen about building up
India. We must accept the Harijans. They too are Hindus
like us. They are not the fifth caste. Hinduism has no fifth
varna\ there are only four, and these four varnas are not graded
as high or low. Among these four varnas the first teaches
religion, the second protects people, the third practises trade —
to collect millions of rupees, not for personal use but for the
welfare of the people — and the fourth serves the society. But
people belonging to the four varnas can mingle with one
another. It is not as though a Shudra, if he became a barris-
ter, could not practise law. He can serve even after becoming
a barrister. One who teaches religion serves, so does the one
who practises trade and is in employment and also the one who
sweeps. All these four are fields of service. The one who
teaches religion has to learn more. But that does not mean that
he commits a sin by giving up his profession and going in for
another. It is not that he cannot do that. Similarly, we created
so many castes and now are creating the fifth varna. This is
wrong, it is an act of wickedness. Everything will be all right
if each follows his religion. Now, when we are having the reins
of power in our hands, it seems to me that things would be
all right if the Hindus and the Sikhs followed their respective
religions. I have finished for the day and the meeting is also
over.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 109-12

82. LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI

November 24, 1947

CHI. JIVANJI,

I am sending you plenty of material today. I have not been
able to enclose the translations. Please, therefore, wait for the
post tomorrow also. Can you make really good arrangements
for translation there? Rajaji' is sitting by my side just now —
though, of course, I am observing silence. I will not, therefore,
write more.

Blessings from
Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9987. Also C. W. 6961.
Courtesy: Jivanji D. Desai

83. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 24, 1947

Today I observe silence; and also write for Harijan. The
articles I can somehow manage, but the letters pile up. I try
to reply to them with due care, but rarely succeed in the
effort. Should I not consider this as my shortcoming? I get
up at 3.30 in the morning and devote all the time after prayers
to writing. I snatch some time to doze a little. Then I go for a
walk. From this moment right up to the time I retire at night,
I am so hard pressed for time that I do not get a moment’s
respite. But I have to listen to people in connection with the work
for which I am camping here. That is how the cart jogs along.

Once again since last night communal riots have flared up
in Delhi. Who knows what scenes God intends to show me!
My faith goes on increasing each day and the mind is tranquil.
The body gets tired when I am required to speak a lot. Then
I make some quick changes in my diet.

* C. Rajagopalachari, Governor of Bengal, who was officiating as the
Acting Governor-General from November 10 to November 26, when Lord
Mountbatten was away in England to attend the marriage of Princess
Elizabeth with Prince Philip Mountbatten.

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

All of US are, however, playthings in the hands of Rama.
We have to dance to His tune. I hope you are all well. How
are the conditions there? It seems that the controls are now
on the way out. . . .'

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 347-8

84. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 24, 1947

The situation is becoming quite delicate here. There is too
much rancour among the Sikhs. Only yesterday some Sikhs went
inside a Muslim house in Chandni Chowk and beat up the
inmates.^ What has become of us?

Today only this much. I have been awake since 3 in the
morning. I am tired because I have written quite a lot. Just
now I wish to lie down for some rest and Rajendra Babu will
be here shortly.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 348

85. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

November 24, 1947

You are good enough, when I enter the prayer-ground, to
make ample room for me and my daughters to allow us to pass
through. I would urge you to observe the same orderliness
when after the prayer I go out. There is an unseemly rush
to touch me as I pass. The crowd press in upon me. I know
and value your affection. I want it to take the shape not
of effusiveness but of some constructive service of the country
such as I have pointed out on many an occasion and in my
numerous writings. The first and foremost today is communal
harmony. Formerly the discord was of a negative character.

’ Omission as in the source

^ Vide also the following item.

^ As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written message in Hindustani
was read out.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

Today it is of a most virulent type. The Hindus and the Sikhs
on the one hand and the Muslims on the other have become
enemies of each other with the shameful results which we have
already seen.

Those who attend the prayer should not only be free from
rancour against one another, but should actively assist in re-
establishing the communal harmony which was our pride during
the Khilafat days. Have I not attended the huge friendly ga-
therings of those days? They had gladdened my heart when I
witnessed them. Will those days never return?

Take the latest tragedy that took place in the heart of the
capital city yesterday. Some Hindu and Sikh refugees are reported
to have gone out to an empty Muslim house and unlawfully
attempted to occupy it. A scuffle ensued and some were
injured, though none fatally. This incident, bad as it was, was
exaggerated out of all proportion. The first report was that
four Sikhs were murdered. The sequel was to be expected.
Retribution followed and several stabbings took place. A new
technique seems to have been established now. The Sikhs with
drawn swords, which seem to have taken the place of little
kirpans, with or without the Hindus, visit Muslim houses and
demand evacuation. This is a monstrous state of things in
this, the capital city, if the report is true. If it is untrue, it
may be dismissed. If it is true, it demands urgent attention
not only from the authorities but the public as well. The former
will be impotent, if the public is not behind them.

I am not sure what my duty is in this case. Things are
evidently going from bad to worse. The full moon day of Kartik
will soon be upon us. All kinds of rumours have been pouring
in. I hope that they are all untrue, as they proved to be for
the Dussehra and the Bakr-Id.

One lesson to be learnt from these rumours is that we are
living a disturbed life, which is not good for any State or nation.
Every servant of the nation has to consider seriously the part
he has to play towards the abatement of this corroding nuisance.

It is well to consider at this stage a long letter from Sardar
Sant Singh of Lyallpur, former M. L. A. (Central). He has put
up a forcible defence for the Sikhs. He has read into my
prayer speech* of last Wednesday a meaning which the words
do not bear and certainly never meant by me. Perhaps the good
Sardar does know of my intimate connection with the Sikhs ever

* Vide pp. 71-5.

90-7

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

since my return from South Africa in 1915. There was a time
when my word was law to them as to the Hindus and the
Muslims. Manners have changed with the times. But I know
that I have not. The Sardar, perhaps, does not view the present
tendency among the Sikhs as I, their avowed, dispassionate
friend without any axe of my own to grind, can and do. I speak
freely and frankly because I am their true friend. I make bold
to say that many a time the Sikh situation was saved because
the Sikhs in general chose to follow my advice. I need,
therefore, no reminder that I should be cautious about what I
say about the Sikhs or any other community. Let the Sardar
and every Sikh, who wishes well by them and is not carried
away by the prevailing current, help in ridding the great and
brave community of madness, drunkenness and all the vices
that flow from it. Let them sheathe the sword which they have
flourished loudly and used badly. Let them not be fooled by
the Privy Council judgement if it means that the kirpan is a
sword of any length. A kirpan ceases to be sacred when it goes
into the hands of an unprincipled drunkard or when it is used
anyhow. A sacred thing has to be used on sacred and lawful
occasions. A kirpan is undoubtedly a symbol of strength, which
adorns the possessor only if he exercises amazing restraint over
himself and uses it against enormous odds against himself.

The Sardar will pardon me when I say that I have fairly
studied the history of the Sikhs and drunk deep of the essence
of the Granthsaheb. Tested by the tenets of that scripture, what is
said to have been done by the Sikhs is indefensible and suicidal.
The Sikh bravery and integrity must not be frittered away on
any account. It can be an asset to the whole of India. In my
opinion, it is a menace which it should not be.

Of course, it is nonsense to suggest that the Sikhs are enemy
No. 1 of Islam. Have I not been described as such? Is the
honour to be divided between them and me? I have never
desired the honour. My whole life is a standing testimony
against the charge. Can the same be said of the Sikhs? Let
them learn the lesson from the Sikhs who stand behind the
Sher-e-Kashmir*. Let them repent of the follies committed in
their name.

I know the vicious suggestion that the Hindus would be all
right if they would sacriflce the Sikhs who would never be
tolerated in Pakistan. I can never be a party to any such

* Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah; literally “the Lion of Kashmir”

LETTER TO CHAMPA R. MEHTA

fratricidal bargain. There can be no rest for this unhappy land
unless every Hindu and Sikh returns with honour and in safety
to West Punjab and every Muslim refugee to the Union, bar-
ring of course those who do not choose to do so for reasons
of their own. The sin of mass exchange of population must be
washed out if we are to live as peaceful and helpful neighbours.

I must not be asked to recount the evil deeds of Pakistan.
The recounting won’t help either the Hindu or the Sikh sufferers.
Pakistan has to bear the burden of its sins, which I know are
terrible enough. It should be enough for everybody to know
my opinion (in so far as it has any value) that the beginning
was made by the Muslim League long before the 15th of August.
Nor am I able to say that they turned over a new leaf on the
15th of August last. This statement of my opinion can’t help
you. What is of moment is that we of the Union copied the
sins and thus became fellow-sinners. Odds became even. Shall
we now awake from the trance, repent and change or must we
fall?

Harijan, 7-12-1947

86. LETTER TO CHAMPA R. MEHTA

New Delhi,
November 25, 1947

CHI. CHAMPA,

I have your letter. It does not satisfy me in the least. I
see the old Champa in it. Once one has begun to entertain a
doubt about a person, the latter cannot guide one. Please, there-
fore, excuse me and leave me out of this.

It is of course true that Bhansali’s attitude in this matter is
different from mine.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./XX

87. LETTER TO CHIMANLAL JV. SHAH

November 25, 1947

CHI. CHIMANLAL,

I am enclosing herewith Ashadevi’s letter. Accordingly pay
her Rs. 35,000. You certainly can manage the amount. You
already have deposits with Bachchharaj Company. Moreover Brij-
mohan came yesterday and told me that he would deposit
another Rs. 15,000 with the firm.

Sushila says that Babu’ has reached there but she is very ill.
I shall now enquire and know the details. She should have
patience and stay on in Nagpur where she has been.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

88. LETTER TO HIRAGAURI

November 25, 1947

CHI. HIRAGAURI,

I have your cheque. I am glad to learn about the family’s
well-being. Chi. Manu is now firmly settled there. Hence, there
is no reason to worry.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

89. LETTER TO CHUNIBHAI

New Delhi,

November 25, 1947

BHAI CHUNIBHAI,

I got your letter only today. I don’t know who Subbayya
is and it was just today that I came to know of the incident you
write about. I have always had respect for Rishi Aurobindo^.

* Sharda, addressee’s daughter, married to Gordhandas Chokhawala
^ Aurobindo Ghosh (1872-1950); studied in England from 1880 to 1893;
taught in Baroda and Calcutta; organized revolutionary activities and was
sentenced for a year in May 1908; established an ashram in Pondicherry;
author of Life Divine, The Synthesis of Toga, The Human Cycle, The Ideal of
Human Unity, Essays on the Gita, Savitri and other works

100

FRAGMENT OF A LETTER 101

I also do not know what the Government here has to say.
Please rest assured concerning me.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

90. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 25, 1947

I think it would be good if institutions like the Nayee Talim*,
Ashram, etc., get integrated. There will be substantial savings
also. The atmosphere will definitely undergo a sea-change. But

all these aspects have to be considered by the Ashram inmates

themselves. I see no early prospect of my going there. God will

either save me or consume me here. Whatever the result I am

patiently waiting for either of the two. And I look upon this
as God’s grace.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 355

91. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER

November 25, 1947

Lying down I am dictating this to Chi. Manudi. My hands
become numb from cold. Chi. Manudi is even more delicate, al-
though she is much younger. Such is the plight of our girls.
Let me now come to the point.

In my view, the Junagadh problem remains unsolved. If
the Nawab had not run away and if he had handed over
all power voluntarily, that would have constituted real victory.
He ran away because he was afraid of you. I do not con-
sider this a glorious achievement. What I wanted was that
the Nawab should have stayed and done the will of his
subjects. He could not become a servant of the people. This is
possible only in a non-violent struggle. A mighty power like
England was subdued by a struggle based on truth and non-
violence and it transferred all power with its own hands. We
have this illustration before us, and yet you could not win over

’ Hindustani Talimi Sangh

102 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

the poor little ruler of Junagadh through love. I am not pre-
pared to give credit to Shamaldas for any success or bravery.
He is my own nephew. No one else knows him as well as I do.
But what is the use of stretching the point? It is enough for
me if I can die with Rama’s name on my lips and truth and
non-violence in my heart.

Chi. Manudi often gives me news about Kathiawar. Men
from Kathiawar, like Balwantrai, Anantrai Pattani and Dhebar,
come and see me from time to time. I cannot listen to them
all. Manu has shaped well and can understand and discuss the
problems.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — pp. 355-6

92. LETTER TO PRABHAKAR

New Delhi,

November 25, 1947

CHI. PRABHAKAR,

I have your letter. To me April is very far off. When the
time comes I shall let you know who should accompany me. I
think you will have to come. It is good that you met Mataji.
I understand what you say about Zohrah She should get well
now.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 9041. Also C. W. 9165. Courtesy:
Prabhakar

93. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA

November 25, 1947

CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,

I have your letter. You did well in writing about the weaving
department. I have seen a part of it and the rest I shall see
whenever I find time.

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

^ Wife of Akbar Chavda

94. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 25, 1947

. . .* I thought you were an innocent girl. One cannot think
of marriage in this jajna. Yes, if your mother and father are keen
you can get married but I cannot have the marriage here. Today
I am burning in this fire-pit. Let us see what path God shows
us in the end. You must complete your nursing course.

I have heard many other things also about the Ashram.
Don’t you think it is your duty to write to me about all this?
If you cannot abide by the rules of the Ashram, you should
leave it.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 355

95. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 25, 1947

I am sorry that I did not answer your letter till today. I
beg your forgiveness. Today we are steadily going down and
God knows to what depth. Khwaja Saheb met me yesterday.^
He may come today also. I am considering what my duty is
when there is a threat to the lives of Khwaja Saheb and women
like Sophiabehn^. I realize what a blunder we have committed
in partitioning the country and we continue to make more and
more blunders. It is possible that I am mistaken. Let us see
what path God shows us.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 356

* Omission as in the source

2 After hearing from Khwaja Abdul Majid, President, All-India Muslim
Majlis, about his experiences Gandhiji had remarked: “Had they killed you, I
would have danced (with joy). And by dying you would have rendered ser-
vice both to Muslims and Hindus.”

^ A Congress Seva Dal worker, who had come to see Gandhiji on
November 23

103

96. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,
November 25, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Today I want to tell you something about the refugees from
Pakistan. But the difficulty is whether they should be called
refugees. Some persons met me yesterday and asked me why I was
referring to them as refugees. In a way they are right because
those who seek shelter are known as sharanarthi — refugees. They
said they had been driven here by their troubles, but why
should they seek anybody’s protection here, especially since they
have come to India and India belongs to everyone? I think of
Pakistan as also included in India. But if it is not part of India
today and India is divided into two parts, the Indian Union
belongs and should belong to everybody. So, when they come over
here, they do so as a matter of right. From this point of view those
persons’ remark appeared right to me. When a person is facing
hardships in a place and escapes from that place and comes and
takes shelter on the lap of his mother, shall we call him a refugee
or a person who has come as a matter of right? I told them
that they must admit that I had no ill feeling in my heart which
would make me use harsh words. In fact, we have been such slaves
of the English language that we cannot free ourselves from that
slavish mentality. Hence the word refugee, and it could mean
only one thing, as popularized by the Press, namely, sharanarthi or
nirashrit. Then those people remarked that there were many
other words in English. Why should they not be called ‘sufferers’.
I know English sufficiently well. So, how could I call them suffer-
ers? Then, what should I call them? I thought they may be called
dukhi because they are disconsolate. But in a way, we are all
full of sorrow in this life. As a matter of fact those who have
come here in millions leaving their homes and property are in
great misery. I would therefore like to talk about them today.

Three types of people came to see me today. One type I
would leave out altogether. The person had a big joint family in
Lahore. He used to run some hotels, etc., and all his houses and
property were left behind and he came here with his wife and
children. He did not bring all the family members here. He

104

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

105

narrated everything to me and requested me to find some accom-
modation for him. I told him that I had no authority, and even
if I had, I would not fix any accommodation for him. As it was, there
was housing shortage in Delhi and the local people themselves were
in great trouble; the Government requisitioned their houses. When
an officer or a diplomat arrived, he could not be put up in a
tent. Hence, the Government acquired some houses and made
the allotment for the purpose. If the original occupants protested
and asked where they could go, they were asked to go anywhere.
The Government, of course, did not go to that extent, but it
could go, and many people would have received notices to vacate
their houses. Under these conditions, how could these millions
of suffering people be provided accommodation? He told me
that he had come here after losing seventeen members [of his
family]. I told him that at least he had seventeen members in
his family. There were some families where there was no one
apart from a man and a woman. I told him that if he
believed that he belonged to the whole of India, even after
the loss of the seventeen members who were dead and gone,
the rest of India was there for him. Well, this is just philo-
sophizing, so let us leave it here. Then I told him that he
should go and live in the camps. All types of people were
living there and there was nothing wrong about it. He said
that he was no beggar to live on charity. I assured him he cer-
tainly was not one and if I were in charge of the refugee camps,
I would not give food on charity. I would tell them that they
were able-bodied and should work and maintain themselves and
weave their own cloth. I would of course tell them to cover
themselves during the night and protect themselves against the
dew. But they needed no covering during the day. The sky was
clear and they should take warmth from the heat of the sun. I did
not stay inside during the day. I enjoyed the sun outside. But he
said that he could not do that. He had young children with him
and he needed a house to live in. I asked him if he was the only
person having children. I found in every camp I visited mothers
with their children. Some women were pregnant and gave birth
to their children right there in the camps. What was his objec-
tion then to living in a refugee camp? I said he should eat what
other refugees were eating and work as others did; he was strong
and sturdy and might as well run a hotel or something. Why then
should he not do something which might bring relief to others?

He asked me: “Why should the Muslims living here not vacate
their houses and go away? Why are they still here?” I was deeply

106 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

pained to hear this. In the first place the Muslims are already
running away in panic and even from among those who have
stayed back some are being slaughtered daily. Everyone goes
and tells them: “Go away, we want to live in your houses.”
If everybody exercises authority, who will be the subjects
and to whom would the country belong? Everybody cannot
wield authority. Nowhere in the world things happen like this.
Of course, it is said that among the savages there is no

leader. But even bandits have a leader. In the case of Ali

Baba and the forty thieves there was at least one leader. Thus
there is no place in the world where all would be leaders or
there would be no leader at all. We, however, do not know
how to wield power and how to rule ourselves. That is the
reason why we are in trouble today. It is deplorable that you

should have designs on the houses of the Muslims who have fled

in panic or have been killed or arrested by the police. It does
not befit you. If at all, you can say that to me because the
house in which I stay is like a palace. You can ask me to leave
this place and go and live in a camp. You can say that it would
make no difference to me, for I have no wife, no sons, no daughters,
that I have gathered these girls from somewhere and call them my
daughters, that I should go to the camps and regard all the girls
there as my daughters. I would listen to you if you said that to
me. I would certainly feel amused, for, even if I ran away, would
you stay here? This house belongs to someone else. It is not
mine. Of course the owner of this house has made me the
owner and insisted that I should keep or prevent anyone from stay-
ing here as I please. How can the Muslims leave their houses?
Only Gandhi is in a position to do that. If he is removed from
here and dumped somewhere no one is going to leave him un-
attended. Somebody would give him milk, fruits, dates and some-
how his things would be managed. He is not going to remain
unclothed. For even clothes would be provided for him. When I
talked like this to that gentleman he felt ashamed.

Then some Sikh gentlemen came to me. They said they were
not like the Sikhs here. The surprising thing was that they did
not carry kirpans. I did not ask them the reason. However, they
did wear metal wristlets on their wrists and I think they also had
beards. They told me they were in great distress. They belonged
to the Hazara district where they owned and tilled land. They
were ready to live by farming if they were provided land and
implements. I was touched by what they said and felt they were
right. I asked them why they did not go to East Punjab. They

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

107

informed me that the East Punjab Government could accommodate
only people coming from West Punjab. They were told that the
Government could not accommodate people coming from every
place. Since they belonged to the Frontier Province they were
asked to approach the Union Government.

Even though the Central Government does not have land, it
would be nice if it could get land for these people. The Govern-
ment should arrange to get for them oxen, ploughs, seeds, etc.
I do not know if there is sufficient land in the province of Delhi.
But those who want to use the plough should be settled somewhere.
Had I been in charge of the Government, I would have set up
a separate camp for them, where they could produce their own
requirements of food. If that is not possible, let the Government
give them loan to meet the expenses of these things. These
people say that they do not have any money now, but they
are industrious and if they could get facilities they would pro-
duce everything and would not sit idle. It seems to me that the
country is losing much because such farmers are just sitting idle
in so many places. They are our brothers and we must do some-
thing for them. I do not know whom I should approach in the
Government. But through you I want to make it known to the
Government that it is our duty to help such people. They ask me
where they could go and stay and how they could eat. I would
say that there should be a separate camp for them. But till that
is arranged they should live and manage their things in the
camps that are already there. If they cannot be given any place
here, any vacant place anywhere in India is as good. They do
not insist on being accommodated only here. They do not even
say that they should be allotted any Muslim house. They say
that they do not want to make others pass through the hardships
they have known. They say they are poor people. They are
strong enough but their strength is not for intimidating others.
They want to live in whatever way they can with fear of God
in their hearts. I told them that their trouble was only a passing
phase. They wondered how that could be — ^just as somebody here
wonders — how it could happen that the people who have come
from Pakistan would go back there and the Muslims who have
run away to Pakistan would return here, as I have been saying.
I told them that it would happen, if not today, then tomorrow.
But the condition is that we on our side should become good.
Let us convince ourselves that there is none who is our enemy.
Even the Muslims are not our enemies. Some people say that even
here the Muslims are fifth-columnists. How could the poor things

108

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

be fifth columnists? Nobody can harass us here and if anyone
dares to do so, God will see to him or our Government will
put him down. If we come to our senses here today, everything
will be well tomorrow; I too will be free. Today I am very
much disturbed. My life has become a burden to me. I wonder
why I am still here. I could become strong if Delhi were re-
stored to sanity, and then I would rush to West Punjab and
tell the Muslims who have gone away from here that I have
prepared the ground for them and they could come back any
time they wanted and live wherever they chose. Such an occasion
is bound to come some time, for how long can crores remain
enemies of each other? It is not possible to kill or drive away
350 to 400 million Muslims who are here in India. One cannot
even dream of it and I do not want to entertain any such dream.
But today I have become a sort of burden. There was a time
when my word was law. But it is no longer so. Should I run
away in that case? Whether I live or die, those who are living
in misery will certainly return to their homes with honour and
respect, not in order to pick up a fight with anyone but to meet
their own brethren. Similarly, the Muslims should come back
here. That is the only thing that can keep us alive and in no
other way can we survive.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 117-22

97. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR

November 26, 1947

CHI. LILI,

Your letter has arrived very promptly. Take care of your
health and devote yourself entirely to your studies. Ponder over
what you read and digest it; then everything will become easy.
My blessings are ever with you. Your studies must be your
first concern. Don’t be scared by anything you hear about me.
If you want to honour my wishes your paramount task is to
pass your examinations. I am already being well looked after.
You will be rendering enough service if I do not have to worry
about you.

You can have the Rs. 100 from me. Do you need the money
urgently? If you do, shall I give you a note to someone or
shall I send the sum by money order?

FRAGMENT OF A LETTER 109

After you left I remember to have taken clove and sugar
only once.

It was good you came — even if you had to pay first-class
fare. You are now about to become a doctor, so occasionally
you must travel first-class.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

98. LETTER TO PRABHUDAS GANDHI

November 26, 1947

CHI. PRABHUDAS*,

I have your letter. Stay calm. I have written you a long
letter, which you should get by now. If I have a copy it will be
enclosed with this. Go to Noakhali only after you have completely
recovered.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

99. ERAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 26, 1947

The Hyderabad problem has erupted in a more unpleasant
manner.2 Kashmir is in the cauldron. I was not in favour of
partition of India because I could foresee these developments.
Hence I am not surprised at this crisis we are facing today. Those
brothers and sisters who joined the Congress or courted imprison-
ment are scrambling for power and fame, as if they had done me a

* Son of Chhaganlal Gandhi

2 The Nizam of Hyderabad had sent a second delegation to Delhi adopt-
ing the line that Hyderabad would prefer to remain an independent sovereign
State “in close association with the two Dominions”.

On November 29 a standstill agreement for one year was signed between
the Nizam and the Government of India, under which “all agreements and
administrative arrangements as to matters of common concern, including
External Affairs, Defence and Communications, which were existing between
the Crown and the Nizam before August 15, 1947, shall . . . continue as
between the Dominion of India and the Nizam.” Vide also pp. 8-9.

110 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

favour in doing what they did. I receive heaps of letters on this
subject every day. They evoke not anger but pity in my mind at
the mentality of our patriots. May God grant good sense to all.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 361-2

100. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 26, 1947

You must have got well by now. Your present duty is to
study. You will gain nothing by giving up studies and coming
to me. I will consider, and so should you, that you are serving
me if you prosecute your studies and render service appropriate to
your education. It is not as if one could serve me only by mas-
saging my feet or making a couple of khakhras^ for me. On the
contrary, those who render to the poor some useful service of my
liking render real service. But your foremost duty is to recover.

Chi. Manudi is well. She takes down copious notes. She feels
the cold a lot. There is, in fact, a Gujarati proverb which says
“The goat nibbles away the cold of a child.” But here it is the
reverse. The old man’s cold has been nibbled away by the goat!

I have written enough today — haven’t I ? Do the duty
that falls to your lot with a steady mind.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — p. 362

101. LETTER TO S. M. QASLM RLZVI

November 26, 1947

BHAI SYED SAHEB^,

I am glad that we met. What you said amazed me. It
was difficult to believe it. I had asked you if I could send you

* Crisp, thin, paper-like chapatis

^ Leader of Ittehad-ul-Mussalmeen, an organization which was terror-
izing the Hindus of the State, opposed accession of the State to India and
wanted independence for the Nizam.

The addressee had persuaded the Nizam to dissolve the first delega-
tion and to appoint another to resume negotiations with the Government
of India. Vide also footnote 2, p. 109.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

111

copies of some documents in my possession. I have many other
complaints besides these about you and the Muslims of Hydera-
bad but I think these three samples are sufficient.

Syed Mohammed Rizvi

Darussalaam

Hyderabad

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

102. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 26, 1947

I know that translations that appear in the newspapers are
sometimes wrong and that is why I myself translate into English.
God knows how it happened in spite of this.

Incidentally only yesterday Khwaja Saheb had come. He
also told me the same. I was very much surprised to hear all
this. How nice it would have been if somebody had killed him !
And he is a man who would have died bravely taking the name
of God.

I wish to go and stay in a Muslim locality. Nothing has been
decided as yet. Let us see. The Hyderabad issue is a difficult
one, Junagadh’s has become a sort of a farce. I don’t think it
was a great achievement on our part. After all, didn’t we have
the support of the Indian army?

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 362-3

103. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 26, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

A gentleman has written a letter to me. It is accompanied
with a cutting from a Bombay newspaper. It is stated in that
cutting that Gandhi is only carrying on propaganda for the
Congress, but people are not interested in hearing it. If the Con-
gress uses the radio, etc., like this for its own propaganda, it is bound
to bring about dictatorship in the end. It is absolutely incorrect to
say that I sing praises of the Congress I do not sing anybody’s

112 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

praises and, if I do, I sing the praises of the whole world. The
cutting also says that the talk of non-violence is just for show, the
real purpose being self-glorification by the Government. But I would
say that no government which indulges in self-glorification can
survive. And I only want to serve dharma. I speak to you only
about things related to dharma. Maybe, some people are not
interested in hearing what I say. But there are others who write
to tell me that they feel greatly encouraged by what I say. No-
body forces people to listen to me against their wishes. If your
mind is somewhere else, you are free to leave this place without
listening to what I say. If you leave me alone, I would neither
have the prayer here, nor deliver the speeches. I am not particular
about speaking on the radio. I do not like it. Even here I do
not come with a prepared speech.

Many of our women are in Pakistan. They are being molested.
Those unfortunate women are made to feel ashamed. In my
view, they have no reason to feel ashamed. It would be gross in-
justice if any woman is considered worthless by society and aban-
doned by her brothers, parents, and husband because she had been
abducted by the Muslims. It is my belief that any woman who
has the purity ofSita cannot be touched by anyone. But where can
we find women like Sita these days? And not all women can be
like Sita. Should we show contempt for the woman who had been
forcibly abducted and tyrannized? She is not a woman of loose
character. My daughter or wife too could be abducted and
raped. But I would not hate her for that reason. Many such
women had approached me in Noakhali. Many Muslim women
also came. We have all become goondas. I consoled those women.
It is the men who commit rape that should feel ashamed, not
these poor women.

A gentleman* remarks that supposing controls are removed
and people start producing food for themselves in the villages and
villagers start helping in harvesting the crops, etc., the prices
will come down, but the prices will still rise if the farmers have to
hire paid labour. It was customary at one time for one farmer to
invite other farmers to help in harvesting and threshing and thus
take the grains to the house. That practice is now forgotten, but
should be revived. Nothing can be accomplished single-handed.
That friend also suggests that at least one of the Ministers
should be a peasant. Unfortunately, none of our Ministers is a
peasant. The Sardar is a peasant by birth and has some knowledge

* Secretary of a Provincial Congress Committee, who was a farmer

LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR

113

of agriculture, but he is a barrister by profession. Jawaharlal is
a scholar and a great writer, but what does he know about
farming? More than 80 per cent of our population are peasants.
In a true democracy, there should be the rule of peasants in our
country. They need not become barristers. They should know
how to be good farmers, how to increase their produce and keep
the soil fertile. If we had such peasants, I would ask Jawaharlal
to be their secretary. Our peasant ministers would stay not in a
palace but in a mud-house, and would toil on the land through-
out the day. Then alone can there be a true peasant rule.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 123-4

104. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR

November 27, 1947

CHI. KARA,

I have your letter. I shall have a talk with Jawaharlal
about the two points you mention. Only if he wants can some-
thing be done about it. I was not aware that Beg was to be
replaced.

He must also appreciate what you write about the port.
Let us see how far I can reach. Just now my mind is engaged in
a single task. If I don’t succeed in it there is nothing but dark-
ness before me.

The four associations, viz., the Talimi Sangh, the Hindustani
Prachar Sabha, the A. I. S. A. and the Village Industries Associa-
tion, are meeting here by the 12th of December. You will have
to come for that; we shall do what we can then.

Will Christmas have the same importance now or even a long
holiday for it? However, let the time come and let things take
their own course.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

90-8

105. LETTER TO SURENDRA MEDH

New Delhi,

November 27, 1947

CHI. MEDH,

I could read your letter only today. It reached here on the
22nd instant. May you have success in your resolve; take it as
my blessing. You do remember your resolve, don’t you, never
to lose temper, to preserve your health in order to render service
and to be fearless. The news you convey from there' is startling,
yet not quite so. I know our people there too well to be startled
by the news. And I am alarmed that we have not yet learnt the
true lesson. Are we ever going to learn it? How can I guide
you from this distance ? And where do I have the energy for
that? Weigh everything on the scales of truth and non-violence
and follow the resultant verdict. And don’t be afraid. It should
never turn out that you had gone there to exploit and instead
were yourself exploited. The best way is not to bother about
what any ‘ism’ says but to associate yourself with any action
after considering its merit. Dr. Dadoo^ has made a favourable
impression on everybody here. Our Government here consults
me on its various actions.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

106. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 27, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

You would have perhaps seen [the report] or you would
see, for you could not have yet seen, that I had called on the
Governor-GeneraP. Any time now it will be in the newspapers.
Subsequently I called on Liaquat Ali also. I got an opportunity
to visit both of them. We talked at length and they are working
on something. I found that Liaquat Ali was not only ill but also
confined to bed. He was having pain in the chest and palpitations.

' South Africa
2 Dr. Y. M. Dadoo

2 Who had resumed office on November 27 on his return from England

114

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

115

He is better now, but has gone very weak. He is staying at the
Viceregal Lodge, hence I went and looked him up. He is the
Prime Minister of Pakistan as Jawaharlal is the Prime Minister
of India. Thus he and the Finance Minister* of Pakistan, whose
name I have forgotten, Sardar Patel and two others met and
they have arrived at some decision. I cannot give the full report.
If it is carried out it is possible that we might to some extent
come out of our present confusion and hardships. But what hap-
pens or does not happen is in the hands of God. Man, after all,
can only try.

You must have read in the papers that Sheikh Abdullah has
also come here. The Kashmiris refer to him as Sher-e-Kashmir.
And so he is. He has done a lot of work; but the remarkable
thing is that he has won over all the Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs.
There Muslims are in a majority, and the Hindus and the Sikhs
are just a handful. None the less, he carries them all with him.
He does nothing that would keep them discontented. Then we
saw that while coming here he also went to Jammu. There
have been considerable excesses by the Hindus there. This has
not been fully reported in the newspapers. The Maharaja and
his new Premier^ also went there. I asked Sheikh Abdullah
jokingly if there were two Premiers. He said he also was not
aware of it but this much he could say, that he was looking
after the affairs of the Government there, whether there were
one or two Prime Ministers. So he too went to Jammu. I do
not know if what happened in Jammu was at the instance of the
Maharaja or his new Premier. But those things happened there
and it is a matter of great shame for us. Still Sheikh Abdullah
did not lose his balance and the Hindus in Jammu fully supported
him. Where then was the need to tell him anything? But he has
still to convince Kashmir and the entire India that the only
way for Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs is to live together in amity
and to trust one another. Then alone can Kashmir and India
live together. His attempts are no doubt in that direction, but
there is one obstruction. It is a mountain region which is at a
height of 10,000 if not 14,000 feet. It snows heavily there. That is
why movement from one place to another is not very easy. The
movement would be easy only through Pakistan. But who could
say that Pakistan would allow the movement? Apart from that,
fighting is already going on with the Afridi invaders who may

* Ghulam Mohammed

2 Mehrchand Mahajan, Judge of the Punjab High Court, was appointed
Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir in November

116

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

well be said to belong to Pakistan. Under these circumstances,
how can the Kashmiris come via Pakistan? The Government of the
Indian Union has already sent help to them and they can have a
straight road only through India. There is not much of trade in
Kashmir, but the people of Kashmir are industrious and skilled
in handicrafts. Kashmir is a huge fruit garden. But who would
bring all those things from there and how? Everything cannot
be brought by air. And how can those vendors travel by air ? That
is not possible. So, the only way is through Pathankot in East
Punjab. It is a small road but at least there is one. But the
Hindus of East Punjab have become so bad that no Muslim can
cross that road. The Sheikh says that that is the greatest danger.
He is a very big man but he says that even for him it is difficult
to pass through that way. Not only the police guards but even
ordinary people try to enquire from anyone passing that way who
he is and would like to lift his turban to see if he wears a tuft
and do similar things. If he happens to be a Hindu, or a Sikh,

well and good, but if he is a Muslim then he is doomed. Such

is the situation prevailing there.

So the Governor-General and these four have met. It would
be well if they are able to do something. And they have done

some little bit. But what is the use of their doing anything? If

the people themselves are caught in a frenzy, then nothing can be
done. I would tell the people of East Punjab that enough dam-
age had been done, and now let us forget everything. Or, would
things always be like this? I would say that that road should
be absolutely clear. The Government also should fully carry out
its responsibility. If the Government is not able to do this, what
is the use of our having sent the army by air? Will it help in
carrying on trade in Kashmir? If not, is the Indian Union go-
ing to feed the Kashmiris? That is not possible. If today our
Government has come to possess millions of rupees, would it go
on squandering that money? I hear that every officer in the Gov-
ernment is going to have a secretary. I just do not know what he
would do or what monthly salary he would get. If we go on squan-
dering money at this rate, we will perish in no time. Ours is not
a land of millionaires. It is a poor country where people earn even
a few copper coins with great difficulty. There are only a handful of
millionaires or businessmen. And how much money do even these
people have? If it is squandered like this, it will all be spent in
no time. Then there is the whole country to be looked after. We
cannot waste money like that. So the Government will have
to see how that road can be made safe so that anybody can pass

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

117

on safely. Kashmiris make beautiful clothes which can be brought
by that road. Shawls and other handicrafts can also be brought.
So also the Kashmir dry fruits. Today you can get a Kashmir
apple with great difficulty. Kashmir has acceded to the Indian
Union, but how long can it remain with India in this way?
If Kashmir does not find a safe thoroughfare, I do not know
what would happen. Now, after mentioning the third point, I
will wind up for the day.

I have just received copies of the Dawn and the Pakistan Times.
Both these are prominent dailies of Pakistan. When something
appears in the Dawn or the Pakistan Times we cannot dismiss it.
That way the people of Pakistan can dismiss the reports in
The Hindustan Times or The Bombay Chronicle, can’t they? So this
is a useless argument. I think the Dawn and the Pakistan Times
are also good papers which are read by Muslims and run by
leading Muslims. They write about the Muslims of Kathiawar
in their papers. When the Sardar went to Junagadh I was happy
to see that even the Muslims had welcomed him there. They said
it was good he went there because they were in great trouble.
When the Princes and the people of Kathiawar are all on one side,
how long could Junagadh remain apart? Hence, I was happy
that the whole problem was solved without any violence. They
did not remain strictly non-violent, but whatever violence they
used was after great thought and consideration. I was very happy
to know all that. But now I hear and even the Dawn expresses
the view that the Muslims in Kathiawar cannot live in peace.
I have received a telegram from a Muslim at the right moment.
Kathiawar is a region where the Muslims used to live in peace
and nobody ever disturbed them. There were good Muslims there
and also rebellious Muslims. They did not quarrel with one
another, but struggled for livelihood. Now, in that same Kathia-
war such a situation has developed that they wonder if they can
live there at all. In such a situation, should all Muslims in Kathia-
war run away or should the Hindus slaughter them all? They are
terribly harassed, and for me, this is unbearable because I was
born in Kathiawar, and I know all the Princes and thousands of
people there. Shamaldas Gandhi, who is like a son to me, has
become all in all there. He has also formed a Provisional Govern-
ment there. What is the use of that Provisional Government if,
in spite of it, innocent Muslims are killed? When people thus
take the law into their own hands, how can the Muslims feel safe
there? I cannot say what will happen if this state of affairs
spreads to all other places. I do not know if all those things

118

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

actually happened there, but I have read the report in the Dawn
and have also received some telegrams. Later I asked some
Hindus about it, and they said that there had been some cases
of arson and loot, but they could not say if there were any cases
of murder or abduction of Muslim women. But the Dawn
reports that all the four things happened and that too on a wide
scale. I had received several telegrams but only one telegram
was shown to me and by mistake the others were not shown.
Perhaps some fifty telegrams would have come to me from Mus-
lims at different places. And they have a right to tell me that
my son has become all-powerful there. But how can I take the
responsibility for everything that my son may do? At the same
time, how can I convince the world or the Muslims that way?
What they write is true. But when could I have conveyed my
feelings to my son? I read about it only today. Hence, through
you I wish to convey not only to my son but to the whole of
Kathiawar that if the Hindus have become so bad — they can be
only Hindus because there are no Sikhs living there except
perhaps some who might have settled there to earn their livelihood
— then Kathiawar cannot remain undivided. We have taken
Junagadh, no doubt, but we have done it in such a way that
we are going to lose it — just as we won our freedom but to
lose it. Then they remind me of what the Sardar had said in
Junagadh. He had said that nobody would touch even a Muslim
child provided he was loyal to Kathiawar, that is, the whole of
India. He said he would see how anyone could even touch a young
Muslim girl. He could say that because he is at once the Sardar
and the Home Minister of India. He had a right to say that.
But after his saying it, what has happened? It pains me to see
that such things could happen in Kathiawar and people could
become so mad. We have lost our dharma, our ability to work,
and in this way we are going to lose our country. It was my
duty to put all these things before you. These things are not
reported in our newspapers. But I get all the news. It was of
course my duty to make inquiries, but where do I have time
for it? Hence, I have told you what I have heard. Even when
I met Liaquat Ali I told him that I would like to ask him a
question if he permitted. He agreed. Then I asked him if he was
aware of what was happening in Kathiawar. He said he knew
everything — that such things had happened and all the four things
had taken place — but he could not say on what scale. He is
the Prime Minister of Pakistan. That is why he openly told me
everything, whereas I was talking with great restraint. Then I

NO COMPARISON POSSIBLE 119

thought I would convey to you this evening how pained I am
by all this.

Kathiawar is my home. When that very home is on fire,
what chance do I have to say anything? What can I say to the
residents of Delhi? Something or the other is always happening
everywhere around me. How can I remain unmoved in such a
situation? No sensible human being can remain unmoved in
such an atmosphere. This is my sad tale, rather, the sad tale
of the whole of India, that I have placed before you.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 125-31

107. NO COMPARISON POSSIBLE

A friend asked me the other day whether I shared the opinion
often expressed that as between nationalism and religion, the
former was superior to the latter. I said that the two were dis-
similars and that there could be no comparison between dissimi-
lars. Each was equal to the other in its own place. No man
who values his religion as also his nationalism can barter away
the one for the other. Both are equally dear to him. He renders
unto Caesar that which is Caesar’s and unto God that which is
God’s. And if Caesar, forgetting his limits, oversteps them, a man
of God does not transfer his loyalty to another Caesar, but knows
how to deal with the usurpation. A rehearsal of this difficulty
gave rise to satyagraha.

Take a homely illustration. Suppose I have mother, wife and
daughter. All the three must be equally dear to me in their own
places. It is a vulgar error to think that a man is entitled to
forsake his mother and his daughter for the sake of his wife.
He dare not do the converse. And if any of the three oversteps
her limits, the law of satyagraha comes to his assistance for the
restoration of the equilibrium of the three forces.

New Delhi, November 28, 1947
Harijan, 7-12-1947

108. LETTER TO P. KODANDA RAO

November 28, 1947

MY DEAR KODANDA RAO,

I have your letter. I knew nothing about Mr. Satchell’s case
before receiving your letter. Nothing remains to be done by me
about the case, though I am not quite clear about it from your
letter. I suppose Mr. Satchell is free to be in India as long as
he likes. If he ever comes to Delhi, where I am fixed for the
time being, I shall be delighted to meet him, who, from the
account you give me, is a brave man.

I never knew that Father Lash had become Bishop of Bombay.
Is it a matter for condolence or congratulation?

I hope Mary' is all the better for the little relaxation she
had in America, if it was relaxation.

I am told that things are not quite so bad there as they are
here. I do not need to go farther from here to make the acquaint-
ance of hell.

With love to you two,

M. K. Gandhi

Shri P. Kodanda Rao
Servants of India Society
Nagpur, C. P.

From a photostat: G. N. 6281

109. LETTER TO MANKUMAR NAG

New Delhi,

November 28, 1947

DEAR MANKUMAR,

Pyarelal had written to me about your difficulty. Now your
letter. I am powerless to do anything. You should approach
some monied man.

Tours sincerely,

M. K. Gandhi

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* Addressee’s wife

120

no. LETTER TO MANIBEHN

November 28, 1947

CHI. MANIBEHN,

I have your letter. I can understand your inability to come
over after the receipt of the two resignations. It is your clear
duty to bury yourself in your present work. I can understand
the resignation by Vithaldash I was, however, not prepared for
the one by Kakubhai^. Who can know a man’s nature? If his
views on non-violence undergo a change, all that will remain will
be trading in khadi which can be of no interest to him. I would
certainly wish that with the change of his views he does not go
over to the other extreme. I am returning both the letters.

Please let both the brothers read my letter. We are all put
to test to prove whether the metal we are made of is brass or
gold.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

111. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER

November 28, 1947

It is my misfortune that Kasturba is not alive today. ^ Had
she been alive, she would have actually demonstrated the kind
of bravery that is expected from women in the present circum-
stances. And whatever place our women have achieved today is
due to Kasturba’s courage, purity and steadfast faith. She might
have been a totally uneducated woman, but she possessed all the
virtues which a woman should have. On the strength of these
virtues, India and I have risen high. I do not hesitate to say that
the country or any of her citizens can hardly repay the debt.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, p. 380

’ V. V. Jerajani
^ Purushottam K. Jerajani

^ The addressee had written: “Unfortunately Kasturba is not alive
today. Had she been alive and had she been abducted, you would have
understood our feelings.”

121

112. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 28, 1947

I know that khadi and all allied activities have slackened
because we have achieved swaraj. I am caught in the flames at
the moment. If I succeed in this work, the other activities will
take care of themselves. But in the present climate, what can
one hope for all these activities? Finally, of course, India will
get what is ordained for her. What can we do?

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 380

113. SPEECH AT GURU NANAK BIRTHDAY EUNCTION

November 28, 1947

I fear that I might not be able to say all that I want to. I
had also hoped that you, having gone through the military
machine, would observe perfect silence. But the discipline has
not reached the sisters and, therefore, they are not able to observe
the laws of public meetings. I had the same experience when,
some years ago, I was in Amritsar. You will admit that the
fault lies with the men. As I entered the meeting place I saw
the remains of bananas and oranges thrown about anyhow. These
have not only made the place dirty, but dangerous to walk. We
should learn to keep the roads and footpaths as clean as the
floors in our houses. In the absence of proper receptacles I have
noticed disciplined people putting these in a piece of paper and
then temporarily in their pockets until they are cast in their
places. It is the duty of men, if they have learnt the rules of
social conduct, to teach them to the womenfolk.

Today Baba Bachittar Singh came to me in the morning
and insisted that I should attend the Guru Nanak birthday
celebrations. He told me that probably over a lakh of men
and women had assembled there, and that most of them would
be sufferers from West Pakistan. I hesitated because I felt that
many Sikhs had been displeased with me. The Baba nevertheless
insisted and said that I should say my say before the meeting.

122

SPEECH AT GURU NANAK BIRTHDAY FUNCTION

123

I yielded and felt that even as a mother often gives bitter pills
to her children, I would take the liberty of saying things, which
might appear to be bitter. In reality and in effect they are
meant for your good. My mother often used to administer bitter
drugs, but I could not feel elsewhere the comfort that her
lap provided for me. Whatever I have said to you up to now,
I do not regret. I have said those things as your sincere friend
and servant. I have with me Sardar Datar Singh’s daughter.
You perhaps know him. He has lost his all in the Punjab.
He was the owner of large tracts of land and several hundred
fine cattle. He has lost many relatives and dear friends in Mont-
gomery, but I am glad to be able to tell you that he has
not shed a single tear over the misfortune, nor has he felt any
bitterness towards the Muslims. I would like you to follow his
example. Sikh friends have told me that one Sikh is considered
equal to 1,25,000 men. Where is that bravery today? Have
things come to such a pass that a minority of Muslims cannot
live in your midst in perfect safety?

I am free to admit that the mischief commenced in Pakistan,
but the Hindus and the Sikhs of East Punjab and the neigh-
bouring districts have not been behindhand in copying the mis-
chief. The difference is that the Hindus have not the courage of
the Sikhs, who know how to use the sword.

You see Sheikh Abdullah with me. I was disinclined to
bring him with me, for I know there is a great gulf between the
Hindus and the Sikhs on the one side and the Muslims on the
other. But the Sheikh, known as the Lion of Kashmir, although
a pucka Muslim, has won the hearts of both by making them
forget that there is any difference between the three. He had not
been embittered. Even though in Jammu recently the Muslims
were killed by the Hindus and the Sikhs, he went to Jammu and
invited the evil-doers to forget the past and repent over the evil
they had done. The Hindus and the Sikhs of Jammu listened to
him. Now the Muslims and the Hindus and the Sikhs of Kashmir
and Jammu are fighting together to defend the beautiful valley
of Kashmir. I am glad, therefore, that you are receiving the
two of us with cordiality.

Let this auspicious day mark the beginning of a new chapter
in your life. Let the disgrace of driving out the Muslims from
Delhi cease from today. I found to my shame that as our motor-
car was passing through Chandni Chowk, which used to be filled
with Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims, I did not notice a single Muslim
passer-by. Surely we have not come to such a pass as to be

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afraid of the minority of the Muslims scattered throughout the
Indian Union. If there are any traitors in their midst, our
Government is strong enough to deal with them. We must be
ashamed of hurting children, women or old men. Every man must
be considered innocent before he is found guilty by a properly
constituted court of law.

I fervently hope that such misdeeds will become now a thing
of the past. The kirpan is a symbol of sanctity to be exhibited and
spent in defence of the helpless and the innocent. The tenth and
the last Guru’ undoubtedly wielded the sword, but never, so far
as I know, at the expense of the weak. He had imposed many
restraints upon himself. He had many reputed Muslim disciples.
So had the other Gurus beginning with Nanak Saheb. Your
bravery will be testified when all those who belong to different
faiths including Muslims become your sincere friends.

Intoxicating drinks, drugs, dancing, debauchery and the vices
to which many of us become addicted are not for the followers
of the Gurus and the Granthsakeb. With the Granthsaheb as my
witness, I ask you to make the resolution that you will keep your
hearts clean and you will find that all other communities will
follow you.

Harijan, 7-12-1947

114. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 28, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

You know that today is Guru Nanak’s birthday. Someone
had sent an invitation to me also but at that time I had told
him that I should be excused. But today Baba Bachittar Singh
came to me and insisted that I should go. He came to me
at 10 o’clock and we had to go in an hour’s time. I then
decided that I should go. Although I have done nothing from
my side, my Sikh friends are angry with me today. Of
course I have tried to push a bitter pill down their throat. But
that is how things go on in the world. The Baba insisted on
my going there all the same. He said there must be thousands of
Sikh men and women — and some of them must be really in
distress — who are eager to hear me. I agreed and told him

Guru Govind Singh

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

125

that he should take me with him at 11 o’clock. He came at 11
a.m. with Sheikh Abdullah. He was also to be taken there. I
asked him how Sheikh Abdullah could come there since the
Sikhs and the Muslims could not bear to look at one another.
But he said that Sheikh Abdullah had done one great thing.
He had kept the Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims united in Kashmir
and created a situation in which they would wish to live and
die together. So I thought that Sheikh Abdullah too should go
with us, and we took him along. I was very glad about it. There
were thousands of Sikh men and women. I spoke but little; but
Sheikh Abdullah spoke fairly at length, and people heard him
with attention. There was no trace of disapproval even in their
eyes, then where was the question of their creating noise ? After
all, we had been invited there. And then the Sikhs are a brave
community, so it all turned out well. I felt I should pass on this
little information to you.

I have received a letter from Bengal. It is from the Muslim
Chamber of Commerce. I cannot reply to that letter; but I
have thought about it and also enquired from Ghanshyamdas
if he knew anything about it. He told me that the Muslim
Chamber of Commerce wants to have dealings with the Govern-
ment and wants to correspond with it. But the Government
belongs to everyone, whether he be Hindu, Muslim or Parsi.
Then, how can the Muslims, Hindus, Parsis and the Englishmen
have separate Chambers of Commerce? Hence the Government
has refused to recognize it. That gentleman says in his letter that
it is indeed strange that while the Marwari and the European
Chambers of Commerce are allowed to exist, only the Muslim
Chamber is not being granted the permission. I could appreciate
his point and it pained me. If the Government does not wish to
have any dealings with the Muslim Chamber of Commerce, it
cannot have anything to do with the Marwari Chamber of Com-
merce and should not have anything to do with the European
Chamber of Commerce, either. All these existed till now and
the European Chamber of Commerce came into being because
Europeans were in power and since we were being ruled by them
the Viceroy used to be its President. And since he had to go
to Calcutta during Christmas, he used to deliver long speeches
there. But now that practice cannot be continued. How can the
Europeans, Muslims and Marwaris have separate Chambers of
Commerce? There can be only one Indian Chamber of Com-
merce. If the Hindus, Muslims and Parsis start having their
separate Chambers of Commerce, what is the use of India’s

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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

independence? Especially the Europeans should yield now. They
should not do anything by remaining in isolation. They should
refuse to have any special privileges, and insist on having the
same rights as others. That would become a great hallmark of
India’s independence. The European Chamber of Commerce
used to invite the Viceroy every year. But, in my view, they can-
not invite our Prime Minister or Deputy Prime Minister or even
Lord Mountbatten. Lord Mountbatten can certainly go and meet
them as a European. But the Chamber as such cannot invite him.

I am a small man, but I have no doubt about my opinion. Simi-
larly, the Marwari Chamber of Commerce cannot invite any-
body from the Government. It can invite anyone as a Marwari,
but not on behalf of the Chamber. They all exist because
India exists. Even the Muslims cannot live here as a separate
community. Let them live here as Indians. In the same man-
ner, all Sikhs, Hindus and Europeans can live here only as
Indians. They can all stay here as loyal citizens of India, and
in no other capacity. Hence I thought that I should convey to
them this important point. It is better that they hear my voice
before they receive what I write from here. If the Muslims
insist on having a separate existence politically and otherwise,
then that wish cannot be granted. The Europeans can live here
as Christians and practise the wonderful things in Christianity.
This, after all, is their social or religious sphere. But as far as
administration and politics are concerned, they must all be treated
on an equal basis. Similarly, trade also belongs to everybody.
If the Marwaris, Gujaratis, Punjabis want to have their exclusive
shares, what would remain for India? We cannot carry on our
work in this manner.

I forgot to mention one thing, which I should not have for-
gotten. I had mentioned it at the meeting of the Sikhs. But
here too there are Sikhs and also Hindus. And what applies
to one also applies to the other. Then I would say that we
must regard today as the New Year day for the Sikhs. Hence,
from today, the Sikhs have a duty to consider all the rest as
their brethren. Guru Nanak taught no other thing. He even
went to Mecca and has written quite a lot [about communal
harmony]. There are many such references in the Guru Granth-
saheb. What did Guru Govind do ? Many Muslims were his
disciples and he even killed some people to accommodate them
and protect them. He never killed anyone just for the sake of
saving a Sikh. He did wield the sword, but he had accepted
certain restrictions for its use. Thus, the Muslims may have done

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

127

anything, but we do not have to imitate them. Let us all re-
main good and do our duty. When I went to address the meet-
ing of the Sikhs today, I was pained that I did not find a single
Muslim on the road. What would be more shameful for us than
the fact that not a single Muslim could be found in Chandni
Chowk? I found the area crowded with men and unending rows
of cars. But there was no Muslim among them. The only Mus-
lim, Sheikh Abdullah, was seated next to me. How can we suc-
ceed in these circumstances?

A gentleman writes to me about the renovation of the
Somnath templeh This needs money and the Provisional Govern-
ment at Junagadh, formed by Shamaldas Gandhi, has sanctioned
Rs. 50,000 for it. One lakh is promised from Jamnagar. When
the Sardar came here I asked him whether even though he was
in the Government, he would acquiesce in its giving as much
money as it liked for Hinduism from its treasury. After all, we
have formed the Government for all. It is a ‘secular’ government,
that is, it is not a theocratic government, rather, it does not
belong to any particular religion. Hence it cannot spend money
on the basis of communities. For it, the only thing that matters
is that all are Indians. Individuals can follow their own religions.
I have my religion and you have yours to follow.

Another gentleman has written well in a note. He says
that it would be gross adharma if either the Junagadh Government
or the Union Government gives money for the renovation of the
Somnath temple. I think he has made an absolutely correct
point. I then asked the Sardar if that was true. He said that that
was not possible so long as he was alive. He said not a single
pie could be taken out from the treasury of Junagadh for the
renovation of the Somnath temple. If he was not going to do it,
he said, what could poor Shamaldas do alone ? There were enough
number of Hindus who could donate money for the Somnath
temple. If they became miserly and did not part with money, let
the temple remain in its present state. There were already a lakh
and a half rupees and Jamsaheb had already given a lakh. They
would be able to manage for more.

I have learnt one thing more. You must have known that
the Muslims in Pakistan have abducted our young girls. Attempts
are being made and must be made to rescue them. Let us try
to get back every abducted girl who is still alive there. If

* Which was desecrated and destroyed by Mahmood Gazni during his
invasion in 1025 A. D.

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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

these girls have been raped, have they lost everything by it?
At least, I do not think so. I had even talked about it yester-
day. Coercion cannot make one change his religion. But I hear
that there is some talk of making some payment to reclaim these
girls. Some hoodlums come forward to bring back the girls if
they are paid Rs. 1,000 per girl. Has this thing become a busi-
ness then? If somebody kidnapped one of these three girls with
me and then demanded at least a hundred if not a thousand
rupees, I would tell him that he had better kill the girl. My
daughter would return if God wished to save her. Why should
he bargain with me for her? Not only did he abduct the girl
but he also indulged in bullying. Having abandoned his own
religion he had come to bully me because she was my daughter.

I would refuse to give him even a cowrie. Similarly no parent
should make such bargains for his daughter. They must think
that their daughters are with God and God is everywhere. If a
girl loses her husband, where would she go? It is of course a
different matter if the girl wants to come over from there and
we give her the fare if she does not have it. But if a hoodlum
comes and demands ransom money, his demand just cannot be
accepted. I give such instances from there and also from here,
because on our side too we have done such things and abducted
Muslim girls. Would our Government indulge in such meanness?
Should the East Punjab Government or the Union Government
ask Jinnah Saheb to pay one lakh rupees for the return of Muslim
girls in its custody? I would not give a single cowrie to the
Government. How could it demand money as a reward for such
abominable deeds? The Government should admit its mistake,
make a solemn promise never to repeat it and return the girl
along with a compensation. We are not going to achieve any-
thing if we ourselves do not become pure and brave.

I had discussed Kathiawar yesterday. I told you whatever
I had read in the Pakistani newspapers and subsequently heard
from some Hindus. But today I consulted the Sardar when he
came to me. I told him that when he went there he had made
big speeches assuring that no one would touch a single Muslim
boy or girl there, but then I heard that Muslims were being looted
and beaten up, their property was burnt and their young girls
kidnapped. He said that as far as he was aware, certainly not
a single Muslim was killed nor a single Muslim house looted or
burnt. All these things happened there in the chaos prevailing
before he visited the place. There were some cases of looting
and probably one house was burnt. But as for killing and

LETTER TO YVONNE PRIVAT

129

abducting, these two things did not take place there even then.
An agent of the central Government or some Commissioner was
always present there. He had been ordered to see that such
things were not allowed. He had been instructed to have perfect
bandobast so that nobody even touched any Muslim, let
alone robbing or killing. Subsequently, no such thing happened.
I asked the Sardar if I could mention the thing in the prayer
meeting in the evening. He said I could certainly do so. He said
that if something had happened there, he would have pursued
the matter. He also said that the Hindu Congressmen there at
great risk to their lives saved the Muslims and their property.
No hooliganism could persist there. The Sardar said that as long
as he was there and was in charge of the Home Department,
he would not allow such a thing to happen. I was very happy
to hear all that and asked his permission to refer to it in public.
He said that I could gladly do so and also mention his name.
I was so happy that yesterday I had talked about it and today
itself I got this information.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 131-8

115. LETTER TO TVONME PRIVATE

Birla House,
New Delhi,
November 29, 1947

DEAR BHAKTI^,

I was so glad to receive your argued letter of 27th August.
I see that you have grasped the fundamental difference between
passive resistance and non-violent resistance. Resistance both
forms are, but you have to pay a very heavy price when your
resistance is passive, in the sense of the weakness of the resister.
Europe mistook the bold and brave resistance full of wisdom by
Jesus of Nazareth for passive resistance, as if it was of the weak.
As I read the New Testament for the first time I detected no
passivity, no weakness about Jesus as depicted in the four gospels
and the meaning became clearer to me when I read Tolstoy’s
Harmony of the Gospels and his other kindred writings. Has not the

* Extracts from this and the addressee’s letter to Gandhiji appeared
in Harijan, 7-12-1947, under the title “Do Not Lose Heart”.

^ The name given by Gandhiji to the addressee

90-9

130

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

West paid heavily in regarding Jesus as a passive resister? Chris-
tendom has been responsible for the wars which put to shame
even those described in the Old Testament and other records,
historical or semi-historical. I know that I speak under correction
for I can but claim very superficial knowledge of history — modern
or ancient.

Coming to my own personal experience, whilst we undoubtedly
got through passive resistance our political freedom, over which
lovers of peace like you and your good husband' of the West are
enthusiastic, we are daily paying the heavy price for the un-
conscious mistake we made or, better still, I made in mistaking
passive resistance for non-violent resistance. Had I not made the
mistake, we would have been spared the humiliating spectacle of a
weak brother killing his weak brother thoughtlessly and inhumanly.

I am only hoping and praying and I want all the friends
here and in other parts of the world to hope and pray with me
that this blood-bath will soon end and out of that, perhaps, in-
evitable butchery, will rise a new and robust India — not warlike,
basely imitating the West in all its hideousness, but a new India
learning the best that the West has to give and becoming the
hope not only of Asia and Africa, but of the whole of the aching
world.

I must confess that this is hoping against hope, for we are
today swearing by the military and all that naked physical force
implies. Our statesmen have for over two generations declaimed
against the heavy expenditure on armaments under the British
regime, but now that freedom from political serfdom has come,
our military expenditure has increased and still threatens to
increase and of this we are proud! There is not a voice raised
against it in our legislative chambers. In spite, however, of the
madness and the vain imitation of the tinsel of the West, the
hope lingers in me and many others that India shall survive
this death dance and occupy the moral height that should
belong to her after the training, however imperfect, in non-
violence, for an unbroken period of 32 years since 1915.

As to the last paragraph of your letter, I must confess my
ignorance of psycho-analysis. Richard Gregg of U. S. A. has put
the problem in a more concrete form than you have. You must
have seen his letter and my reply^ in the columns of Harijan.

I hope this will find you both in the same vigour in which
you used to be during those happy days that you passed with me

* Edmond Privat, whom Gandhiji addressed as “Anand”

^ Vide pp. 1-3.

FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

131

in India. I wonder if you will ever again come to India and see it,
not in her madness, but wisdom, inspiring every department of life.
Love to you both.

Bapu

Madame Edmond Privat
1 Avenue de la gare
Neuchatel, Switzerland

From a photostat: G. N. 2342

116. LETTER TO ANASUTA SARABHAI

New Delhi,

November 29, 1947

CHI. ANASUYABEHN^,

You have asked for a message for the “Majoor Din”^. My
life is my message. If the workers have assimilated the teaching
of ahimsa, there should be no division of Hindus and Muslims
among them and no trace of untouchability among the Hindu
workers. Why should there be any divisions among workers? If
the worker wants equality with the owner, he should look upon
the mill as his own property and protect it. The Ahmedabad work-
ers have already learnt how to fight injustice. But they have
many more lessons to learn before they can hope to become part-
ners with the original owners of the mills. Do they know this?
Let them remember it and march forward.

Blessings to all the labourers

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Harijanbandhu, 7-12-1947. Also from a facsimile in Majoor Sandesh, 5-12-1973

117. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER

November 29, 1947

I don’t know how long I shall have to stay here. Perhaps
I may have to stay here for ever. Every day the situation seems
to be getting out of control.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^I, p. 389

* Sister of Ambalal Sarabhai; President, Majoor Mahajan, a union of
mill workers in Ahmedabad

^ Labour Day, which was to be observed on December 4

118. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

November 29, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I told you yesterday that it was a day of momentous im-
portance for the Sikhs. It should hold the same importance for
us too. If they have truly started a new life and desire to follow
the principles laid down by Guru Nanak for all of us, then
Delhi should not be in the grip of the things that it is in at
present.

I have read in the newspapers and also heard otherwise that
a large number of people in Delhi are given to drinking. We
already know the things people can do under the influence of
alcohol. Now I am told that drinking has become a difficult
problem and has spread over the entire city, so much so that it
has become extremely difficult to control it. If a new chapter has
started from yesterday liquor consumption should become even
less than before. Alcohol can only make us mad. Why then be
a slave to it? How can I tell you everything? All kinds of things
are brought to my notice.

This is one thing. As for the other, I am told that the
mosques which we had damaged are still in that state, and the
mosques which were turned into temples are closed since the
police or the military guards them. But even this hurts me.
For how can such a thing be allowed if we have opened a new
chapter from yesterday? The Sikhs could not have converted
the mosques into temples. The Sikhs are a great community, and,
if they decide to remain pure from today and do only pure deeds
I have no doubt that it is bound to inffuence the Hindus. Then
the Sikhs would become propagators of truth and justice. This
would become their profession, i. e., to stand for peace and nothing
but peace everywhere. If this happens, the very face of the
country would change. Hence, those who have converted the
mosques into temples should promptly remove the idols from there,
and restore the mosques. In that event, what need would there
be for the police or the military guarding those places? When
all people become good, there need be no police.

132

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

133

The third thing is that a large number of our girls have
been carried away to Pakistan. We do not know where they
have been taken. I had said yesterday that we should not give
even a cowrie to get back the abducted girls. Those who have
committed the crime of abducting our girls should restore them
to us, and also do penance at the same time. It would not do to
give any money to claim the girls back. But there is a very alarm-
ing report. It is reported that in the East Punjab we are ill-
treating the Muslim girls, whom we have forcibly kept. I just
cannot understand how we could have stooped so low. I must
admit that I cannot bear to see this. We should regard those
girls as our mothers or daughters. Those Muslim girls are like
my own daughters. How can I indulge in pleasures, be alive and
eat and drink while somebody ill-treats my daughters? I have a
feeling that there is some exaggeration in this report. But on
that ground it should not be disregarded. And, if there is some
exaggeration it is only for good, because it would then make us
think how low a man could stoop. This is something which we
would shudder to think. We have opened a new chapter from
yesterday, for, if the Sikhs have done so, the Hindus and the
Muslims have done it too. Let us forget about the Muslims
as we have made them helpless in the Indian Union. But the
Hindus and the Sikhs are not helpless. And so, they must
think what they should do. True, we are not indulging in such
acts here. But when someone commits a crime anywhere I feel
I am the culprit. You too should feel the same. If I were
to commit any crime you should also think that you too were
guilty of it. Let us all merge in each other like drops of
ocean. If the drops of ocean remain apart they would dry up.
But when they mingle together in the ocean they can carry huge
ships across their expanse. As with the ocean so with us. After all
we also are an ocean of human beings. If one person commits a
crime, it amounts to all of us committing it. Then it ceases to be a
crime. We must all become alert. That is why I talked about these
things. But now I would like to come to the subject of controls.

Control on sugar has been removed. I hope and wish that
controls on cloth and food would also be removed. But how
would those controls go and what would be our duty after that?
Since control on sugar has been removed, I would first talk about
it. Now there are big sugar factories. But the owners of the fac-
tories should not consider themselves free to squeeze as much
money from the people as they fancy. If they raise the price of
sugar, people would be reduced to poverty. Fortunately the entire

134 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

population of India does not consume sugar. People should con-
sume gur^ for there is no control on it. The villagers can easily
make gur in their own homes, but they cannot make sugar. There
are huge factories in India where millionaires employ workers to
produce sugar. But gur can be produced wherever sugar-cane
is grown. Moreover, gur is a very healthy thing to eat if it
is clean. When I was a child my father used to take me or I
used to go with his attendants to the villages where sugar-cane
was grown. People of those villages used to give us fresh and
clean gur to eat. Gur is a sort of food which sugar can never
be. So, the poor people should only eat gur. But today, some
of them have started taking tea and in their tea they put sugar
rather than gur. I would like to tell them that they should put
gur in their tea; but would they listen to me? And when the
price of sugar goes up, they think it would be better to have
control on sugar so that they could have it cheaper. Under these
circumstances, it is the supreme duty of the sugar merchants and
factory-owners to have a mutual arrangement so that the entire
country knows that with the freedom we have won we would earn
only clean money. We would not cheat or deceive people and
would root out all unclean and corrupt practices. If that does
not happen, I would be blamed because I have worked quite a
bit for the removal of controls, and am still working for it. If
the sugar merchants and factory-owners increase their margin of
profit, the price of sugar is bound to rise. If they take five per
cent profit, it can be called honest earning. But it cannot be
called honest earning if they pocket 10 or 20 per cent profit. Five
per cent is more than sufficient and they should not take more
than that. And, then, other controls would automatically go. Let
not the Government get a chance to say that controls were re-
moved because we wanted them to be removed and ask how the
poor are now going to survive when they do not get sugar at
all. That should not be the case. The factory-owners should
become honest and form a committee to fix a uniform price of
sugar. No factory-owner should charge more than that price.
At the same time, the farmers who grow sugar-cane should not
get less than their due. If the price rises because the cultivators
are given more, then it becomes a matter of honest earning. They
should maintain proper accounts and make a public announce-
ment of what they pay to the farmers now as against what they
were paid earlier, that the amount goes straight into the pockets

’ Jaggery

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

135

of the cultivators and no middleman could swallow it and that
as against the ten or twenty per cent they used to take, they
are not taking even five and a quarter per cent now. Supposing
the factory-owners do not take more than five per cent but if
the middlemen charge higher prices, consumers of sugar will be
really doomed. In that case, the factory-owners should sell sugar
directly to the consumers. I have no doubt that things would
run smoothly under such an arrangement.

A gentleman writes to say that the train fares for third-
class travellers have been increased, though the increase is less
compared to that of the first and second classes, but he asks, and
rightly, why the third-class fares had to be raised even by this
much. Granted that our aims of progress are high and we re-
quire more funds to achieve them. Then, if need be, we can in-
crease the levy on tobacco and many other imported as well as
indigenously produced non-essential items. It may serve our
purpose to some extent. The men in power in the Government
ought to consider and examine the feasibility of this proposition.
But the point certainly needs to be understood, and the Govern-
ment should also know that I have got people who give such
useful suggestions. They are not unintelligent people. Rather,
they are very sensible. If today we have millions of rupees with
us, it does not mean that we should squander away everything.
We should spend even small amounts, out of those millions, after
careful consideration. And it is enough for me if these small
amounts thus spent benefit the poor villagers of India. Out of
the crores of rupees drawn from our villages, how much are we
able to return to them? A true Panchayati Raj or democracy has
got to draw its resources from the people but, in return, they
should benefit the people tenfold. For instance, if I take money
from the people for education, I should give such education to
their children and have such an estimate of expenditure that they
should get back their money tenfold. For example, if I start sani-
tation work in the villages and build roads for the village people,
they would know that the money they give is being used for
their own benefit. As a result, we would not be as crazy about
our military as we are now. Then we would decide to spend as
little as possible on the army and as much as possible on the
general public. In such a situation, people themselves become the
army and start acquiring knowledge of military affairs. When
they are thus able to defend themselves and their neighbours, the
defence of India is automatically ensured. As it is no one can
have designs on India.

136

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

But right now, even though the British have gone, the atmos-
phere of the British rule has not yet gone. Let us change that
atmosphere. The British used to spend extravagantly and the
people did not get any return from such expenditure. But now the
people should get back everything they give. Then it would
be well for the country. This is all I would like to say today.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 138-43

119. ITS WISE USE

This letter* is from a correspondent who knows everything
about this tragedy. I have not the least doubt that this tragedy
can be turned to good account by the correct behaviour of the
sufferers, as also that of the people amongst whom their lot is
cast for the time being. In this consummation, I have no doubt
that all specially qualified men and women such as doctors, law-
yers, vaids, hakims, nurses, traders and bankers should make com-
mon cause with the others and lead a co-ordinated camp life in
perfect co-operation, feeling not like helpless dependents on
charity, but resourceful, independent men and women making
light of their sufferings and looking forward to a life enriched
by their sufferings, a life full of promise for the future and worthy
of imitation by the people amongst whom the camp life is lived.

Then when the professional people have been inured to
corporate unselfish life and when they can be spared from these
camps, they would branch out into villages or otherwise, shedding
the fragrance of their presence wherever they may happen to be.

New Delhi, November 30, 1947
Harijan, 7-12-1947

* The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent, a refugee be-
longing to the medical profession, had suggested that “all members of the
medical and teaching professions” should be absorbed in Government ser-
vice to help the Provincial Governments “to carry out their rural uplift
programmes”.

120. LETTER TO KISHORELAL G. MASHRUWALA

New Delhi,

November 30, 1947

CHI. KISHORELAL,

I preserved your letters for such a long time. Now I see
that I cannot cope with the work. So I have to give up the
idea of writing on certain things. I include in this your views’
also. I am forced to discuss Hindustani and the two scripts
repeatedly.

I am all right.

Blessings to both of you

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10733. Courtesy: Gomatibehn

Mashruwala

121. LETTER TO SATLSH D. KALELKAR

\November 30, 1947Y

CHI. SATISH^,

I have your English letter. I know nothing about Valji’s
letter. I have not read it. Anyway we may not stretch the
point. Nobody is going to learn anything from it. Such articles
would seldom appear in Harijan.

I understand what you say about [your] initials. I did not
know how the ‘D’ came in. If [the blame] is put on Kaka he
will not grow small. He is what he is and will always be.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

’ Vide Vol. LXXXIX, p. 257.

2 The letter is placed in the source among those of this date.
^ Son of D. B. Kalelkar

137

122. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

November 30, 1947

I can understand the plight of those who have been uprooted
from their homes. But we have to find a way out of this situa-
tion. It is truly a boon if one can find happiness in adversity. I
have not the slightest doubt that, if those who live in groups
behave properly, everyone’s interest will be served. If the doctors,
vaidjas, nurses, teachers, traders, jewellers, and people of other pro-
fessions among the refugees help one another it cannot but have
pleasing results. Camp life presents its own opportunities. If we
could only co-operate with one another and regulate our lives
properly no one would find himself in distress. We could then
show the world that though we had lost our all, we were still
fully prepared to face any calamity.

. . .' I am sure that if only women displayed a little courage and
freed themselves from narrow religious ideas they could render a
unique service to the nation. I am convinced that no country
where women are slaves can ever make any progress. I am
amazed that while such barbarities are being perpetrated on
women, men who call themselves brave merely look on. Look at
the plight of the Punjab. Is that sort of thing enjoined in the
Shastras? I fear that if we and our leaders do not wake up
betimes it will be difficult to recover the girls that have been
carried away to Pakistan.

After the girls are brought back it is necessary to resettle
them properly. Girls forcibly abducted are not to be treated as
defiled. And does defilement only apply to women and not to
men? How long must I go on writing? What can I write?
My heart is crying. What can my shedding tears avail? I
have had long talks with Maulana Saheb hut I have no hopes
that anything will be achieved.

You all should take care of yourselves. I am well. Manu
will write the rest. She is still weak, for in the midst of work
she does not think of her health. I do, and therefore I keep fit.

Blessings to all from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — I, pp. 393-4

* Omission as in the source

138

123. LETTER TO RAIHANA TTABJI

November 30, 1947

DAUGHTER RAIHANA^,

I have your letter. There is no need to publish an English
version. I understand your point. The [publication] will benefit
neither the Hindus nor the Muslims. If we meet some time and
I have some leisure we shall have a talk and a good laugh. I shall
learn the Urdu script better. You are in the midst of it all and
so you hold one opinion, and since I am at a distance I hold
a different one.^ We are both right in our respective views. Or we
might both be in the wrong. We should do all we can. Today
the situation is very different. It is a matter of life and death.

To you both,

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

124. LETTER TO MUSLIM CHAMBER OE COMMERCE

Birla House, New Delhi,

November 30, 1947

BHAI SALAJI,

Why do you write in English ? From your name you appear
to be a Gujarati. It is possible that you belong to north India.
Anyway you could have written to me in Urdu, Gujarati, Hindi
or Bengali. But let this be.

Now I wish to come to your letter. I feel that if the Govern-
ment has relations with any other Ghamber of Gommerce there
is no reason why they should have none with yours. But in my
opinion after independence and the partition of India there should
not be any communal associations of trade, etc. I have said some-
thing in this respect during my speech the day before yesterday.^

^ Daughter of Abbas Tyabji; a devotee of Lord Krishna

2 Vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 446-9.

3 Vide pp. 125-6.

139

140

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

I hope you will wind up your Chamber of Commerce. If Bengal
does not have a unitary Chamber of Commerce, you will help
in setting up one and work hard towards this end.

From a copy of the Urdu: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

125. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

November 30, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Yesterday I wanted to mention one point; but since I had
to talk about many other things, it was left out. You must have
seen that the girls sit on the floor and they feel cold. I had
told them that we have plenty of papers and newspapers
which we have read already and these could be used for sitting

on. But it is good that a friend has spread a sheet today.

In a way it is good to be unconcerned. Why should we be so

delicate that we feel cold by sitting on the floor? Even if we

have to sit on grass, if we can have a piece of paper and if it
does not get wet, then we would not feel cold. If this does not
serve the purpose, then we have our age-old custom of carrying
our own asanal wherever we go and spreading it whenever we have
to sit. Today we have forgotten that practice and given our-
selves to comfortable living. I suggest that we should forget about
a piece of paper or newspaper, take one if you want and if it
is thick, but the best thing would be an asana of wool or jute
or even cloth or hay. All you have to do is to spread it wherever
you want to sit and tuck it under your arm when you have
to go. Since I am feeling cold, everybody must be feeling the
same. Moreover, doctors also say that we should not sit on wet
ground or where it is cold. If men wearing dhotis and women
wearing salwars or skirts use thick cloth as undergarments, they
can serve as asms. But the women too have become very delicate
and so their clothes must be soft. How can they wear thick
clothes? Their undergarments have to be soft. Hence, they cannot
protect them against this cold.

1 have received many telegrams from Kathiawar. I have
already told you^ about what I heard and what subsequently
appeared in the Pakistani newspapers. Those papers are read by
thousands of people there. May be some ten thousand or so. I do

* A small mat

2 Vide pp. 117-9 and 128-9.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

141

not know how many people must be reading them. But nothing
would be achieved if I started thinking whether those things had
really happened. Hence it was good that I placed before you what
I had read in those newspapers. I do not know if all those things
are true. If they are true, they are a matter of great shame for
Kathiawar. And if they are not true, it is a matter of shame for
the newspapers. Thus it is a matter of shame for either side.
I have also told you what the Sardar has to comment on
the matter. He came today also and told me that whatever
reports came from there were not worth mentioning. They were
highly exaggerated.

But the telegram I have received from Rajkot is worth noting.
It is a fairly long telegram and I would like to mention it
to you in brief. After all, I know the Muslims of Kathiawar. I do
not know them individually, but I know the Khojas, Meenas,
Vaghers and some Kumbis among the peasants, and Mahers.
After all, I was born there and lived there for almost 17 years.
In fact I lived there for full 17 years, because I did not
go out to study anywhere. My father never sent me anywhere. I
completed my studies there and attended college for a few
months, and that too at Bhavnagar. Even for the examination I
could not go beyond Ahmedabad. That was my condition. I
saw everything that happened there and, later too, kept contact
with the people by visiting them. So, the sender of that telegram
says that I am greatly worried on their account, and, in turn,
my worry has become their worry. He says it is true that some
Hindus in Kathiawar had lost their balance, but is there any
place where this has not happened. They resorted to violence
and even harmed some Muslims. They destroyed their houses
and even burnt them down. But, he says, the Congressmen did
not let the situation go far. They were under the leadership
of Dhebarbhai. I know him very well. He went forward to
protect the Muslims and succeeded to a great extent. Not all
Hindus were involved in those acts of loot and arson. Had that
been the case, all Muslim houses in Rajkot would have been
set ablaze, there would have been large-scale violence and some
people would have been killed. But things did not reach that
point. The Congressmen and others took every precaution.
Dhebarbhai was abused and manhandled. Even though he is
a big man and also a lawyer, when the mob gets excited all
considerations of big and small are forgotten. They harassed
him because he was trying to protect the Muslims. Some people
who accompanied Dhebarbhai write, that, though some injury

142

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

was caused, Dhebarbhai was saved by other people. The tele-
gram also mentions help from the Thakore Saheb and the
police. In that case, who are left to be suspected of creating
the trouble? They say “the Hindu Mahasabha and the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh — these organizations have certainly
done some mischief — their aim was to drive out the Muslims
at least from Rajkot. However they could not do so. But now
we have nothing more to worry and there is no danger to the
Muslims. So you also should not worry. We are watching the
situation elsewhere too and we would send you another telegram.”

I have received a telegram from a Muslim gentleman from
the same place. He expresses his extreme gratitude to the
Congressmen and others who tried their best to save the life and
property of the Muslims. But there is yet another telegram from
Bombay also sent by a Muslim gentleman. He states that what
I had said earlier about Kathiawar was correct but what I have
been told later about it is not correct. That lots of things have
happened there and are still happening.

I do not know whether I should believe the telegram from Bom-
bay or the one from the other Muslim gentleman. But I doubt the
truth about the telegram from Bombay because it has been sent
from Bombay, while the other one has been sent by those who
are right in Kathiawar. Moreover, the people of Kathiawar can-
not deceive me. Where would they escape after deceiving me?
Hence I feel that the telegram from Bombay gives an exaggerated
version. The actual situation would be known to me in due
course. For the present, let me at least put all this before you.

There is also a telegram from Bhavnagar. It is from the
Maharaja of Bhavnagar. I know him too, because I have lived
there for three or four months. So he felt concerned about me
and wondered why I was so much worried. He has said in the
telegram that I need not worry. He says that they are all vigi-
lant. The Hindus also are vigilant. They would not let any harm
come to the Muslims and I should have no doubt at all about it.

But there is a telegram from Junagadh sent by some Mus-
lims. They say that I am being deceived, and I should set up a
commission and inquire whether the Muslims are being harassed
or not. Similar telegrams have also been sent to Jawaharlal,
the Sardar and others. I would like to say that it is not possible
to appoint a commission for anything and everything. Setting up
a commission is no joke. Where is the need for having a com-
mission even though some harm might have been done? As for
Kathiawar, I am like a commission myself. If anything comes to

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

143

my notice, I can check it. I can handle the Princes as well as
the people of Kathiawar. I do not claim to succeed in every-
thing I undertake or that they abide by everything I say. But
is not Kathiawar the same as Bihar ? If someone wants me to set
up a commission in Bihar, do you think I would oblige ? I am at
their disposal myself. People there love me and listen to me.
And so, it would not be proper to set up any commission there.

I have also received several letters from the Muslims in Rajkot.
Many of them are friendly with the Hindus and also happy with
the Congress. Then, who belongs to the Hindu Mahasabha and
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh? I can have no enmity to-
wards them. They think theirs is the only way of saving
Hinduism. But I believe that Hinduism will not be saved in that
manner. They believe in violent opposition to those who commit
an evil act. But I would ask how fighting an evil by another evil
will help. We have got our own Government. Take it to task and
demand an explanation as to why such things are happening.
Moreover, our Government is vigilant and it is trying its best.
And so I would like to tell the Hindu Mahasabha and also the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh — both are Hindu organizations
and many influential and educated people are associated with
them as in other organizations — that they cannot save Hinduism
in this manner. Is it true that they have harassed the Muslims?
If not, who has? The Congress has not harassed them, nor has
either of the Governments done it. Who then are the other
Hindus who did it? Today all the Hindus and Sikhs are to
be blamed for this just as in Pakistan all the Muslims are to be
blamed, and rightly so. That is why I would suggest that those
who are innocent and yet are accused, should clear their names.
The Muslims in Junagadh can get justice if they want. Why
then should we set up a commission?

Having talked about the situation there, let me also talk
about the situation here. The Sardar has made some arrange-
ments and he is going to protect all the mosques we have here.
You must have read the notice sent by him in the newspapers
that the occupied premises of the mosques should be vacated in
a week’s time, otherwise they will be vacated with the help of the
police. But I ask you what will he gain by sending the police?
If some Hindus have installed an idol in some mosque — the idol
may be of gold or silver or brass or earth or stone — but it is
said, and I also believe, that so long as it has not been sancti-
fied and not worshipped by pure hands, in my view it is not an
idol but a mere piece of stone or gold. Such idols have been

144

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

installed in the mosque at the corner of Connaught Place. In
my view, there is no Hanuman in those idols. To me it is a
mere piece of stone which has been shaped like Hanuman and
to which some sindoor^ has also been applied. In my view it is not
worthy of worship. It can be worshipped only if it is legitimately
installed and sanctified. But all this was not done. Hence it is
the duty of those who have installed the idols to remove them
from there at daybreak and then keep them wherever they choose.
By thus installing idols in the mosques they are desecrating the
mosques and also insulting the idols. As followers of Hindu-
ism we are idol-worshippers, but worshipping any idol in this
manner is not religion but the opposite of it. So, why should the
Sardar send the police there? Those who are Hindus among you
should become watchmen and remove the idols so installed. We
should offer to repair the mosques which have been damaged.
But the Sardar says that the Government would bear the expenses
of the repairs of those mosques. Why should the Government do
it? Is it not because we are not doing it ourselves? The Govern-
ment has to protect everybody. But it would be a matter of
shame for us all — Sikhs and Hindus today. Of course I have
not heard about any Sikh having installed the idols, for the
Sikhs have only one idol or, say, the holy treatise, that is, the Granth-
saheb. I have not known of any Sikh having kept the Granthsaheb in
any mosque. Even if any of them has done so he has insulted
the Granthsaheb. The Granthsaheb can be kept only in a guru-
dwara. Only the holy Sikhs keep it on a high pedestal after nicely
decorating it. Somebody like me would wrap it in a nice khadi
cloth. But today, even though people do not think in terms of
swadeshi or foreign things we do manufacture beautiful woollens
and silks by hand. If we spread such silk cloth and keep the
Granthsaheb on it, it would be worthy of worship. And if any
Sikh goes and keeps it in a mosque, he insults the Granthsaheb
and then it cannot be worthy of worship.

A Muslim gentleman came to see me today. I could not
make out what he wanted to say. But he was holding a copy of
the Koran which was half burnt. Even that was sacred for him
and so he had wrapped it in a very clean cloth. He opened the
cloth and showed the burnt Koran to me. He did not say any-
thing but looked at me with tearful eyes and then went away.
He talked a few things with Brajkishan, since I was busy with
my work. Similarly, if any Muslim comes here and instals the

* Vermilion

LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI

145

Koran here and beats you and me up, I would say that he is in-
sulting the Koran. The Koran does not ordain that people should
be compelled to accept it.

That is why I very respectfully wish to tell the Hindu Maha-
sabha and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and others who
wish to listen to me and also the Sikhs, that the Sikhs are
great and if they turn good and become true followers of Guru
Nanak, the Hindus would then automatically become good. I
have great respect for the Sikhs in my heart but today, every-
body, whether Hindu or Sikh, is going astray and India is being
destroyed. Are we going to drag India into dust after raising her
high? Are we going to destroy our religion, our achievements
and our country? May God save us from all this.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 144-50

126. LETTER TO PTARELAD

December 1, 1947

I see my battle has to be fought and won in Delhi itself.
There is a lot for me to do here. . . .The six resolutions^ of the
All-India Congress Committee this time were practically mine.
. . . It now remains to be seen how they are implemented.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 519-20

127. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI

December 1, 1947

CHI. NARANDAS,

Read the accompanying wire and let me know how much truth
it contains. Show it to Dhebarbhai and others. If you know the
sender let me know who he is. The more information you can
give the better.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Bapuna Patro-9 : Shri Narandas Gandhine, Part II, p. 319. Also C. W.
8647. Courtesy: Narandas Gandhi

' The addressee along with other workers was working in Noakhali to
establish cordial relations between Hindus and Muslims.

^ Vide Appendix I.

90-10

128. LETTER TO N ARANDAS NALIERWALA

New Delhi,

December 1, 1947

BHAI NARANDAS,

I don’t understand why all of you have English letter-heads.
I get your letters from time to time.

Certainly you shouldn’t believe that those who are called
‘my people’ are also votaries of the non-violence to which I am
devoted.

I have sent the letter to Vaikunthbhai'.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

129. LETTER TO HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA

New Delhi,

December 1, 1947

CHI. HEMPRABHA,

I have your letter. Forget Ratilal. If he returns, do not
have him back. You did what you could. He is of that type.
He would beg anywhere.

The condition of Didimoni^ is pitiable. It should not be. I
would still advise that she should stay at Khadi Pratishthan^ and
her daughters too should live and be brought up there. I realize
that it is difficult for her but I cannot think of any other course.
I am glad that Babua is well.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 1716

* Vaikunthbhai Lallubhai Mehta

2 Taralika, addressee’s daughter, who had lost her husband

3 At Sodepur, established by the addressee’s husband, Satis Chandra Das
Gupta

146

130. NOTE TO LT.-GEN. K. M. CARIAPPA

December 1, 1947^

You know something of my having written in my paper^ about
your statement on non-violence in London last month. ^

When we meet again ... I would like further to discuss
this subject with you.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 523-4

131. SPEECH AT PPATEP MEETING^

New Delhi,

December 1, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Many friends resent my using ‘if’s in my statements. They
think I should first of all make sure whether something is true
or not. I feel that whenever I have made a tentative statement
I have lost nothing thereby. It has only done good to the work
I then had in hand.

The talk just now is about Kathiawar. Friends say that I
gave currency to false allegations of atrocities on the Kathiawar
Muslims. Most of the allegations were entirely unfounded.
What little mischief might have occurred had been quickly
brought under control. But if I have repeated those allegations
with the conditional ‘if’ no harm has been done to truth. The

* From Dilhiman Gandhiji — I

2 Vide Vol. LXXXIX pp. 492-3.

2 The addressee said that he felt greatly honoured that Gandhiji
should have taken the trouble to notice at length the views of a person like
him whom he had never met. He further said: “We soldiers are a very

much maligned community, . . . the one community which dislikes wars is the
soldier community. It is . . . because of the knowledge we have of the
utter futility of wars to settle international disputes. We feel one war merely
leads to another. History has taught us this. ... In a democratic country
soldiers do not initiate wars. . . .We merely carry out the orders of the Gov-
ernment and therefore ... of the people. . . .Why blame us?”

Gandhiji signalled to him to return the slip of paper he had given him
and added the following.

* As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written speech was read out at
the prayer meeting.

147

148

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Congress and the administrators of Kathiawar will gain to the ex-
tent that they take their stand on truth. Friends assert that though
truth comes out in the end the harm is already done, for people
who have no scruples about truth or falsehood dishonestly use my
statements for their own purposes. I should therefore guard myself
against untruth being propagated. But whenever people have
resorted to such tactics they have failed and they were exposed
as dishonest and false. If I mention the allegations subject to
‘if’s it should not perturb anyone. The only thing required is
that those against whom the allegations are levelled should be
wholly innocent.

Let us consider the other side of the matter. Take Kathia-
war again for example. If I had not paid attention to the alle-
gations contained in some major newspapers of Pakistan which
even the Prime Minister of Pakistan had declared were true in
substance, the Muslims would have taken them as gospel truth.
But now the Muslims have come to doubt their veracity.

I would like friends in Kathiawar and elsewhere to learn
from this the lesson that we will not let any trouble occur in our
own house; we will welcome criticism even if that criticism should
be bitter; we will become truthful and we will rectify any error
we discover in ourselves. We must not delude ourselves with the
belief that we can never make a mistake. Our bitterest critic is
one who has some grudge, fancied or real, against us. We shall
correct him if we are patient with him and, whenever the oc-
casion arises, show him his error, or correct our own when we
are found to be in error. By doing so we shall never go wrong. No
doubt a balance must be preserved. Discrimination is always re-
quired. One must never take notice of statements of a mischie-
vous nature. I feel that after long experience I have learnt the
art of discrimination.

Today the atmosphere is poisoned. Allegations are being
hurled at each other by parties. To imagine in such a situation
that we can make no mistakes would be folly. We have not the
good fortune today to be able to make such a claim. It will be
enough if with necessary effort we succeed in eradicating the
mischief and root it out. We can do so only if our eyes and
ears are open to see and hear about our own shortcomings.
Nature has so made us that we cannot see our own shortcomings.
We can see only those of others. Wisdom requires that we should
benefit from others seeing our shortcomings.

Yesterday, I was not able to deal fully with the long tele-
gram from Junagadh, which I had received as I was about to

LETTER TO BAPSY PAVRY

149

leave for the prayer meeting, for I had only cursorily glanced
through it. Today I have studied it fully. Those who had sent
the wire state that the allegations to which I had referred the
other day were founded in truth. If this is so it is very bad for
Kathiawar. If attempts have been made to exaggerate the allega-
tions that our workers have admitted as true and which I have
published, then those behind this wire have done harm to Pakis-
tan. They invite me to go to Kathiawar and see things for myself.
They ought to know that today I am not in a position to do that.
They demand an inquiry commission but before that they must
prepare their case. I grant that their purpose is not to bring a bad
name to Junagadh or Kathiawar. They want the truth to be brought
out and they want security for the life and property and hon-
our of the minority community. They know, as everyone knows,
that newspaper propaganda especially when it is not wholly
based on truth can protect neither life nor property nor honour.
To protect all these three things those sending the wire should
adhere to truth and they should go and meet their Hindu friends.
They know their friends amongst Hindus. They know also that
though I am at some distance away from Kathiawar I am doing
their work even from here. I have said this after full delibera-
tion and now I am collecting all the facts. I have seen Sardar
Patel. He says that to the extent that it lies within his power no
communal riot will be permitted and anyone misbehaving with
our Muslim brothers and sisters will be severely punished. The
Kathiawar workers, who are quite impartial, are trying to find
out the truth for themselves and trying to alleviate the sufferings
of the Kathiawar Muslims. They love Muslims as much as they
love their own selves. Will the Muslims help them?

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 151-3

132. LETTER TO BAPST PAVRT'-

New Delhi,

December 2, 1947

DEAR SISTER,

All that you have told me about Lalkaka^ is interesting. But
there is nothing for me to write about it.

’ Daughter of Khurshedji Erachji Pavry, High Priest of Parsis in
India. She later became Premier Marchioness of Winchester, England.

2 An artist who painted portraits

150

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Let me answer your three questions :

(1) When a portrait of someone has to be painted, the per-
son should be shown as he is. Therefore, neither I nor anyone
else can select the colours.

The ground of Kasturba’s sari always used to be white.
Occasionally it had lines or dots in colour. The hem and the
borders used to be coloured. There was no particular choice
in the colours.

(2) Whether the pose should be a sitting or standing one is
for the artist to decide. It should be a pose in which the sub-
ject was most often seen.

(3) I have no photograph. The Naoroji sisters can give you
full information in this respect. Among them, Gosibehn Captain
will be in a position to give the maximum information.

I hope the portrait of your father will come out well.

Blessings from

M. K. Gandhi

Miss Bapsy Pavry
Taj Mahal Hotel
Bombay

From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 10227. Courtesy: Bapsy Pavry

133. LETTER TO GHULAM RASOOL QURESHI

December 2, 1947

CHI. QURESHI,

I appreciate your compassion. But I don’t think we can really
satisfy our sentiment by having the dogs castrated. We must learn
the art of keeping dogs. And we should kill stray dogs in the least
painful manner. I don’t mean to say that it involves no violence,
but I would claim that this is the least violent method.

The question of Hindu-Muslim relations has reached a critical
stage. It is for everybody to see how best it can be tackled.

Can you say that Amina' is perfectly all right?

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

' Addressee’s wife and daughter of Abdul Kadir Bawazeer

134. LETTER TO DILKHUSH DIWANJI

December 2, 1947

CHI. DILKHUSH,

I have your letter of the 22nd [ultimo].

I received the khadi woven by the weavers out of their own
hand-spun yarn. My thanks to them.

Were these friends initially weavers? If they were, please let
me know what difference they found in the weaving of mill-yarn
and their own hand-spun yarn. Compared to that of others,
is their weaving superior or inferior? How many such weavers
have been trained? How many new weavers as well as spinners
have been trained? Has there been any improvement in their

performance?

I had all the letters from Khar. Bisen had acknowledged
receipt of them. How is it you did not get his letter?

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

135. LETTER TO JATASHAMKAR PANDTA

December 2, 1947

BHAI JAYASHANKAR PANDYA,

Herewith a wire I received from Junagadh.' Let me know the
truth about it. Also tell me who the signatories are. Please also
write to me what Bhai Moosa who had come with you has to
say. I have with me two varying reports; I am therefore rather
confused.

Jayashankar Pandya

Head of the Junagadh State Railway

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

* Vide pp. 148-9.

151

136. LETTER TO JAMNA GANDHI

December 2, 1947

CHI. JAMNA

Your letter. I am keeping well. I have heaps of work. Kanu^
can come over whenever he wishes; so also Abha^. I do not
have to order them. Don’t worry at all. One should give up
one’s desire to be looked after and served by one’s children after
having given them away for social service.

Why does the asthma persist? Won’t it go?

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

137. LETTER TO SATTEN

December 2, 1947

CHI. SATYEN,

How did you bring up [the matter] of Manohar Diwan'*?
It is quite right that the work you are doing at Nalwadi
will be under the supervision of Vinoba, but if any such venture
is to be undertaken at Sevagram you should have permission from
Aryanayakum and Ashadevi. It would therefore be better to
give up the idea.

It will serve no purpose for a Harijan to call himself a
Brahmin but quite a lot is accomplished by a Brahmin becoming
a Bhangi.

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

* Wife of Narandas Gandhi

Addressee’s son and daughter-in-law
Who was running the Kushtha Ashram, an institution for leprosy pa-
tients, at Dattapur

152

138. LETTER TO RAIHANA TTABJI

New Delhi,

December 2, 1947

DAUGHTER RAIHANA,

I have your long letter. How can I argue with you? You
must have received my last letter.*

I shall follow your suggestion when I am convinced. In the
meanwhile let us bear with our differences.

Did you consult Nanavati regarding Urdu script? He has
done quite a lot in this connection.

The social question has significance in its own place. The
people of Europe who inter-dine have fought with one another.
Muslims fought with Muslims at Karbala^; and what about the
friction between the Shias and the Sunnis?

We cannot promote unity by retaining only the Urdu script.
We have to have reforms in all directions.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

139. TALK WITH MUSLIMS^

Panipat,

December 2, 1947

You want to go to Pakistan of your own free will, don’t
you? When your leaders came to me and pleaded that I should
visit Panipat, they told me that people were leaving for Pakis-
tan against their will. But now from what you say I gather
that you yourselves want to go to Pakistan. All the same I must
tell you that this is your home. You should stay here. Your
safety is the responsibility of Dr. Gopichand Bhargava — your

1 Vide p. 139.

2 The scene of battle in Iraq where Imam Hussain, the Shia leader
and his followers were killed by the Sunnis in 680 A. D.

^ Gandhiji reached Panipat at about 11.30 a.m. and met the Muslim
refugees who desired to go to Pakistan.

153

154

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Chief Minister — and he will fulfil that responsibility. Neverthe-
less all men have to die one day. There are 28,000 refugees here.
If all of you are cut down to the last man at the hands of your
brethren, you will have shown true bravery. It will have brought
glory to your religion. You should say, ‘Remove the military from
here. The Hindus will protect us.’ I am sure if you show such
trust the Hindus will certainly protect you.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 6

140. TALK WITH MUSLIM DELEGATION^

Panipat,
December 2, 1947

So far I have been patiently listening. I have not said a
word. But now the discussion is becoming heated and at last I
have been invited to offer advice. I must then tell you that if
you have the courage to die at the hands of the refugees or the
Hindus, should they want to kill you, you will have rendered a
great service to Islam.

What happens in Pakistan is a matter for God to see. But I
shall never advise you to go away from here. If, of course, you want
to go of your own will, no one can stop you. But you will never
hear Gandhi utter the words that you should leave India. Gandhi
can only tell you that you should stay, for India is your home.
And if your brethren should kill you, you should bravely meet
death. That is the way I am made. That is the way I would
have people behave.

In Pakistan many Hindu girls have been forcibly converted
and subjected to extreme barbarities. Hindus too have done
similar things. But I am telling you how you should behave
like true Muslims. You should seek help from the Pakistan Gov-
ernment and persuade your brethren there to console the young
women who have been abducted. You should tell them : ‘Sisters,
you have been cruelly treated. We forgot that we were human.
From now on you are our mothers, our sisters, our daughters.’
If you work in this spirit you can make Pakistan really pak —
really pure. Of the three things — human dignity, life and pro-
perty— you should make it your business to safeguard one and

' Dr. Gopichand Bhargava, Swaran Singh, Hifzur Rehman, Deshbandhu
Gupta and the Deputy Commissioner were also present.

TALK WITH MUSLIM DELEGATION

155

devote yourselves wholly to service. Then, I assure you, Hindus
will worship you and you will be able to serve not only Pakistan
but also the Muslims living in India. Geographically you are sep-
arated but no one in the world can separate the hearts. Where
can you run away from friends and relatives ? Someone among
you said that Gurubachan Singh had behaved treacherously. I
tell you that if a man himself is honest it can do him no harm
if the other party is treacherous. I say this from personal experi-
ence. I am not preaching like a Ghristian. Deception and lies can
never succeed. Otherwise truth would be at a discount in the
world; anyone could get away with lies.

The Ministers have assured you that they will protect you
even at the risk of their own lives. Still if you are resolved to go
and do not place any trust in their word there is nothing further
I can say to you. What can I do to reassure you? If I should
die tomorrow you would again have to flee. Therefore you
cannot go by what others say. You have to decide for your-
selves after considering what your duty is towards the country,
towards your brothers, towards the land that gave you birth,
where you grew up. This will not be because Gandhi says
it. There was a time when I wished to live a hundred and
twenty-five years. Today I do not have that wish any more. I
do not consider our present freedom as freedom. I consider it as
the undoing of the country. You are destroying the independence
that we have gained without shedding a drop of blood. You are
cutting off your own feet. Today Punja Saheb cannot be visited
by any Sikh pilgrim. What a sorry pass we have come to after
we became free. If even now you take up the work of service
without asking where and by whom the present tide of violence
was started, you can still taste the nectar of freedom. Where are
all the proclamations of Jinnah ? The more I dwell on these mat-
ters the more unhappy I become. I do not believe in shedding
tears. But today, having heard you and seen you, my heart weeps.

Do as God guides you. I have said what I had to say. I can
only pray to God to grant us good sense.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 8-10

141. SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING^

Panipat,

December 2, 1947

Gandhiji told a mass meeting mostly of refugees from West Punjab that
he was not very happy on his second visit to Panipat. During his last visit^
he was assured by the non-Muslims of the locality that they would not let
the Muslims go from Panipat. He was hurt to hear from Mr. Gopalaswami
Ayyangar^ that arrangements were now complete for sending the Muslims
to Pakistan. He hoped that he would hear about the Hindus persuading
the Muslims not to go to Pakistan. Why did the Muslims of Panipat, who
were previously not eager to go to Pakistan, now want to leave?

All the Muslims in the camp here want to go. I told them
that they would get all the protection here. But one should
depend on God’s protection rather than on the protection of the
army and the police. Supposing you are eating and death comes
while food is in your mouth, no army or police, no doctors or
drugs, will be of any use. If we could only stop to think how
God holds in his own hand the string of death, the prevailing
conflict between trust and distrust would end. If my brother has
become mad and wants to kill me, does it mean that I should
also go mad? To return evil for evil makes for the fall of both
parties. No one can be forced to accept another’s faith.

Referring to conversions, Gandhiji said that there had been conversions
of Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan. To repeat the same here to Muslims
would be denial of civilization and did not speak of humanity. By these con-
versions people neither enriched their religion nor themselves. By such acts
people degraded themselves and their country for which they had made
much sacrifice.

No one had imagined that the freedom that came would be
such a terrible thing. But that was the will of God. If we can

^ The Gujarati version in Dilhiman Gandhiji has been collated with the
report in The Hindustan Times.

^ On November 10

^ (1882-1953); Prime Minister of Kashmir, 1937-43; Minister without
Portfolio, Government of India, 1947-48; Leader of Indian Delegation to
United Nations Security Council; Union Minister of Railways and Transport,
and later of Defence

156

SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING

157

pass the present test we shall have risen very high. Sjhariar asks,
if India fails what will become of his country? The whole of
Asia today has its eyes fixed on us. God has given us a jewel in
the person of Jawaharlal. The whole world likes him. We have a
leader such as the Sardar. The two make an inseparable pair.
Neither can do without the other. India has a name in the world
because of Jawaharlal. Who otherwise would care about India?
But Pandit Nehru will not be able to do his job without your
co-operation. Let us not allow India’s name to fall into disrepute.

To the refugees from West Punjab, Gandhiji said that he knew that
they had encountered untold sufferings. It might also be a fact that the
Muslims staying here might be having some property and enjoying themselves
a bit. But, just because they had suffered, they should not deprive the Muslims
of their property. He would not believe that all refugees were bad people.

There are 28,000 refugees in this camp. Not all of them can
be good. If there are goonda elements among them you should
pick them out and make of them good men by your love. They
are all brothers here, so what need is there for the military? If
there are two brothers in a family does it need any police force
to guard them? Your salvation lies in learning to protect one
another. You should go to your Muslim brothers and sisters and
plead with them not to leave India. If you do not cast covetous
eyes on their homes, I am sure Hinduism will live for ever. We
must forget what has happened. In this alone lies our good. You
may listen to an experienced old man if you care, for today my
voice is a voice in the wilderness. However I must say what I
consider my duty to say. Today I do not have the wish or the
zest to go on living. Time was when I wanted to live 125 years
and bring about Ramarajya. But if I do not have your co-operation
what can I do all by myself ?

It was said, Gandhiji continued, that the Muslims had arms in their
possession. There might be arms with the Hindus and Sikhs too. He said
that all arms, whether they be with Hindus, Sikhs or Muslims, should be
licensed.

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 10-2, and The Hindustan Times, 3-12-1947

142. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 2, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I had told you I should be going to Panipat today. I had
intended to be back by four o’clock. But there was so much
work that I could not come before thirty-five minutes — at any rate
thirty-three minutes past five. Then I heard the prayer. I
have said that the prayer should begin whether I am present or
not and we must be regular. Then I went and washed myself.
Hence the delay, for which I apologize.

I had already hinted at the purpose of my visit to Panipat.
I had been hoping and I continue to hope even now that by
some means or other the Muslims of Panipat should be stopped
from going [to Pakistan]. It will be good for us, good for the
whole of India and because it will be good for India it will be
good for Pakistan as well.

There are people living in distress there — the refugees who
have come from Pakistan — and they must continue to live in
distress as long as they do not return to their homes. Similarly
the Muslims who have been forced to flee to Pakistan will be
unhappy there. You should have no doubt about it.

It was good that I went there. It was my duty to do so.
Dr. Gopichand Bhargava had come and so had Sardar Swaran
Singh, the Home Minister. I had no idea that Dr. Gopichand
was coming. Sardar Swaran Singh had of course sent word that
if he should be needed he would come. I said there would be no
need for him to come because whatever had to be done would
have to be done by me. Nevertheless he came. East Punjab is
after all his region and it was his right to come. Deshbandhu
Gupta had sent a message that he was ailing and so would not
be able to come. I had agreed, but since he belongs there he did
come. It was good that all of them came. Then there was the
Maulana whom we often see here. I then spoke to people. I
spoke to the Muslims separately, though the two Ministers were
present.' They thought that the Ministers should be there, for

’ Vide pp. 154-5.

158

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

159

what was the good of my saying something which the Ministers
would not know about and which I would not be able to en-
force? The Muslims admitted that they had agreed in talks earlier
not to go but that later the situation had worsened; that nothing
had been done on the lines I had assured and they had felt
harassed; their honour was not protected. When they could not
protect their lives, their property and their honour, how could
they stay ? They said they would put up with the destruction of
their houses, they would put up with arson, they would put up
even with loss of lives but they would protect their honour to the
last. If they could do that they would stay. I said that he who
loves mankind loves God. He has nothing to fear.

I then spoke to the refugees there.* By the time I was done
it was half past three. I had set out from here at 10.30 and
reached there at about 11.30. My talks with the Muslims con-
tinued up to 3; there was so much to talk about. Then I spoke to
the refugees. After me Dr. Gopichand Bhargava addressed them.
But when Sardar Swaran Singh got up to speak there was
pandemonium. People started shouting; not because they wanted
to insult him but they could not contain themselves. They be-
came angry that he dared to speak at all.

It was a large crowd. There must have been some twenty
thousand people. The ground was filled to capacity. Roofs were
covered with people. They heard me in silence. But when the
others began, people stood up. It has become customary with
us to give vent to anger. They stood up and began to shout that
the Muslims should be expelled. I told them that it would not be
good to drive out the Muslims. They had their homes, and
they should not be forced to leave; that forcing the Muslims to
leave would undo all our efforts there. I was ready to resume
my seat but Sardar Swaran Singh, being the Home Minister
and also a brave man, would not be cowed down, he said this
would not do. He tried to speak but nothing came of it. People
continued their shouting and continued to stand. Then their
representative, their leader came forward. He began with a
bhajan in Punjabi. I had not known that he was a poet. He
knew that Punjabis like bhajans. Then he admonished them in
Punjabi and told them that he was their representative and
they must listen to him, that shouting would achieve nothing.
What would they gain by disturbing the meeting. It would only
harm them. Peace was restored at last but it took some doing.
People sat down and the proceedings were continued in Punjabi.

* Vide pp. 156-7.

160

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

I cannot speak Punjabi but I understand it. I liked what
[Sardar Swaran Singh] said. When we were with the Muslim leaders
he had assured them that whatever might happen in Pakistan we
would not become inhuman. He said that ours was a democratic
Government and would not let such things happen here. If any
Muslim girl had been kidnapped she would be restored by every
means. Help would certainly be needed for they would not
know where an abducted girl was. But if it was known she
would be brought back. The other thing they would do was about
the Muslims who had been converted to Hinduism or Sikhism.
They were still Muslims. Such conversion would not be accepted
as lawful, for it was against morality. Similarly the Muslims who
were still here would be protected whether or not Pakistan
protected [the Hindus and Sikhs]. Thirdly, Sardar Swaran Singh
said that the mosques would be protected. Of course, protection
of life and property was a difficult matter. There was the
police, the Government — they would do what they could, but if
everyone took to plunder and pillage they could not be shot
down. The Government was helpless. Our freedom was crippled
and we had to confess our helplessness. They could certainly plead
with people but they had to admit their helplessness. He was
very persuasive. He pleaded with them saying that India’s honour
and dignity were in their hands, that the Government was theirs,
for it was they who had elected the Ministers. And since the
Government was there it would do its duty, do what it must
and they must help. He explained all this. It took a long time.
In the end there was peace at the meeting. Every time it
happens that when people lose their temper on such occasions,
they begin to understand things after a time when they calmly
think over it. I saw this during the course of our struggle for
freedom. There were many occasions when it looked as if the
meeting would have to be terminated, but in the end they saw
the point. Afterwards the representatives of the refugees came
and followed me. I asked them to accompany me in the car. If
I was not to do so, I would have been further delayed. I had
to count every minute, for I wanted to reach here in time. I
have forgone my siesta. When everyone is unhappy, how can I
seek rest ? I am certainly much more comfortable than they are.
They tell me that the refugees there are in much distress. Of
course something has been done. Things are certainly much
better than I had seen them last. Some arrangements have
been made. Some roofs have been put up. They certainly have
tents to live in, but the food is not all that it should be. The

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

161

Governor of East Punjab' also saw it and admitted that it should
be improved. As to clothing it seems all the decent clothing is
taken away by some people. What shall I say as to who does it?
The result is that the refugees get only rags. This should not
be so. They must get the things that are intended for them.
People die too, which is only natural. Two persons had died;
there was no firewood to cremate them. A whole day was lost.
I forget the name of the doctor in charge. He was not to be
found anywhere. By then it was seven in the evening. Since
no arrangement could be made for firewood, some people ap-
proached a relative of one of them and offered to raise a contri-
bution often to fifteen rupees. But the relative who was a strong
man refused to accept the donation. He said that if there was no
firewood he would bury the dead. Burial is not common among
the Hindus and I was sorry that he had to do it.

I learnt afterwards that well-to-do refugees are able to get
things but not the poor ones because the arrangements are not in
the hands of senior officers. The workers were taken from among
the people there and everything is done through them. If they
are good, altruistic and dedicated to service things go well. But
if they do not have the spirit of service it becomes difficult. I
like to have everything in the open. Let us not resort to physical
violence. It generates poison. We have an alternative method and
that is to speak up frankly. It does not do to hide things. One
must call a spade a spade. What is lost by accusing those who
indulge in evil practices? If they are guilty the charge should
be made. That is why I tell you that it is a bad practice. We
are already unhappy. Hundreds of thousands of people have
been uprooted from their homes and have come here. If we
indulge in such practices it would be very bad. Today a small
boy confronted me. He was wearing a sweater. He took it off and
stood glaring at me as if he would eat me up. He was just a
child. What could he do? “You say that you have come to pro-
tect us,” he said, “but my father has been killed. Get me my
father back.” But his father was dead. How could I bring him
back. The boy became angry. I can imagine that if I had been
of his age and in his position perhaps, I would have done the
same. I was not annoyed. I felt sorry for him.

We see such scenes today. The refugees say that all of them
at any rate are not bad ; that the management should be entrusted
to some of them, for after all magistrates and others were there to

* C. L. Trivedi

90-11

162

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

supervise. Other people too had to be supervised. At least the
distribution of blankets should be entrusted to them. Their child-
ren should get milk but the milk does not reach them. The
staff appropriates it. Would it not be better to give them the
milk for distribution rather than that the members of the com-
mittee should drink it up? Then some of them have been receiving
letters from other refugees elsewhere. They ask them in the
letters to tell the Mahatma to attend to them too. It is good I
went there. I told them to be peaceful and to persuade the
Muslims to stay on. I told them that it would be something
unique for Panipat which has been the scene of so many battles.

There are 28,000 refugees living in the camp. I told them,
“If more refugees join you what can it matter to you? It is
enough for you if you get food to eat, clothes to wear and a roof
or even a tent to live under. You can get nothing more than
this wherever you may go. You can create many things out of
these three things. You should know what developments are
taking place all over India, what problems are coming up and
how we can solve them. The Government is there, but the
Government cannot force you to do anything.”

Yesterday Jawaharlal said a beautiful thing. I happened to
see it in the papers today; it is rarely that I get a chance to read
anything. Jawahar says that he does not like being called
Prime Minister. When did he ever become Prime Minister?
He would like it and it would be more appropriate to call him
the first servant of the nation. If everyone became the first
servant he would have to think of others all the twenty-four
hours of the day. If the officers under Jawaharlal were to
think so, our country would become a land of gold. We would
have Ramarajya, the kingdom of God upon earth. Then our
freedom would be complete. If after attaining freedom we
continue to conduct ourselves in the manner we are doing
now then that freedom will irk me. Is this the kind of freedom
we are going to have? No, it cannot be.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 154-9

143. LETTER TO CHAMPA MEHTA

December 3, 1947

CHI. CHAMPA,

I have your letter. It will not help me in any way to call
you here. I still do not feel confident about you. The final
decision lies with Chimanlal and others. You can stay on only
if you win their confidence. But how can you stay on if you
yourself have no faith in them? They have no axe to grind.
They assumed the responsibility of letting you stay there for my
sake. Be calm now and do what seems proper to you. Don’t
hurt their feelings.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./XX

144. LETTER TO SHAMALDAS GANDHI

New Delhi,

December 3, 1947

CHI. SHAMALDAS,

Herewith a copy of a wire from Junagadh. If the contents
of the wire are true, I would say you are out of your senses. If
they are absolute lies you have nothing to lose. I get a fairly
large number of letters against you from Hindus. They say that
you cannot talk of anything but the sword. The problem of
Kathiawar is not as simple as you all might be thinking. Even
after you have eliminated the Princes, so long as you do not have
a humble and selfless leadership no good will come to Kathiawar.
We might have found it easy to win swaraj but preserving and
making it worth while has become difficult.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

163

145. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR

December 3, 1947

CHI. LILI,

I have your two letters. In one you say that Dwarkadas has
completely recovered, and Damayanti also is all right. In the
other letter you say that another operation may be necessary.
I do hope you will get a room somewhere.

Herewith a note for Rs. 100.’ Can you not manage to bor-
row Rs. 100 from some source? I hesitate to send even a draft.
If there is no facility at the hospital for encashing it, how far
will you have to go for it?

You should put in regular hard work and clear your final
examination. That will be the end of a struggle. Really speak-
ing once we have made up our minds to do a thing, then there
is no more struggle, it is all play.

I got the liquorice tablets. You wasted your time over it.
But now I shall use the same mostly and cloves very rarely.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

146. LETTER TO BACHCHHARAJ & CO.

New Delhi,

December 3, 1947

Bachchharaj & Co.

Pay Rs. 100 (Rupees one hundred only) to Lilavati Udeshi
who is studying medicine and debit it to my public account.

M. K. Gandhi

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

’ Vide the following item.

164

147. TALK WITH LT.-GEN. K. M. CARIAPPA^

New Delhi,

December 3, 1947

Gandhiji turned to him and said smilingly:

I see you have again removed your shoes outside. You had
done it when you came two days ago also.^

The General replied: “It is but proper that I should do so when com-
ing to see a godly man like you.”

I have been receiving numerous complaints concerning the
police and the army personnel. They take bribes and are biased in
favour of their own community. If the seed itself is rotten what will
become of the plants and the foliage? Not even thorns will then
grow. The army and the police are potent limbs of the country.
It is a pity that following the partitioning of the country the army
also had to be partitioned on communal lines. But it is the duty
of policemen not to show caste and communal bias. They must
bravely serve the country. It is the duty of every armed force
to protect the minority community. Pakistan will not heed my
word, but if you the Generals of the army of the Indian Union
listen to me and help me, I shall believe we have truly gained
freedom in a non-violent way. Let us make ourselves worthy of
such freedom. In the swaraj gained in such a wonderful way,
the personnel of the army and the police must always remain
pure and above board.

What a wonderful example of this unity is set by Netaji, the
founder of the Indian National Army; “Let every Hindu, Muslim,
Christian, Parsi and others think that India is their country and
work unitedly for it.” He has proved this unity before us all.

q. Pakistan has no use for non-violence. How then can we win their
hearts and prove the efficacy of ahimsa?

Violence can only be overcome through non-violence. This
is as clear to me as the proposition that two and two make four.
But for this one must have faith. Even a weapon like atom

* The version in Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase has been collated
with the Gujarati in Dilhiman Gandhiji.

^ Vide “Note to Lt.-Gen. K. M. Cariappa”, p. 147.

165

166

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

bomb when used against non-violence will prove ineflfective. This
applies to true non-violence. But very few people have grasped
this eternal truth. Faith by itself also will not do. It must be
supplemented by knowledge. Training in ahimsa is not to be had
like training in the use of weapons in military training colleges
and institutions. It requires purity of heart and soul-force. The
difficulty we find in pitting non-violence against violence only
shows our inner weakness. A short time ago, even Mr. Jinnah
had clearly stated that in political disputes violence must be
eschewed.* If Mr. Jinnah meant what he said then the violence
that today engulfs us can be brought to an end in no time. And
if Pakistan does not stop violence, the violent killings can still be
stopped if Hindus in the Union have faith in non-violence. A
votary of non-violence will not allow the slightest hint of violence
to enter his heart. How then can his conduct be violent?

The General said: “. . . If we have to have an army at all ... it must
be a good one. ... I would . . . like to remind them in my own way of
the need for and the value of non-violence. Tell me, please, how I can put
this over, i. e., the spirit of non-violence to the troops . . . without endan-
gering their sense of duty to train themselves well professionally as sol-
diers. I am a child in this matter. I want your guidance.”

Gandhiji laughed. He was still at his charkha. He paused, looked at
the General and said:

Yes. . . . you are all children; I am a child too, but I happen
to be a bigger child than you because I have given more thought
to this question than you all have. You have asked me to tell
you in a tangible and concrete form how you can put over to the
troops you command the need for non-violence.

I am still groping in the dark for the answer. I will find it
and I will give it to you some day.

He then went on to recount how even Lord Wavell and Lord Mount-
batten, both veteran professional soldiers, had expressed their implicit faith in
the value of non-violence.

Lord Wavell was very impressed with the non-violent way in which
the communal troubles between Hindus and Muslims had been tackled by
us. They both hoped that our ideologies of non-violence and pacifism would
be understood by the peoples of the world and practised by all in solving
international disputes.

Of course, they had at the same time said that one should always be
prepared for self-defence. At parting Gandhiji repeated:

Vide Vol. LXXXVII, p. 261.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

167

I will think about this seriously in the next few days and
will let you know about it soon. However, I would like to see
you more often so that we may further discuss this important
subject. ... I have always had the greatest admiration for the
discipline in the army and also for the importance you army
people pay to sanitation and hygiene. I tell my people in my
talks to them to copy the army in these respects.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 524-5, and Dilhiman Gan-
dhiji — ^II, pp. 13-5

148. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 3, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I receive many visitors. I do not relate to you everything
they say. I do let you know if something is important enough.
Today I had some visitors. It appeared they had had some busi-
ness with the Prime Minister. They said the Prime Minister had
earlier made a certain promise to them and that he was now go-
ing back on the promise. How was that, I asked. They said they
had his letter. I asked them to show me the letter. After all I
had no more power than they. I was not the Government. Yes,

I was a servant, a friend of the Prime Minister, a co-worker, and
so I would speak to him. But how was I to mention it to him?
Then I reflected on the matter and I asked myself why this sort
of thing happened, — people saying one thing and doing another.
I have to bear the brunt of all this. I am sure that I have never
deliberately deceived anyone. It is possible that, without under-
standing the implications, one may say something in all good faith
without any dishonest motives. And yet a person may feel ag-
grieved thinking that he has been deceived. Often things are not
fully understood and the result is breach of faith. But if a person
deliberately breaks a promise it is a bad thing. This should not
happen. The best thing is to keep quiet. Once we have put into
words what we feel, we must act accordingly. Only then can we
be said to be keeping our word. And now especially when we
are free and run the Government in the name of the millions we
must be very careful. We must show restraint, discretion and
humility. We must not be arrogant. Only then can we take our
work to a successful conclusion. No one then will be able to

168

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

charge us with breach of faith. If we say that we shall distri-
bute a certain thing free of cost and later say that we shall charge
something even a little for it, then it is breach of faith. Today
we have come to such a state that we do not value our word.
We make a promise today and wriggle out of it the very next day.
If I make an appointment with you for 4 o’clock tomorrow but
at the appointed time go off to a dance, it is breach of faith. So
I say that we have to be very careful. We must stick to our word,
we must weigh our words before we utter them. We must not
say anything on impulse. For instance we may say that there was
rioting and later colour it and say that there was murder. This
sort of thing cannot be hidden for long. The truth comes out in
the end. So we must be careful.

A doctor from Sind has written to say that the Harijans
left behind there are in a pitiable condition.' If only Harijans
were left behind in Sind and caste Hindus went away, nothing
but annihilation awaited them. The only condition for life
there would be complete slavery and ultimate acceptance of Islam.
This is a bad situation. Today the situation is such that if
the Pakistan Government says something, the officials at its
behest do not implement it. Of course the same thing is true
of India. Jawaharlal and the Sardar say that they shall protect
Muslims, they shall not allow even a single Muslim to be driven
away to Pakistan, but it does not happen. They do not have
people to enforce what they say. Their subordinates do not carry
out their wishes and the people too do not pay any heed. Yester-
day I told you that I had been to Panipat. All the Hindus and
Sikhs who have arrived there are in a miserable plight. They
were ill-treated in Pakistan and they had to flee. They came because
they were oppressed. Otherwise what was the need for them
to run away? Having themselves run away from oppression,
does it behove them to force others into a similar situation?
But this happens. How then can I complain to Pakistan? But I
have to do so. The correspondent has written in detail. He says
no Harijan wants to continue living in Sind. If they want to
stay together at one place they are not left in peace. Forced labour
is extracted from them. They are told to clean lavatories, do the
sweeping and so on. A Bhangi should not be forced to clean
lavatories today. If he can become a barrister, why should he be
stopped? Why should we insist that his only work is to clean

’ According to a telegram sent by Choithram Gidwani to B. R. Ambed-
kar, Harijans in Sind and Baluchistan were being prevented from migrating
to India under the Essential Services Ordinance.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

169

lavatories? They must be free to act according to their inclination.
If they are told that they can stay only if they embrace Islam,
what can they do and where can they go? You will have seen
the long statement Jagjivan Ram* has issued. He says that
Harijans must come away from Sind. If they want to come
they should be given facilities to do so. So long as they are in
Pakistan they must be allowed to go about their business un-
hampered; otherwise they should be allowed to leave. If this is
not done it is going to leave a permanent sore spot on the Hindu
and the Sikh minds. Although India and Pakistan are two coun-
tries, we cannot forget one another. We have to conduct our-
selves as gentlemen. We must not hurt anyone. We must not
force anyone to become a Muslim. We must not molest and abduct
anyone’s wife or daughter. Dr. Gopichand Bhargava and Sardar
Swaran Singh also said yesterday that India could not tolerate
such things. Today the atmosphere has become so polluted that
if a Muslim says that he has embraced Hinduism this should not
be accepted as genuine. Harijans are non-Muslims. If they say
that they have embraced Islam it is not to be accepted. It is only
fear that makes them say so. All such conversions should be
considered null and void.

Contradictory reports are coming from Kathiawar. Some
reports say that the situation in Kathiawar is as bad as described.
A telegram to that effect has come only today. Other reports
are from the Congress sources and these say that such is not
the case, that the Congress workers can never indulge in such
things. The Hindu Mahasabha and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh say that they have never burnt anybody’s house. Which
reports am I to accept as true? Shall I believe the Congress,
or the Muslims, or the Hindu Mahasabha and the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh ? It has become very difficult to get at the
truth. If mistakes have been committed we must acknowledge
them. If the Hindus have been in the wrong, if they have committed
excesses, it must be admitted. But if this is not the case and if
the Muslims exaggerate when they say that their properties were
burnt, they were forced to become Hindus, that their daughters
were abducted, we must proclaim it to the world that that was
not the case. Similarly if the Hindu Mahasabha and the R. S. S.
have not done anything wrong I must congratulate them. What
the truth is I do not know, though I am trying to find out. I

* (b. 1908); President, All India Depressed Classes’ League, 1936-46;
Labour Minister in the Interim Government; later held important portfolios
like Railways, Food and Agriculture and Defence in the Government of India

170

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

have written to people' I know there. I have also written to Mus-
lims. I have asked them to give me all the details so that I may
be able to see what shapes things are taking there and what the
upshot is going to be.

Now about South Africa. You will have seen what Vijaya-
lakshmi Pandit has said. She says we have been defeated be-
cause we have not been able to secure the required two-thirds of
votes.^ However, a number of people have been helpful and sup-
ported her stand. Besides, truth is on our side and in a way
we have secured a victory.^ The Indians in South Africa should
therefore not be disheartened. But there is something I have to
say. Vijayalakshmi could not have said it because she represented
the Government of India. You do not have a remedy but I have one
which I had applied in South Africa. What is defeat or victory?
The whites of South Africa and Smuts'* may say that they do not
want us there, that we must leave. They may deny us food and
water as is happening to non-Muslims in Pakistan and to Muslims
in India. They have driven away Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan
under threats. There are still a large number of Hindus and Sikhs
in Bannu. What will happen to them I do not know. Mehar-
chand Khanna^ has been to see me today. He says that in other
places too there are people whose lives may or may not be saved.
If they survive they will have to embrace Islam. But at Bannu
the number is very large. What should they do ? They are like pri-
soners. They cannot get out and if they stay on what are they
to eat? They are in a sad plight. What can the Government do?
It has its own problems. What I have to say here applies also
to the Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs in South Africa. I must tell
them that victory and defeat are of no consequence. ‘You must

' Vide pp. 151 and 163.

^ The Indian Resolution calling for a Round Table Conference on the
treatment of Indians in South Africa failed to obtain the requisite two-third
majority in the United Nations General Assembly, 31 having voted in favour,
19 against, with 6 abstentions and one country absent.

^ Vijayalakshmi Pandit had said: “Ours has been a moral victory of no
small importance.”

“* Field Marshal Jan Christiaan Smuts, Prime Minister of South Africa

^ Ex-Minister for Finance in N. W. F. P.; Secretary of the Khudai Khid-
matgar Parliamentary Party. He was sentenced to six months’ rigorous im-
prisonment on November 27 and on being released on bail came to Delhi. He
expressed grave concern about the safety of the 40,000 Hindus and Sikhs who
were still in Peshawar, Mardan, Bannu, Dera Ismail Khan and Parachinar,
awaiting evacuation as no refugee train was allowed to leave the N. W. F. P.
since October 28. He was also concerned about the non-Muslim prisoners
and under-trials in the Frontier jails.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

171

say that you will live in South Africa with honour, that you will
not leave. You did not go there because you wanted to. You
were invited. You went as indentured labourers and afterwards
you had children there. If it is a question of rights no one except
the Negroes have a right to be there. The Boers do not have even
as much right as you have.’ There were delegations from all over
the world at the U. N. O. Our country also had to send a dele-
gation. We acted rightly. People assemble there to bring about
justice, that they cannot or will not is another matter. We must
continue our fight in South Africa, not with a sword but with
soul-force. Even the little girl sitting beside me has soul-force,
others too have it. The soldiers, too, have soul-force. The
sword can be snatched away from us. We can be disarmed.
Our arm can be cut off but no one can take away our soul. It is
eternal. It is there today and it will remain tomorrow and the
day after. The body is worthless without the soul. The body one
day has to be disposed of. My wife died and I could not keep her
with me. Mahadev^ died who was of so much help to me. But
I could not keep him and his body had to be cremated. So I
shall say that if the Indians in South Africa have self-respect which
I think they have, if they have courage, they must say that even
if they did not secure two-thirds of the votes at the U. N. they
did secure a very large number. They must tell the whites of
South Africa to let them stay in the country with honour. They
must tell them that they intend to conduct themselves with
dignity. They do not want government service. They do not
expect help from the whites but they must be allowed to breathe
the air, drink the water and live on the land. After all they pay
their way, earn their keep, wherever they want to stay. They do
not claim the right to vote. If they want the vote they must have
it in the same way as the whites have it; otherwise they will do
without it. They will not carry on satyagraha for franchise but
they must safeguard their dignity. They must have bread and
they must have water and they must have land. Also their child-
ren must have education. They will understand if no grants are
forthcoming for the purpose but the education for the children
is their right and they have the right to fight for this. It is not a
question of victory or defeat but of laying down one’s life. They
must do or die. There is no other recourse. If they want to
live in this world in dignity they must do or die. Their duty is
clear and admits of no argument. This is what I have to say

* Mahadev Desai

172

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

to the Indians of South Africa and to you. I have nothing else
to offer.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 160-5

149. LETTER TO KANU GANDHI

New Delhi,

5 a. m., December 4, 1947

CHI. KANAIYO,

Winter has now begun in right earnest here. We have an
electric heater for the night.

I got your letter and the enclosed copy of your suggestions.
I read them as carefully as I should. I like your suggestions. The
entire department should become self-supporting. That will be the
true test of its genuineness. True, we are faced with the question
of the real meaning of ‘self-supporting’, and then there is always
such a thing as self-deception.

Four or five of you may come over if you can. I should like
it. But even then it would still be doubtful if I can give an
impartial verdict. I need to see things for myself and it can
be only if I were personally present in Noakhali. It remains to
be seen whether such an occasion will come in my present life.
Hence I leave it to each one of you to choose to come here or
not to come. Whoever wants to, may come.

You keep on worrying on Abba’s account. Rid yourself of
this anxiety if you can. You can always ask her to go to you.
Jamna wants to see both of you merely because of her attach-
ment. But that does not affect me. Give the enclosed* to Amtus-
salaam to read. I have written in Gujarati so that I may do it
quickly.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

* Vide the following item.

150. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

New Delhi,

After the morning prayer, December 4, 1947

DAUGHTER A. S.,

You wrote to me and asked Abha not to give the note to
me. Abha told me this; I told her it was her duty to give it
to me. She therefore handed it over to me at night. I read it
just now. You wrote a letter, and sent it and [yet] left instruc-
tions that it should not be delivered to me — all this gives a
complete picture of your unsteady mind.

You seek my guidance and your mind works in the opposite
direction. This is no sign of a desire for guidance. I have
already written to you about this matter, and helped you to
understand it.' I see your good as well as mine only in that.
That alone is real service. You can go to Borkamta on your own.
You may not ask for money from me. You can stay there at
your own free will and at your own will go to the Punjab. If
I could take a definite decision I would certainly take one. But
I am not perfect, I am not omniscient, am I ? Hence, whenever
I am doubtful about my own view I might perhaps offer an
opinion. I cannot do so in your case. You can come if you
want to, either with the others or even alone, provided you can
be spared from there. I have no such desire. Calm down!
Calm down 1 1 Calm down 1 1 1

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

' Vide\o\. LXXXIX, p. 451.

173

151. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

New Delhi,

Afternoon, December 4, 1947

DAUGHTER A. S.,

Yesterday I did not understand that it was an afterthought
on your part not to let me have your letter.’ Abha strongly takes
your side and says that my letter is sharp and would pain you.
You would surely be pained if I did not at all write to you.
This is true, isn’t it?

There is a letter from Charu Babu today. Am I forbidding
you from going to the Punjab? Only you cannot go with my
consent.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

152. TALK WITH BURMESE DELEGATION^

New Delhi,

December 4, 1947

I am very happy that you could come. But there is nothing
you can learn from our country today. It is our misfortune that
today brother is cutting the throat of brother. You will not take
away this example with you. Our country is very ancient; it has
a unique culture. We must admit with shame that today we
have brought this culture into disrepute. You must not remember
our disgrace. You must be generous. You must ignore our lapses
and see our virtues and make them your own. That we have
secured freedom for our four hundred million people without
a drop of blood having been shed is something unprecedented. Of
course it is possible that the British had got tired or that we were

’ Vide the preceding item.

^ Thakin Nu, Prime Minister of Burma, accompanied by U Tin Tut,
Foreign Minister and U Pe Kin, High Commissioner for Burma in Pakistan,
called on Gandhiji in the afternoon.

The report in The Hindustan Times has been collated with the Gujarati
version in Dilhiman Gandhiji.

174

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

175

too weak to take up arms. But non-violence is not a weapon of
the weak. It is a weapon of the brave. Its immense value can be
measured only when the brave take it up and use it. I therefore
advise you to copy from us not our brutalities but the noble
virtues you see in this country. We have to sustain with-
out the sword the freedom that we have gained without the
sword. Today, one must admit India has an army. But it is
my dream that this army will wield not guns and rifles but pick-
axes and shovels, and they will be suitably trained in this art as
they are today trained in martial arts.'

Gandhiji told them that he hoped Burma would prove equal to any
situation that might arise in the wake of its attaining independence. He
was happy that the Burmese people were united and that there was no
trouble so far.

Thakin Nu invited Gandhiji to visit Burma. Gandhiji said he would be
glad to do so but could not until peaceful conditions returned to India.

The Hindustan Times, 5-12-1947, and Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 19-20

153. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 4, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I talked to you yesterday about Kathiawar. Today I have a
telegram from Shamaldas. Yesterday I had a telegram from
Dhebarbhai too. Both say that the news I have been receiving
had been highly exaggerated. So far as they know no women had
been abducted and there was not a single case of murder. In fact
after Sardar Patel went there nothing untoward happened. Before
that there had been some little rioting and looting. Shamaldas
was upset by my statements, and that was but natural. He has
gone to Kathiawar from Bombay. He will make an investigation
and let me know. I have been receiving telegrams also from the
U. S. A., Iran and London repeating the charge that the Muslims
in Kathiawar have been subjected to terrible atrocities. Truthful
people should not indulge in this kind of propaganda. And what
has Iran got to do with what happens in India?

Shamaldas Gandhi says that he makes no distinction between
Hindus and Muslims. I would like to help the Muslims who write

A Burmese peasant-hat was then presented to Gandhiji.

176

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

to me provided they are on the path of truth. But if they
give up truth and make a mountain out of a molehill and if they
spread stories all over the world, that will be too much. I can
understand wires coming from inside India but when wires
come from abroad it pains me.

I have received a letter from a Muslim in Hoshangabad.
It is a very good letter. Guru Nanak’s birthday is an important
day. Sikhs wherever they are celebrate it. At Hoshangabad also
they celebrated it and invited the Muslims. They assured them
that they were brothers and the Sikhs had no quarrel with them.
Perhaps I told you once how at the Hoshangabad station a Muslim
was on the point of being killed and the Sikhs had come to his
rescue. So if on Guru Nanak’s birthday the Sikhs really did
what the correspondent describes, it is a great thing. If this
example is followed everywhere the blot on us will be removed.
I thought that the newspapers should give publicity to such
happenings.

Another thing I want to talk to you about is the Chamber of
Commerce. I have already hinted to you about the Marwari and
European Chamber of Commerce.* If we can have a Marwari
Vyapari Mandal why can we not have a Muslim Vyapari Mandal
too? But the Marwari Vyapari Mandal people say that it is for
all and that others besides Marwaris are represented on it. I
enquired as to how many Marwaris it had and how many Hindus,
how many Sikhs, how many Europeans. The letters I have re-
ceived from them are in English. They have sent a statement of
their policy and their rules and their report — all in English as if
I did not know Hindustani or Hindi. I confess that I do not know
English as well as I know my own language. How can I dis-
regard the language that I imbibed with my mother’s milk and
give more importance to English which I first started learning
at the age of twelve ? I asked if there were many Englishmen on
that body. They must tell me what it is all about. If the name
is Marwari Vyapari Mandal, then how can everyone join it? The
Muslim Chamber of Commerce can similarly say that it repre-
sents everybody. It can have on it a Hindu or two. This sort
of thing does not convince one.

The Prime Minister of Burma had been to see me.^ He is full
of humility. I told him that it was a very good thing that he
had paid a visit to India. Our country was geographically large
and its culture was no doubt ancient. But what was happening

* Vide pp. 125-6.

^ Vide the preceding item.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

177

today — the mutual mistrust of Hindus and Muslims — was not
something from which anyone could learn anything. Guru Nanak
preached that the Sikhs should be friendly with both Muslims
and Hindus. In fact there is no such distinction between Hindus
and Sikhs. Tara Singh has said that one cannot separate Hindus
and Sikhs. I should be very happy if we could conduct ourselves
thus. The two religions are fundamentally one. Even Guru Nanak
never said that he was not a Hindu nor did any other Guru.
If we read the Granthsaheb we shall find that it is full of the teach-
ings of the Vedas and Upanishads. The teachings of Koran are
similar. The same is true of the teachings of Guru Govind Singh.
What he taught is also to be found in the Hindu scriptures. There
is nothing wholly new. He has only emphasized certain things.

I claim that they originate from the Vedas. It cannot be said that
Sikhism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism are separate religions.
All these four faiths and their offshoots are one. Hinduism is an
ocean into which all the rivers run. It can absorb Islam and
Christianity and all the other religions and only then can it be-
come an ocean. Otherwise it remains merely a stream along
which large ships cannot ply.

What Burma can take from India is its culture which today
has fallen into disrepute. Never before in history has there been
a single instance of so large a country with such immense
population securing its freedom not by violent conflict but through
non-violence. You may say that the English had got fed up and
they left. That is not so. If there is anything to be learnt from
India, it is non-violence. Not that we have learnt the lesson of
non-violence fully. We are weak. We took to non-violence because
we had not the weapons for a violent fight. Non-violence is the
best weapon. Only the pure of heart can use it. I therefore told
the Burmese Prime Minister that if he wished to take anything
from India it should be this non-violence. He must not think that
if India lapsed into barbarity, how could Burma which took its
religion from India advance ? I told him that if he wanted to copy
India he must copy the good qualities that India once had and still
retained. He must not take anything barbarous. We must export
only what is good so that the world may learn from us. Had
India not attained its freedom, Burma and Ceylon also would
not have attained theirs. And India did not become free by resort-
ing to the sword. And if we did not need the sword for securing
freedom, we will not need it for sustaining it. If we cannot keep
our freedom without the sword, then I shall think that India has
done nothing for the world. Today we have an army. Attempts

90-12

178

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

are being made to strengthen it. Attempts are also being made to
further enlarge the Navy and the Air Force. I declare that in this
way we are not really strengthening ourselves. We shall be doing
no good to the world in this way. And if the world learns this
kind of thing from us it is not going to gain anything, rather
it will be doomed.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 166-8

154. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI

December 5, 1947

CHI. NARANDAS,

Jehangir Patel and Dr. Dinshaw Mehta are going there to
observe for themselves the condition of Muslims in Kathiawar.
They are going in their individual capacities and not on my behalf
or with my authority. They feel that this is the best contribution
they can make towards the service of the country. Introduce them
to whomsoever you think it necessary for them to meet in this
connection. They will not stay in Kathiawar for long. It will not
be more than eight to ten days. They know the Jamsaheb. If neces-
sary, they will meet the other Princes too. We have to consider
what truth there is in the allegations made by the Muslims.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Bapuna Patro~9: Shri Narandas Gandhine, Part II, p. 320. Also C. W. 8648.
Courtesy: Narandas Gandhi

155. LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK

December 5, 1947

CHI. SHARDA,

I am not sorry that Harjivan’ has passed away. He suffered
a lot. We tried so many remedies but the disease was fatal. One
would always prefer to pass away in one’s bed. I am not sur-
prised that everyone there helped. I would have been surprised,
pained, if they had not.

^ Addressee’s husband

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 179

It remains to be seen what you will do now. Remain calm
and do as Lakshmidas and other elders advise.

Could Harjivan see my last letter^? Was he conscious till
the end? I shall await your letter.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati; Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

156. TALK WITH GHAMHTAMSINGH GUPTA

New Delhi,

December 5, 1947

Now that the English have left the country the national lan-
guage for inter-provincial communication can only be Hindustani.
I have great respect for the English language. But it can never
be the national language of India. We do not persevere in learn-
ing our two ancient scripts, which only means that we do not
have enough patriotism. I will go so far as to say that every
Indian should, if possible, learn all the languages of India. One
should have a zest for it. There is no harm in this. It will only
develop our minds and increase our knowledge.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, p. 26

157. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 5, 1947

brothers and sisters.

The letters given to me here are sometimes too long. You
cannot expect me to go through them and answer them, because
it takes time even to read them. I cannot read them here for it
would be wasting my time and yours. I have a note which men-
tions my meeting Liaquat Ali Khan. The writer asks if I am still
not satisfied that nothing untoward has happened in Kathiawar. If
the writer of the note is present I may tell him that nothing has
happened in Kathiawar. Shamaldas Gandhi says that nothing has

Vide Vol. LXXXIX, p. 509.

180

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

happened to justify the reports that I have received. There had
been incidents but minor ones. They were given publicity by the
Pakistan newspapers and telegrams were dispatched. The reports
were terrible but such terrible things did not happen. Today I
have another wire from Shamaldas. He says he has made inves-
tigations and found that such things had not taken place. Certainly
after the Sardar’s visit to Kathiawar nothing untoward has
happened. The reports I had earlier received appeared to suggest
it was the Sardar who incited the people to rowdyism. But after
he went to Kathiawar no incidents took place. This changes the
complexion of things. Shamaldas Gandhi says that he will tell
Muslims not to send such telegrams. I have received further tele-
grams from the very Muslims who had earlier made the allegations,
admitting that they were exaggerated and that they had made
a mistake. They have also written to say that the reports car-
ried by the Pakistan newspapers were incorrect, that the extent of
the damage reported was also wrong and it could not be said
that the Muslims were scared and nervous. I am happy to hear
it. I have said that I shall do whatever I can for our Muslim
brethren. We must never kick one who is already down. We
must raise him up. This is the demand of humanity, of love,
this is civilized behaviour. I shall never throw anyone down
even if he be my enemy — though of course I have no enemy. It
was a mere dream that the Muslims would get everything once
Pakistan came into being. After all it is not as if only those
who are in Pakistan would be left alive and those outside Pakistan
would be killed. Pakistan is a veritable sea of Hindus and Muslims.
Will they drive out all the Hindus and Sikhs from there ? Those
that have come out did not really want to leave their homes.
But it has happened. I have received letters from Sikhs saying
that they will know no rest till they are able to go back. For
instance a person may have a thousand-acre farm near Lyallpur
where he had been growing wheat, bananas, cotton and fruits.
How can he leave it for good? He will not rest till he can go
back. And what happened in India? The displaced Sikhs were
furious and wanted revenge. I said it was not humanity. It was
barbarism. They should not indulge in it, that good should
be returned for evil. We must not copy the wrong-doer, we
must emulate the man who does good. It, therefore, gave me
satisfaction when I received that wire from Kathiawar. I shall
tell my Muslim brethren : if something had happened they
should have toned it down to a half or even a quarter; they
should not have exaggerated it and given it publicity in foreign

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

181

countries. After all if Hindus and Sikhs — though there are no
Sikhs there — go wild, can the world save the Muslims? Yes,
they can say that we have not made the right use of our free-
dom. They can threaten to take it away. All that is possible.
But the dead will not return to life thereby. We should there-
fore never exaggerate. Our agony is our own and no outsider
can take it on himself. We should try to make light of it. We
impress the world only when we exaggerate the good work done
by another, not his folly.

There is another thing I must tell you. It does not
concern you but I can convey it through you. I have told
Brijkrishna not to give anyone any appointment to see me from
the 6th to the 13th. That I do not want to see people does not
mean that I am ill or that I want to enjoy myself. For many
months now this matter has been under consideration. I cannot
go to Sevagram. So people from Sevagram are coming here. The
Kasturba Trust will be sitting from tomorrow. Then there will
be meetings of the Spinners’ Association, Nayee Talim, and Village
Industries Association. The four associations are going to meet
during this time. If they are properly conducted they will certainly
consume some time. How am I to give my time to these meetings
and to visitors? I have therefore requested people not to try to see
me during this time. Not that I shall not be doing my own work.
But people coming from outside want to see me out of curiosity.

As I have already said there have been talks going on about
lifting the control on cloth, also on food. Not that it is going
to happen tomorrow, but a process has started and everybody
says I have done a good thing by suggesting it. I have
received letters from all quarters saying that it would be good
if the controls were lifted. Of course if the controls are lifted it
will not mean that we shall be relieved of our obligations. Once
decontrol comes into effect certain obligations devolve on the
traders. I must tell Ghanshyamdas also to produce more cloth.
He may say that he only carries out orders. He produces what
cloth he is asked to produce and he takes the price. But once the
cloth is decontrolled, what will Ghanshyamdas and other friends
do? Does it mean they will be free to loot the people? In that
case I shall be having a very bad time. People will hold me re-
sponsible for it. I am a servant of India irrespective of my
status. If what I say does not appeal to the Government, that is,
to those running the Government, it will have no effect however
much I may shout. I am not God so that whatever I may say
will prevail. I discuss and decide and then say that the control

182

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

on cloth and other articles should be lifted. It means that if five
maunds of foodgrain is available today, we shall have ten maunds
tomorrow because I feel that some of it has been hoarded. But
if the peasants do not have any foodgrain and I say that the
control should be lifted, will the people not then starve? I am not
a fool who will let the people starve. I myself do not starve
because Ghanshyamdas makes available to me goat’s milk and
fruit and vegetables. I believe that the farmers have enough food-
grain but that the price offered is so low that they cannot even
feed themselves on it. They part with whatever the Government
forces out of them. For the rest they say they will declare their
stocks after the control is lifted. I feel that if the farmers can
clear their stocks at a good price they will not starve. Admitting
that we do not have as much foodgrain as we need, does it mean
that a person should eat all that he can lay his hands on, while
his neighbours starve? If we have sunk so low, then there is
no cure. Control certainly is not the cure. If that happens the
Government which is run by our Ministers must abdicate. People
indulge in deceit. They are not truthful. The traders who should
carry on trade for the benefit of the people are interested in
filling their own coffers and in amassing wealth for their sons and
daughters. What should the Government do? Should it use force
or should it shoot people down? We do not have such power nor do
we want such power. We may have a police force but not
for shooting down people. If we start shooting down people
who will be left alive? Where is our thirty-year old training?
Where is our humanity? This cannot go on. In this way we
shall only lose our newly gained freedom. I, therefore, say that
controls must go. If the Government says that decontrol will lead
to starvation, then I shall say that Panchayat Raj has not been
established, democracy has not come to us, that Ramarajya
has not been established and it is for Ramarajya that I want to
keep myself alive. I shall say that those who are made free from
controls should have self-imposed controls on themselves and make
others happy. The civil servants in the Government may call
me names. They may say I have no right to interfere, that I have
no experience of running a government, that afterwards it
would be difficult to reimpose the controls and feed the people.
I shall say they are right. I have never been in the civil service,
I have never run a government, but I have moved among the
millions. I know their hearts. I understand them.

Now about cloth. About food you may say that we have
not enough stock of it. But nobody has yet said that we do not

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

183

have enough cotton. We have so much of it that we export it.
You will say we do not have enough mills. I shall say the mills
are in our homes. They are in the homes of all the women sit-
ting here. Every one of you has been blessed with two hands.
If you want clothes on your back you should spin. If you

cannot, you may go naked. We have a number of mills but if
the production does not come up to the requirement we must
resort to hand-spinning and hand-weaving. Weaving is not diffi-
cult. We have so many weavers in our country that we can have

any amount of cloth woven, but some people have a deli-
cate taste. They will weave only mill-yarn. They cannot

weave hand-spun yarn. If they start weaving hand-spun yarn
there is no need to go naked. Then our beautiful country — the
home of so many hundreds of millions who know their trade, who
know how to produce cloth — cannot go naked. Therefore control
on cloth is the limit of ignorance and the sooner it is lifted the
better. So far as foodgrain is concerned the farmers and traders
must declare that they produce and sell to meet the people’s
needs, and they will not indulge in dishonest practices. The far-
mers should understand that they have to grow crops not merely
to feed themselves but to feed all. We must produce one seer
where we produced only a half. But let us guide the people;
let us provide them incentive. There is no need for anyone
to go hungry or naked in India. We have been denuded of our
cloth because of our ignorance. We do not produce as much
food or as much milk as we need even though we have a large
number of cattle. What is this if not folly?

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarihana Pravachan — II, pp. 169-74

158. A TALK^

New Delhi,

December 5, 1947

When someone has fever the doctor first seeks to rid him of
the fever by giving a mixture. The fever goes down. But it will
come back, for the disease has not been diagnosed and the cause
of the fever has not been traced. Similarly most people in the
world today want an end to war, but wars continue. If the
causes of wars were discovered and justice done where justice was
demanded, there would be no wars. Today various groups of people
have been pleading with the Government to ban cow-slaughter.
I know that even beef-eaters have asked for such a ban, but as
soon as a cow goes dry people stop looking after her. They do
not ask that cows should be cared for. They simply ask that cow-
slaughter should be stopped. But if everyone looked after cows
well and insisted that no one should eat beef, cow-slaughter would
stop by itself. But beef-eating goes on, the cows are neglected and
yet the Government is asked to stop cow-slaughter. That would be
making fun of the Government. In the same way one must first
look deeply into the causes of wars and seek ways to remove those
causes. Wars in a large measure are fought over economic issues.
If we give up selfishness and resolve to take the barest minimum
for the satisfaction of our wants, there will be no occasion for wars.
Unless there is a complete transformation in our economy and our
style of life, peace will elude us, however hard we may strive for it.
Europe and America want peace and yet they use their intellec-
tual, technical and scientific resources for production of nuclear
weapons. Therefore, while they express the wish that peace
should reign in the world, they are busy inventing ways to dis-
turb the peace and to destroy the world. It does not occur to
them to seek ways to restore peace and stop the possibility of
wars.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 28-30

* A friend accompanying Jawaharlal Nehru had asked Gandhiji how
peace in the world was to be established.

184

159. GIVE AND TAKE

A Sindhi sufferer writes:

At this critical time when thousands of our countrymen are leav-
ing their ancestral homes and are pouring in from Sind, the Punjab and
the N. W. F. P., I find that there is, in some sections of the Hindus, a
provincial spirit. Those who are coming here suffered terribly and
deserve all the warmth that the Hindus of the Indian Union can rea-
sonably give. You have rightly called them dukhiA though they are
commonly called sharanarthis. The problem is so great that no govern-
ment can cope with it unless the people back the efforts with all
their might. I am sorry to confess that some of the landlords have
increased the rents of houses enormously and some are demanding
pagri. May I request you to raise your voice against the provincial spi-
rit and the pagri system specially at this time of terrible suffering?

Though I sympathize with the writer, I cannot endorse his
analysis. Nevertheless I am able to testify that there are rapa-
cious landlords who are not ashamed to fatten themselves at the
expense of the sufferers. But I know personally that there are
others who, though they may not be able or willing to go as
far as the writer or I may wish, do put themselves to inconve-
nience in order to lessen the suffering of the victims. The best
way to lighten the burden is for the sufferers to learn bow to pro-
fit by this unexpected blow. They should learn the art of humi-
lity which demands a rigorous self-searching rather than a search
of others and consequent criticism, often harsh, oftener undeserved
and only sometimes deserved. Searching of self ennobles, search-
ing of others debases. The sufferers should learn the art and
virtue of corporate life, in which the circumstance of co-operation
is ever widening till at last it encircles the whole human race.
If they do this no sufferer will live in isolation. All of them,
no matter to which province they belong, will hold together and
would be considering not the welfare of self but that of all. This
does not mean that all of them will live or insist on living at one
place, an impossible feat at any time, more so today, when lakhs
upon lakhs of people have been torn from their homes, not

’ The Gujarati version of this appeared in Harijanbandhu, 14-12-1947.

2 Vide p. 104.

185

186

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

knowing where to lay their heads upon. But this humble spirit of
co-operation does mean that wherever they are placed, they will
feel one with all the sufferers, no matter from what strata of society
they are drawn or to which province they belong. Insistence
on being accommodated in a particular place of one’s choice there
will be none. The sufferers will never grumble. They will disdain
to occupy houses belonging to Muslim owners or tenants, whether
these places are physically occupied or evacuated. It is for the
Government to decide what they will do with property evacuated
under abnormal conditions that are prevalent in India today.
The sufferers’ one and only care would be to hold together and
act as one man. It would be seen that if the idea thus presented
takes shape and spreads, the problem of accommodating suffer-
ers, otherwise styled refugees, will become incredibly simple and
they will cease to be a menace.

Moreover, every sufferer who is not a cripple will do his
or her full share of work against bread, clothing and shelter
in a becoming manner. Thus they will realize the dignity
of labour and feel dependent upon no one. All will be equal
to one another irrespective of sex. Some labour will be shared
by all, e. g., sanitary work including latrine-cleaning and scaveng-
ing. No labour will be considered too low or too high. In this
society there will be no room for drones, idlers or loafers. This
camp life is any day superior to the city life of dirt and squalor
side by side with palaces — difficult to decide which is a greater
eyesore between the two.

New Delhi, December 6, 1947
Harijan, 14-12-1947

160. LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI

December 6, 1947

CHI. VALJI,

I read your article on the cinema' just now. It took me
some time to decipher some of the English words which were un-
familiar to me. When you quote from a book, it will perhaps
help if you send the book, too. Alternatively, you may get the
article typed or write it in a still clearer hand. I would not be
able to translate this article into Gujarati. I myself did not

' The article entitled “Reconstitute Film Censor Boards” appeared in
Harijan, 14-12-1947.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

187

follow all the English words fully. You had agreed to send the
Gujarati and the Hindi translations also. Even if you cannot
send the Hindi, send the Gujarati. You may, if you wish, send it
directly. I am writing to the people at Ahmedabad not to
translate it into Gujarati. As for your previous articles, I am
inquiring about them.

Are you all right?

Blessings from
Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 7506. Courtesy: Valji G. Desai

161. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 6, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

You heard the bhajan and the Ramdhun sung by Subbulakshmi'.
She is new to Delhi. Usually she gives music recitals. One ought
to lose oneself while singing bhajans and Ramdhun. Today you
must have realized why people are so keen to hear her. She has
a melodious voice. I welcomed her message offering to come
and sing here.

Today I do not wish to take more than 15 minutes. Yester-
day I took 25 minutes which was too long. I am ashamed of
it. I must train myself to finish within 15 minutes. Today I in-
tend to take only 15 minutes and leave out what cannot be
covered within that time.

I had a letter from a friend yesterday. I have only been
able to read a part of it. I have another letter today which I
have not been able to go through. I must ask to be excused.
The letter which I have read in part says that I am too simple a
man, that I do not know how the world’s affairs are run and am
apt to be deceived. The correspondent also explains the nature
of the deception and cautions me to be careful. He asks me to
see what is happening in Pakistan and suggests that we should
do the same here. That we should take revenge I do not agree.
We cannot burn the houses of the Muslims. However humble
those houses may be they are as dear to their owners as the
palaces of millionaires may be to them. It is in these houses
that they live. When a Muslim has to go to Pakistan he suffers.

' M. S. Subbulakshmi, eminent exponent of Carnatak music

188

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

The correspondent asks when the displaced Hindus and Sikhs
can go back to their homes. I may inform him that so long as
they do not go back I shall not rest. It is a different thing if
they die before that happens. So long as there is a single Hindu
or Sikh left who does not get his house back, I shall not rest.
Yes, one may not ask that the house that has been burnt should
be restored to its former state. No government can do that, not
even the Government of India. I shall say that the Hindus and
Sikhs should go to Model Town and stay there. The Lahore
Hindus and Sikhs can ask the Pakistan Government to return
them their houses and their land just as they are. All that
they should ask is that the Muslims who have occupied their
properties should be made to vacate them. We cannot ask them
to raise houses on the land. They should merely return the land.
Those who are now in the Indian Union should become truthful
and decent. We must not imitate Pakistan. If they cut off
their noses we can’t do the same.

I shall further say to the correspondent that if we have made
a mistake we must rectify it. Everyone makes mistakes. Only, one
must not repeat them. Man is liable to err, even as he has the
potentiality to do good. Once he rectifies his mistakes, he can
only do good. If we stick to our dharma it is not necessary to
advertise it to the world.

I have had to write on what happened to Kathiawar Mus-
lims. I did the right thing. It is good to tell the Hindus there
about it. It is good to tell the Government. It is our right. When
we agreed to the formation of Pakistan we had not bargained for
the houses of Hindus and Sikhs being burnt in Pakistan and their
being driven out of the country. If mistakes have been made
they must be rectified. Of course they can say that we should also
rectify our own mistakes. They may say that the Muslims who
had gone to Pakistan were driven out of India and that they
should be taken back. If that is done the displaced Hindus and
Sikhs could go back to Pakistan and the displaced Muslims in
Pakistan could come back to India. This will be good both for
India and Pakistan. If not, then both the countries will fall in
the eyes of the world. We have always conducted ourselves hon-
ourably. We won our freedom honourably. It is not I who say
it. It is not Hindus and Muslims who say it. It is the whole
world that says that we have attained our freedom by honour-
able means. We should preserve it by honourable means and
not by resorting to rowdyism. Rowdyism could be the way
to lose our freedom. If we keep our conduct and our behaviour

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

189

clean the world will see that we have made amends for our
former mistakes. What is the world going to do about Pakistan
— you may ask. I shall say that the world does not have to do
anything or say anything. Pakistan has to cleanse itself.

I am reminded that the Resolution* passed by the A. I. C. C.
had my support and that I am responsible for its being passed. I
am however told that people do not want it. Displaced Hindus
and Sikhs do not want to go back to Pakistan. I do not say that
they should go back as beggars. True, they have come away
from Pakistan because they were helpless. But they must go back
with dignity. The Pakistan Muslims should tell them that they
have changed for the better and now invite them to go back.
Similarly we should tell the Muslims who have gone away that
their houses and their land are as they had left behind and that
they should come and occupy them. If we get over our madness
and behave as gentlemen, things will be all right. Where is the
deception here? I do not deceive anyone. The world should
not look for deception here. The A. I. C. C. has passed the Reso-
lution that the displaced Hindus and Sikhs should all go back
to their homes and land in Lyallpur and they should be invited
to do so with love. Our Sikh brethren used to be farmers there.
They have to go there in any case. This is my dream. I wish
to live to see this dream realized. If it is not the will of God
that this dream be realized. He will take me away. That is
why I am staying on in Delhi. If I cannot do this here, where
else can I do anything? If only Pakistan would mend its ways,
confess its errors and assure us that it would behave decently, all
would be well and we could live as good neighbours. There is
no reason why we should remain enemies of each other. Enmity
cannot be our dharma. I have concluded within ten minutes
today.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 175-8

* Vide Appendix I, Resolution (2), “ Repatriation of Refugees ”.

162. DISCUSSION AT KASTURBA GANDHI NATIONAL
MEMORIAL TRUST MEETING

New Delhi,
December 7, 1947

question: Should the sevikas^ of the Kasturba Trust be given instruc-
tion in first-aid and home remedies or should this be a different department?
For instance, should the women engaged in Nayee Talim and khadi work
receive such training too?

GANDHiji : I do hold that any woman who wants to be an
all-round village worker must have a basic training in nursing.
That is to say she must know how to deal with and treat com-
mon diseases such as boils, malaria, scabies, vomiting, diarrhoea
and so on. I of course believe only in nature cure. But these
women must know what the disease is, what diet is to be given
and how sponging, enema, etc., have to be given. All this is
of course covered under Nayee Talim.

Q. Now that we have our own Government, should we accept assis-
tance from the Government? For instance scholarships?

G. This, as in the case of the previous question, is a matter
of individual discretion. But I hold the view that we should not
alter the policy we have adopted so far. People everywhere seem
to have become unconcerned and imagine that since now we
have our own Government there is no harm in accepting grants.
But our Government has been there for barely five months, and
in this brief period it has had to carry enormous burdens. The
financial plight of the Government today is far from easy and we
must not make it more difficult by burdening it further, nor should
the Government involve itself in the question. This much relief
can certainly be expected with our own Government in power,
viz., that workers, both men and women, working in the Kasturba
Trust and other national institutions, will not have to face the
difficulties they did under the British rule.

q. If the sevikas who have received training start working for the
Communist Party, what should one do? Should one ask them to refund the
expenses incurred on their training? Again, if women from the Communist
Party or the Socialist Party request for training being given to them, should

* Women workers

190

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

191

they be given the training? And should we take in trainees recommended
by the Government?

G. It cannot of course be a happy situation if we train workers
and are then denied the benefit of their services. But we must not
be disappointed. If the Government sends us trainees and pays
their expenses we must give them the training. And we must
emphatically tell the trainees that courtesy demands that they
observe the conditions that go with the training. We must not worry
which ism a trainee follows, or which party she comes from. We
must be satisfied if she signs the pledge and follows the rules. This
is not a sectarian organization or a party organization. It is an
institution of service. We should not seek Government grants. We
have to train women village workers for the revival of the villages.

Q,. Should we have prayers in the training institutions?

G. Certainly, prayers we must have. In fact I hold that
prayers must become a part of life. It is so with me. Prayer is
the food of the soul. It is the broom to sweep away all the dirt
from the mind. And the women getting instructions in the camp
should as a matter of etiquette present themselves for prayers at the
appointed time. Whether they are believers or non-believers,
whether they have faith in prayers or not, they must attend the
prayers. It cannot be without its effects.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 43-5

163. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,
December 7, 1947

brothers and sisters.

Today I wish to talk to you about a very complicated matter,
which is also rather sensitive. It has appeared in the newspapers.
You will have seen that yesterday some Hindu women workers went
to Lahore and met some Muslim women there.' They discussed
the question of what ought to be done about the Hindu women

' An Inter-Dominion Conference was held in Lahore on December 6,
to consider ways and means for the restoration of abducted women.

A joint appeal to the people of Pakistan and India to restore all
abducted women was made by the representatives at the Conference. Promi-
nent among the signatories to the appeal were: Ghazanfar Ali, Iftikhar Hus-
sain Khan of Mamdot, Begum Liaquat Ali Khan, Begum Shah Nawaz,
Begum Bashir Ahmed, Iftikhar-ud-din, K. C. Neogy, Swaran Singh,
Rameshwari Nehru, Mridula Sarabhai and Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya.

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abducted by Muslims in Pakistan and the Muslim women abducted
by Hindus and Sikhs in East Punjab. A very large number of
Muslims have already left India and it is possible some more
may yet leave. We should now resolve that not a single Muslim
will be compelled to leave. If they voluntarily opt for Pakistan
that is a different matter. But the fact is that no one wants
voluntarily to leave India. Why should anyone want to give up
one’s house and property? It is not as if they had houses and
properties waiting for them in Pakistan. Those voluntarily
opting for Pakistan or going for the sake of jobs are very few,
which is natural because there are not enough jobs for them
in Pakistan. And if their established businesses in India are not
affected, there is no reason for them to go.

But what of the women? This is a complicated question.
Some say that about 12,000 women had been abducted by
Hindus and Sikhs and twice that number had been abducted by
Muslims in Pakistan. Some others say that this estimate is too
low. I would say 12,000 is not a small number. Why, a thousand,
or even one, is not a small number. Why should even a single
woman be abducted? It is barbaric for a Hindu woman to be
abducted by a Muslim or a Muslim woman to be abducted by
a Hindu or a Sikh. Some people believe that 12,000 represents a
very conservative figure. Let us say that 12,000 women had
been abducted by Muslims of Pakistan and another 12,000 women
had been abducted by Hindus and Sikhs of East Punjab. The
problem is how to recover them. The women workers had been
to Pakistan to consider how to solve this problem. The Hindu
and Sikh women carried away by force should be restored to
their families. Similarly the Muslim women taken away should
be restored to theirs. This task should not be left to the families
of the women. It should be our charge. They also met Ghazan-
far Ali' and a police officer whose name I forget. Mridulabehn^
and Rameshwaribehn^, who had been to Lahore, both gave me
separate reports and told me that they discussed the question of
how abducted women should be recovered. Obviously it will

* Minister in charge of Relief and Rehabilitation in Pakistan; he had
suggested at the Conference that a joint organization of the Dominions of
India and Pakistan should be formed for the restoration of kidnapped women
and children to their families.

^ Daughter of Ambalal Sarabhai; one of the trustees of the Kasturba
Gandhi National Memorial Trust

^ Rameshwari Nehru; Vice-President, Central Board of Harijan Sevak
Sangh; President of the women’s section set up by the Ministry of Relief and
Rehabilitation

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

193

not do to send police parties or armed units as an escort for
these women. Of course some Hindu and Sikh women workers
could go to Pakistan accompanied by police officers from East
Punjab to bring back the abducted women. But this is not
being done. It is said that the women concerned do not now
want to return, but still they have to be brought back. Muslim
women similarly have to be taken back to Pakistan. It is also
said that the Sikh and Hindu women concerned have embraced
Islam and married their Muslim abductors. It could be true.
But I do not admit that they are not willing to return. Similar
is the case of Muslim women in India.

We have become barbarous in our behaviour. It is true of
East Punjab as well as of West Punjab. It is meaningless to ask
which of them is more barbaric. Barbarity has no degrees. Raja
Gazanfar Ali says that both parties have indulged in atrocious
behaviour. It is not necessary to ask who has been more guilty.
Atrocities have taken place on a mass scale and it is irrelevant
who took the first step. The need is for women who have been
abducted and harassed to be taken back to their homes. It is
my belief that the police cannot do this. The army cannot do
this. Yes, a team of women workers could be sent to East Punjab
and another team to West Punjab but I do not think that would
be effective. I can say as a man of experience that this is not the
way to do this work. This is a task for the Governments to tackle.
I am not saying that the Governments were behind the abduc-
tions. It was not the Government of East Punjab which organized
abductions. In East Punjab Hindus and Sikhs were responsible for
them and in West Punjab Muslims were responsible. What further
investigation is required? Whatever the number — I put it at
12,000 at least — East Punjab and West Punjab should return
them.

It is being said that the families of the abducted women no
longer want to receive them back. It would be a barbarian
husband or a barbarian parent who would say that he would
not take back his wife or daughter. I do not think the women
concerned had done anything wrong. They had been subjected
to violence. To put a blot on them and to say that they are no
longer fit to be accepted in society is unjust. At least this
does not happen among Muslims. At least Islam is liberal in
this respect, so this is a matter that the Governments should take
up. The Governments should trace all these women. They
should be traced and restored to their families. The police and
women social workers cannot effectively deal with this. The
90-13

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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

problem is difficult, which means to say that public opinion is
not favourable. You cannot say that all the 12,000 women were
abducted by ruffians. I do not think that is the case. It is good
men that have become ruffians. People are not born as goondas;
they become so under certain circumstances. Both the Govern-
ments had been weak in this respect. Neither Government has
shown enough strength to recover the abducted women. Had
both the Governments exercised authority, what happened in East
Punjab and West Punjab would not have happened. But our
independence was born only three months ago. It is still in its
infancy.

In my view Pakistan is responsible for spreading this poison.
But what good can come from apportioning responsibility? There
is only one way of saving these women and that is that the Gov-
ernments should even now wake up to their responsibility, give
this task the first priority and all their time and accomplish it even
at the cost of their lives. Only thus can these women be rescued.
Of course we should help the Government if it requires help.

As I told you yesterday I should not speak for more than fif-
teen minutes; so I end here. Two or three minutes are still left
but I shall not use them.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 178-82

164. A FOREWORD

Charlie Andrews* was simple like a child, upright as a die,
and shy to a degree. For the biographers^ the work has been a
labour of love. A life such as Andrews’ needs no introduction.
It is its own introduction.

New Delhi, December 8, 1947
Charles Freer Andrews, p. 15

* Charles Freer Andrews (1871-1940); English missionary, author and
educationist; a close associate of Gandhiji and Rabindranath Tagore
^ Benarsidas Chaturvedi and Marjorie Sykes

165. NO LIMITATIONS^

A correspondent says in substance:

Individual ahimsa I can understand. Corporate ahimsa
between friends is also intelligible. But you talk of ahimsa
towards avowed enemies. This is like a mirage. It will be a
mercy if you give up this obstinacy of yours. If you do not,
you will forfeit the esteem you enjoy. What is worse, you,
being considered a Mahatma, mislead many credulous persons
to their own and society’s harm.

That non-violence which only an individual can use is not of
much use in terms of society. Man is a social being. His ac-
complishments to be of use must be such as any person with suffi-
cient diligence can attain. That which can be exercised only
among friends is of value only as a spark of non-violence. It can-
not merit the appellation of ahimsa. “Enmity vanishes before
ahimsa”, is a great aphorism. It means that the greatest enmity
requires an equal measure of ahimsa for its abatement. Cultiva-
tion of this virtue may need long practice, even extending to
several births. It does not become useless on that account.
Travelling along the route, the pilgrim will meet richer experiences
from day to day so that he may have a glimpse of the beauty
he is destined to see at the top. This will add to his zest. No one
is entitled to infer from this that the path will be a continuous
carpet of roses without thorns. A poeH has sung that the way
to reach God accrues only to the very brave, never to the faint-
hearted. The atmosphere today is so much saturated with poison
that one refuses to recollect the wisdom of the ancients and to
perceive the varied little experiences of ahimsa in action. “A bad
turn is neutralized by a good”, is a wise saying of daily ex-
perience in practice. Why can we not see that if the sum-total
of the world’s activities was destructive, it would have come to
an end long ago? Love, otherwise ahimsa, sustains this planet of
ours.

This much must be admitted. The precious grace of life has
to be strenuously cultivated, naturally so because it is uplifting.
Descent is easy, not so ascent. A large majority of us being

* A Gujarati version of this appeared in Harijanbandhu, 14-12-1947.

^ Pritam

195

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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

undisciplined, our daily experience is that of fighting or swearing
at one another on the slightest pretext.

This, the richest grace of ahimsa, will descend easily upon
the owner of hard discipline.

New Delhi, December 8, 1947
Harijan, 14-12-1947

166. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,
Silence Day, December 8, 1947

A Muslim organization has cautioned me against taking at
face value anything said to me whether by a Hindu or a Muslim
and making it the basis of an argument. It suggests that I had
better investigate the matter first and then decide what to do and
it adds that I should personally visit Kathiawar and see things
for myself. I have already said that this is a thing I cannot at
present undertake. I should do what I can remaining in and
around Delhi. Those who offer me advice forget that so far it
has been possible to have the charges withdrawn. When one
wants to arrive at the truth for the sake of the truth, the result
is always good. This has been repeatedly tried. In such matters
patience and perseverance are of the utmost importance.

I keep receiving letters from Sind. There is one from Karachi
which says: “There are no killings but Hindus cannot live here
with honour and dignity. The Muslims who have gone there
from India can enter any Hindu homes at will and announce
their intention to stay there. They have no authority, but we
dare not say no to them. There had been innumerable incidents of
this kind. The Karachi of a few months ago has become a thing
of dreams.” This is the substance of the letter which is very long.
What the letter says can, I feel, be believed. It means that there
is total anarchy there. This is the way of killing people slowly.
There is also such a thing as killing souls. I appeal to Pakistan to
stop this lawlessness. It is a disease and the sooner it is got rid
of the better.

Sugar has been decontrolled. Cereals, pulses and cloth will
soon be decontrolled. The purpose of decontrol is not to bring
down the prices all at once. The purpose for the present is to

* As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written speech was read out
at the prayer meeting.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

197

make our life natural. Controls imposed from above are always
bad. In our country, this is especially so because we have a vast
population spread over a country 1,900 miles long and 1,500
miles broad. I do not take count of Pakistan here. We are not
a martial nation. We produced, or at any rate we can produce,
our own food and enough cotton for our requirements. When
controls are lifted people will have a feeling of freedom and they
will also have the right to make mistakes. This is an age-old
way of making progress — to advance by making mistakes and recti-
fying them. If you keep a child wrapped up in cottonwool it
will die or become stunted. If you want to see him grow into a
strong man you will have to train him to stand every kind of
weather. Similarly if the Government deserves to be called a gov-
ernment it must teach people how to face shortages. It must teach
them to weather bad times by united effort. It is no good helping
them somehow to keep alive without their having to work for it.

Viewed thus, decontrol means that instead of merely a few
people in the Government the millions have to learn to be far-
sighted. The Government will have to assume fresh responsibilities
on behalf of the people so that it can discharge its obligation to-
wards them. It would have to improve transport. It would have
to teach people ways of improving the yield. In this matter the
Food Ministry will have to pay more attention to small farmers
than to big landlords. The Government thus has on the one hand
to trust the people as a whole and keep a watch on their occupa-
tions and on the other to keep in mind the interest of the small
farmers. So far no attention has been paid to them and yet a
large majority of the population consists of them. The peasant
himself consumes what he grows. He sells his small surplus in order
to buy the other necessities of life. One consequence of controls
was that the peasant could realize only a very low price from the
market for his produce. Therefore in so far as the peasant gets
a higher price for foodgrain the price of foodgrain will increase.
The consumer should not mind that. The Government will have
to see that any benefit from the rise in prices under the new
arrangement goes wholly to the farmer. This will have to be
explained to the people every day or at least every week. Millers
and all kinds of middlemen will have to co-operate with the
Government and work under its direction.

I think this is being done. All these various persons and or-
ganizations should work in full concord and in full co-operation.
So far they have always exploited the poor. The rivalry that has so
marked their attitude to each other should go. Especially in the

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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

matter of food and cloth no one should work for the sake of
profit. If decontrol leads to traders making larger profits, then the
purpose of decontrol will be defeated. Let us hope that capitalists
and businessmen will offer full co-operation.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy; All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 182-5

167. LETTER TO ISMAT lETIKHAR-UD-DIN

New Delhi,

December 9, 1947

MY DEAR ISMAT’,

I was sorry that you were so ill and glad to hear that you
were better. You should get quite well quickly, so as to do the
very necessary work of reclaiming the poor abducted women in
both the parts of the Punjab.

Tell Iftikhar^ it was naughty of him to cease to write to
me after his transfer of loyalty.

Bapu

Begum Iftikhar-ud-din

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

168. LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI

December 9, 1947

CHI. JIVANJI,

I have not been able to write much this time. Still enough
is being dispatched. There are two copies of each item.

The Hindustani will be completed by Sushila by this evening
and will, therefore, be dispatched tomorrow. That is what was
done last week, too.

1 understand why some articles were left out. Nobody on
that side is to be blamed.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 6962. Courtesy: Jivanji D. Desai.

Also G. N. 9988

* Wife of Mian Iftikhar-ud-din

2 President, Punjab Provincial Congress Committee; left Congress in 1946
and joined the Muslim League; Minister of Rehabilitation in Pakistan till
November, 1947; President, Punjab Muslim League, 1950; on being expelled
from it founded the Azad Pakistan Party

169. LETTER TO A MAULANA

Birla House, New Delhi,

December 9, 1947

MAULANA SAHEB,

I had a talk with Sardar Patel about the Muslims from
outside who want to settle in Delhi. He says that he has no
objection to nationalist Muslims settling in Hazarat Nizamuddin
if they wish, whatever their number. But he is against bringing
Muslims from outside, to be rehabilitated in the interior of Delhi
in houses now evacuated. For, if the Muslims now evacuating
these houses return, where will they be accommodated? Secondly,
if Muslims from outside are rehabilitated in these houses the Hindu
and Sikh refugees who cannot find accommodation are bound to
object and argue that while they have not been rehabilitated
outsiders are brought in for settling. The Sardar’ s view seems quite
right to me. Therefore you may bring the nationalist Muslims
and help them settle in Hazarat Nizamuddin. These outsiders
should not be accommodated in the city’s interior.

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

170. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 9, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Today I attended a meeting of the Trustees of the A. I. S. A.
and naturally I had to speak for half an hour to the women. If
I have the time — for I shall be finishing the speech in 15 minutes
— I shall tell you about that today. Otherwise I shall do so
tomorrow.

You will have seen in the papers today a report saying that
Sardar Patel and I are going to Pilani. Why? For a change of
air. It is a mere canard. I do not know what the Sardar has in
mind but I certainly know that this is not the time to seek a
change of air. The Sardar works all day long and rests at night
and that is all the change of air he gets. The same applies to me.

199

200 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

It is true that I am not so overworked because I do not have to
run a government. But I receive many visitors and I get tired.
Therefore I have to give myself rest. The air is quite congenial
in Delhi at present and there is no need to go out for a change of
air. What can Pilani offer? So far as I am concerned I have
taken a pledge to do or die. I have not fulfilled that pledge. I
cannot understand why newspapers publish such rumours. I can
only conclude that a large part of what the newspapers put out
consists of falsehoods. Then I came to know — though not from
newspapers — that since we are going there certain directives
have come from Jaipur about the quantity of sugar, wheat and
other provisions that we shall be needing. Although we are only
two persons to be provided for, a scarcity seems to have been
created in the market. It is of course only hearsay. If true it
reveals a shocking state of affairs that our movements should
influence the market. It is as though we lived only in order
to eat or that we had large retinues following us. This should
not be so. The Sardar is a poor man, and so am I. It is true
that he lives in a palatial house; so do I at present. Of course
the best thing would have been for him and for me to live in a
mud hut. Anyway, what I was trying to tell you is about the
way rumours are spread. After all I am available here. They
might have asked me if I planned to go to Pilani. I now have
a telegram from the Associated Press in this connection which
hurts me even more. The Sardar is always busy but they should
have asked me whether we are going.

I have a letter from a friend from Sind. He has given his
name but I shall not disclose it though he would not mind my
doing so. I had told you about a letter from a doctor in Sind
who had reported the hardships of the Sind Harijans.^ The doctor
has been arrested. Whether he was arrested because he wrote to
me or for some other reason I do not know. Many persons who
served Harijans have been arrested. This is the kind of thing that
is happening in Sind. I admit that people are not being murdered,
but as I told you yesterday this is worse than murder. When
you murder a man he is dead and everyone then puts up with
the fact, but to harass people and kill them by inches is much
worse. A man was arrested and then released — maybe they will
release others too. But it is bad to arrest people like this. I do
not wish to make accusations against the Pakistan Government
but I must warn them that if they keep arresting Harijan workers

• Vide pp. 168-9.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

201

in this way it will be impossible for the workers to continue to stay
in Sind. The same is true of Harijans. This sort of thing was
common during the British rule. Must we continue the same
practice ?

I still have a few minutes, so I shall tell you about another
matter, viz., about the women. The Kasturba Memorial Trust
has been set up because there are 700,000 villages in India and
women and children living in them must be served. But there
is a larger issue confronting us; a large number of Hindu and
Sikh women have been abducted by Muslims and an equally
large number of Muslim women have been abducted by Hindus
and Sikhs. Leave aside the question which community has abduct-
ed more women. In any case under each of the two Governments
no less than 12,000 women and girls have been abducted. What is
the Kasturba Trust to do? I shall do what lies in my power.
One thing is obvious, that we cannot take up this work to adver-
tise ourselves. Those who are public servants have to do the
work of service. Once the work is over there is an end to it. It is
of no importance whether the matter is reported in the news-
papers or not. Again, we have to consider the various things that
should be done for women. I can suggest a few things. Most
women workers we have are from the cities. We could find a few
in villages and even these had some connection with cities. I do
not say that it is bad, that it is wrong to have anything to do
with cities. But for the last 150 years the trend has been for
cities to exist only to squeeze wealth out of the villages. They
took raw material from the villages, carried on trade with
foreign countries and made crores of rupees. This money did
not go to the villagers, or only a very small fraction of it did.
The bulk of it went to millionaires and the mill-owners. Towns
exist to exploit the villages. The city culture does not therefore
fit into the framework of villages. A woman worker from a town
should not carry to the villages the atmosphere and the ways of
towns. Maybe she has a lot of money and articles of luxury.
Maybe she has a motor car, cosmetics, dresses of velvet and
toothpastes, foreign or indigenous, tooth brushes, dainty shoes
and sandals. If she takes all these things along with her, how can
she serve the villages ? If with these things she sets the standard for
the villagers they will devour the villages. The cities should be
for increasing the prosperity of the villages, for making money
available to them for developing the village culture. But what is
happening is the very opposite of this. I cannot explain to you
everything. All I have to say is that the women workers who

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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

truly want to serve, not to exploit, must have a sense of pro-
priety and take to the villages only the things that it would be
appropriate to take. Such reforms as they wish to introduce must
be in conformity with the genius of the villages. If that happens
our seven lakh villages which today are in a sunken state can come
up. The villages are not inhabited by uncivilized people with no
art and nothing good to show in life. There is much beauty
in the villages. There is much art and there are industries that
the whole world knows about. Village crafts have been appre-
ciated all over the world. Therefore the women workers who
would serve villages must leave behind the things associated with
city-life. They should take with them only what is good and
moral. Then alone can they help in the uplift of the millions of
our women and children. This much at any rate let us do.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 185-8

171. QUESTION BOX

Q. Why does Gandhiji resort to a fast when he faces extreme difficulties?
What is the effect of this action on the life of the public of India?

A. Such a question has been put to me before but never,
perhaps, precisely in the same terms. The answer, however, is
easy. It is the last weapon in the armoury of the votary of
ahimsa. When human ingenuity fails, the votary fasts. This fast-
ing quickens the spirit of prayer, that is to say, the fasting is a
spiritual act and, therefore, addressed to God. The effect of such
action on the life of the people is that when the person fasting
is at all known to them their sleeping conscience is awakened.
But there is the danger that the people through mistaken sympathy
may act against their will in order to save the life of the loved
one. This danger has got to be faced. One ought not to be de-
terred from right action when one is sure of the rightness. It can
but promote circumspection. Such a fast is undertaken in obe-
dience to the dictates of the inner voice and, therefore, prevents
haste.

New Delhi, December 10, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947

172. ITS DEEP ROOTS

A correspondent writes to the effect that:

Even after independence, the hold of the English lan-
guage on the city people does not seem to have relaxed to
any appreciable extent. In proof of his statement he cites
the Industrial and Agricultural Exhibition held in Bombay,
at which the opener’s speech was in English, the signboards
were painted in English and the correspondence for the
most part was conducted in English. The ration cards are in
English, much to the annoyance of the general public, who
cannot read English. Our leaders feel that their important
pronouncements must be made in English without the slight-
est regard for the poor public.

This is a just complaint, demanding peremptory redress. The
unfortunate inertia has to be thrown out before a visible change
for the better takes place in this important matter.

New Delhi, December 10, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947

173. DISCUSSION WITH H. S. SUHR AWARD T

^December 10, 1947Y

You must know that the people here and even in a greater
measure the members of the Union Government do not have that
trust in you that I have. They tell me that you are fooling me,
that in Calcutta you hung on my words because the Muslims
were in peril but here things are different and so are you. If
you wish to remove their distrust and suspicion, you must have
the courage plainly to tell Jinnah and Liaquat Ali that they
must adopt a uniform policy with the Indian Union in regard to
the recovery of the abducted women and other matters pertaining
to the minorities. Similarly, you must ascertain the truth about
what is said to be happening in Karachi and ask Jinnah how it

* This appeared under “Notes”, a Hindi version of which appeared in
Harijan Sevak, 21-12-1947.

^ From Dilhiman Gandhiji — II

203

204

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

comports with his declaration that the minorities in Pakistan
would be fully protected. And if you cut no ice with them,
you must, as a Muslim and an Indian national, issue a statement
disapproving of Pakistan’s policy in unequivocal terms. Thereby
you will serve both India and Pakistan.*

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 525-6

174. TALK WITH TEACHERS AND STUDENTS

Birla House, New Delhi,

December 10, 1947

Students, parents and teachers should all become proficient
in crafts. Only by imparting education through crafts can India
stand before the world. Just as there are laboratories in schools,
our kitchens should be our laboratories. For instance germinated
pulses are rich in vitamins, but when we cook them with spices
all the vitamins are destroyed. How much heat and how much
time will food require to cook so that it is easily digested and
also preserves vitamins ? How much food in calories will a child,
a student, a grown-up man, a moneyed man, a worker or a com-
mon man require? How much ghee, oil, milk or grain should
one consume? If all this is taught to the students while cook-
ing, they would become experts in the science of nutrition.

There is similarly a science in the charkha as also in nursing
the sick. Today boys of twenty become graduates and can speak a
foreign language as fluently as their mother tongue. Although
history, geography, arithmetic, geometry, Sanskrit, etc., are taught
through a foreign language they pass the examinations. This
shows that our boys are not dull or incompetent. I tell you that
no English or other foreign students can speak Hindustani or
Gujarati however hard they may try, as fluently as our students can
speak English. I know of many Englishmen who have been here for
years and who have been trying to learn Hindi and yet even now
they cannot pronounce the word 3n[you], they pronounce it 5*1.
Look at Mirabehn. No one could be more hard-working. She
resents it if she is introduced as an English woman. She lives and

* A group of local Muslims called on Gandhiji soon after. He gave
them similar advice that they should set forth their views in a public state-
ment if they felt that the minorities in Pakistan were not getting a fair deal
and boldly and unequivocally say that this was a disgrace to Pakistan and
a stigma on Islam.

TALK WITH TEACHERS AND STUDENTS

205

serves as a daughter of India. She still cannot properly pro-
nounce the sound ‘ti’ of Hindustani. But we must not be content
with getting degrees in English. We must learn hygiene, chemistry,
economics, etc. And that not through books but through crafts.
Students should diligently acquire knowledge. When there is know-
ledge to be found in cooking, in disease, in recreations, what
need is there to pore over books? If you take chillies in excess
you will get dysentery. So from this we can gain knowledge about
the cause of dysentery. Thus we can make experiments on our-
selves and gain knowledge from our experiences. This knowledge
is permanent. Why need one cram the dates of Lord Curzon’s
birth and death? And if, even after cramming them, one for-
gets them at the examination one’s parents will have wasted the
fee money. Of course if one wants to study these dates because
of interest in them, that is a different matter. But today we do
not need such education. If therefore the flame of freedom is to
be lighted in India the very first need is a revolution in edu-
cation. After all, students are the real wealth of the country.
Teachers, in so far as they mould the students, are the silent ser-
vants of the country. Their profession not only earns them their
bread but is also one of service. But today we neglect those we call
teachers. Parents must take an active interest in teachers. Parents
commit a grave sin when they address teachers disrespectfully.
The teachers can impart no enlightenment to students till we
learn to show towards them the same respect that we show to
the priest in the temple or to our spiritual preceptor. And if the
students are not enlightened we may be certain the country
will remain enveloped in darkness. Today all this seems a fond
hope. We fought the English for so long. People used to make fun
of us and ask if we thought we would get freedom by going
to jail and by being flogged. But I had the firm conviction that
freedom would come through that path alone and no other.
Similarly while today the cloud of hatred and enmity darkens
the relations between brother and brother, we cannot find a way
to happiness because of our ignorance. Ignorance has render-
ed us blind. It is our misfortune that we are unable to see what
is clear as day.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 71-4

175. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 10, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Yesterday I told you that I attended the meeting of the A. L-
S. A. and addressed a few words to the women. Today again I had
to go to a meeting of the Talimi Sangh. But maybe I shall have
to leave that out for today. I must speak today of the A. I. S. A.
You know what the Spinners’ Association is. It carries on khadi
activity which is centred round the charkha. First, the cotton has
to be ginned, carded, made into slivers, and then spun and woven.
If the hundreds of millions of people in India take to this work
— it is easy, we can even teach it to children — all the expendi-
ture on cloth can be saved. If cloth is thus manufactured in vil-
lages it becomes almost free. And if cotton is grown in the villages
the saving would be twice as much, for we would have to spend
nothing on cloth and we could also benefit from the craft and
prosper. I therefore feel that if we do not behave foolishly there
should be no dearth of cloth in our country. There should be
no dearth even if there is not a single textile mill left in India.
Today we have to look up to the mills. We have forgotten the
charkha and khadi. People do certainly sport khadi caps because
they have got used to it, having worn it during the struggle for
freedom. But one feels sad that khadi is not a living thing in
our lives. The Spinners’ Association has been working for
many years. It has disbursed crores of rupees and yet we are
where we were. This is a matter to be pondered over. The charkha
teaches us ahimsa. If everybody took up the charkha the villages
would become prosperous and would not present the depressing
spectacle they do today. During the discussion at the meeting,
it was shown how, through the charkha and khadi, the short-
age in cloth could be made good and crores of rupees could be
given to the villagers, not in cash but in the saving that would
be effected from not having to buy mill-cloth. It may be said
that in manufacturing khadi we would have to pay for the cot-
ton. But the price of cotton would be very little. If we use all
the cotton that is today produced, it should be enough. But
the Government gives all the facilities to the mills. It is more

206

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

207

concerned for the capitalists than for the farmers. It is a painful
fact. I am not against capitalists, I am myself staying in the
house of a capitalist. But I know the attitude that the capitalists
have adopted. The Government may say that they do everything
for the poor. But even the British used to say it. The truth
is that the interests of the poor are not served. The Government
should humbly accept this. It is easy to say that the poor should
be helped. Let the ministers decide to go and live in the vil-
lages. If they are true socialists — and if I have my way I would
make them behave so — if they are true servants of the poor,
not only of the workers but of the peasants who are more nume-
rous, if they want to uplift the people, I would tell them that
they should only wear khadi. There is nothing to prevent
them from producing their own khadi at home. I will tell the
people what they are doing. Ever since I came here I have been
saying this but have been able to achieve nothing. All that I
have managed to get is a few crores of rupees for the villages.
But what I want is that the music of the charkha should be
heard in every home and no cloth except khadi should be seen
anywhere. If this happened the poverty prevailing in the villages
would disappear. That it has not so far happened is our misfortune.

One cannot say that in other respects things are going on
well here. There are speeches being made — I shall not name the
speakers because full particulars are still lacking — that the few
Muslims still remaining here will not be allowed to stay on,
that the mosques still standing will be taken over to house Hindus.
What else will happen only God knows. I think that if the
Hindus occupied the mosques it would be the end of Hinduism.
So much for Delhi.

Something about Ajmer has come to our notice. And it is
the same story there. I have visited the town many times. It
has Muslims and Hindus in large numbers. There is an impor-
tant Muslim shrine’ there. It is also visited by Hindus and
thus the two have been living in amity. They are one not in
religion but in their ways of life. Not that there were no
quarrels between the two communities but today the rioting has
been much more serious. It seems from what little has appeared in
the newspapers that a large number of Muslims have been killed.
There was first a scare among the Muslims and those who could
ran away leaving a few behind. Then followed the riots. I under-
stand that is what is happening in the villages all around. I

Of Hazarat Moinuddin Chishti

208

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

shall talk to you again after I have full particulars. All I say is
that it is a shameful alfair. Let us pray to God to give us the
wisdom not to destroy Hinduism by our conduct. It cannot do
any good to destroy Hinduism in the process of killing Muslims.
If we wish to live we must let live. Man was not made by God to
live through killing others. It must not be allowed to happen
that the Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan and Muslims in India
are killed and the rest become slaves. We are inviting our
own destruction. There is a saying in Sanskrit: “A man loses
his reason when he is to be destroyed.”^ Our minds have become
perverse. The cries of “kill, slaughter, drive out the Muslims”,
are a sign of our having lost our reason. There are many other
things I want to say but I have not the time, having resolved
not to speak for more than 15 minutes.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 189-92

176. WHO SHOULD BE PROVINCIAL GOVERNORS?^

The following is a free translation of Principal Shriman
Narayan Agrawal’s letter in Hindustani from Wardha:

In the Gonstitution that is being framed by the Gon-
stituent Assembly, there is to be provision for the election of
provincial Governors by the majority of voters under the
adult franchise system. From this one is entitled to infer that,
as a rule, the nominees of the Gongress Parliamentary Board
will be elected. The Chief Minister of the province will also
be of the Gongress party. Common sense dictates that the pro-
vincial Governor must be above party politics of the province
concerned, or above being unduly influenced by the Chief Min-
ister or above friction between himself and his Chief Minister.

In my opinion there is no necessity for a Governor. The
Chief Minister should be able to take his place and people’s
money to the tune of Rs. 5,500 per month for the sinecure
of the Governor will be saved. Nevertheless, no provincial
Governor should belong to his own province.

Moreover, in this way the expense and worry of an
election by the majority of the adult population will be saved.
Will it not be proper and better for the President of the
Union to select Governors satisfying the reasonable test above

2 A Hindi version of this appeared in Harijan Sevak, 21-12-1947.

WHO SHOULD BE PROVINCIAL GOVERNORS?

209

suggested? Such Governors will surely raise the tone of the
public life of the provinces governed by them. It is worthy
of note that the present Governors have been appointed
by the Central Cabinet of the Union on the above basis and,
therefore, their influence on their provinces has been whole-
some. I fear that if the Governors are elected as threatened
under the forthcoming Constitution, their influence is likely
to be unwholesome.

Further, the Constitution as foreshadowed makes no
mention of the village panchayat being the foundation of the
progressive decentralization in the place of the old hunger
for centralization. There are other such defects which one
can profitably point out, but I have no right or desire to
enter into an elaborate criticism of our seasoned leaders. I
have but ventured to draw your attention to the defects
which have appeared to me and demand your guidance.
There is much to be said in favour of the argument advanced
by Principal Agrawal about the appointment of provincial Gover-
nors. I must confess that I have not been able to follow the
proceedings of the Constituent Assembly. I do not know the
context in which the proposal under discussion has been made.
But, examined in isolation, the criticism appears irresistible,
with the exception that much as I would like to spare every pice
of the public treasury, it would be bad economy to do away with
provincial Governors and regard Chief Ministers as a perfect
equivalent. Whilst I would resent much power of interference to
be given to Governors, I do not think that they should be mere
figure-heads. They should have enough power enabling them to
influence ministerial policy for the better. In their detached posi-
tion they would be able to see things in their proper perspective
and thus prevent mistakes by their Cabinets. Theirs must be an
all-pervasive moral influence in their provinces.

Principal Agrawal says that there is no mention or direction
about village panchayats and decentralization in the foreshadowed
Constitution. It is certainly an omission calling for immediate
attention if our independence is to reflect the people’s voice.
The greater the power of the panchayats, the better for the people.
Moreover, panchayats to be effective and efficient, the level of
people’s education has to be considerably raised. I do not conceive
the increase in the power of the people in military, but in moral
terms. Naturally, I swear by Nayee Talim in this connection.

New Delhi, December 11, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947

90-14

177. LETTER TO MANIBHAI B. DESAI

December 11, 1947

CHI. MANILAL,

I got your letter only today. I also got the one sent with
Dinshaw. I am replying just now to the former.

It was indeed welcome news to me that Gangabehn' had gone
there. If she is able to stay on there permanently, nothing could
be better. But that will of course depend on Purushottam’s^
health.

I will be glad if a primary teachers’ camp is held there. The
condition that the camp should involve no financial liability is
only reasonable.

I hope Balkoba’s fund will be completed. That Dhiru is
persisting in his effort is not surprising, for it is in his nature.

If the gentleman sent there by Haribhau Phatak can stay
there and can be a help to you, that would indeed be fine.
But his being able to work will depend on his not getting
fainting fits.

In view of the decision not to purchase the Ramanama land,
the plan to purchase some other plot seems all right. Where
will you find the money for it?

If the work at Uruli progresses steadily, no matter how slowly,
I should be very much pleased.

Your vow of lifelong dedication cannot but produce an echo
in the hearts of other people. Whatever effect is produced there
will be the fruit of ahimsa. Without ahimsa village uplift seems
impossible to me.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 2724. Courtesy: Manibhai B. Desai

* Wife of Purushottam Bhatt
^ Purushottam Bhatt

210

178. LETTER TO VIJATALAKSHMI PANDIT

New Delhi,

December 11, 1947

CHI. BEHN VIJAYALAKSHMI,

This letter will be handed over to you by Shri Datar from
Uruli Kanchan. His son Chi. Madhavrao is blind. Datar has
read somewhere that they are providing the blind with new eyes
in Russia. If this is true Datar would like to take Chi. Madhav-
rao to Russia. If this is feasible do whatever can be done. Datar
is a man of means and he will be able to bear the necessary
expenses.

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy; Pyarelal

179. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 11, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

A friend desires that the verses from the Koran we recite
here should be explained. These verses are ancient. The Koran
was composed by Mohammed Saheb — it was spoken by him,
thirteen centuries ago. The extracts from it that we recite are
considered sublime like our mantras. The very reading of it
bestows merit on the reader. It is good to know the meaning,
of course, but even without knowing it a correct recitation itself
is of great value. I can now explain the substance of it. I do
not know Arabic or Persian. I do possess a translation, but it
is not here now. Tomorrow I can provide a literal translation.
In substance, it is a prayer to God. God is one and the same,

by whatever name we may call Him. Allah is one of His names.

Then His attributes are described. He is called Rahim and Rehman
but He is one God. It is then said that God alone can save us
from Satan. Satan drags us down and makes us do evil deeds.
Only God can save us from that fate. Man admits that he on his

own does not do noble deeds but God prompts him to do so.

Man is like a drop of water in a sea. If God does not save man

211

212

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Satan will devour him. God is great. God is All there is. His
mercy alone can save us. I should say that however much we
may recite this prayer, ponder over it and follow its import it
is not enough. You may ask why in that case Muslims indulge
in such barbarous behaviour. But then do Christians who have
made so much progress, who are learned, follow the teachings of
the Bible? Where are the Christians that live according to the
Bible? Where are the Hindus who conduct themselves accord-
ing to the GayatriJ We recite from Ishopaniskad, “All things are
pervaded by the Lord”, meaning that God is in everything. He
gives us everything. Whatever a man possesses has been given to
him by God. We should renounce all and enjoy what we must.
Nothing is ours. House, property and everything is surrendered
to God. It is a great thing. Then it is said that we should not be
envious of others’ riches. We should not covet another’s wealth.
Let the Hindus but conduct themselves according to this one single
mantra. Let the whole world thus conduct itself. It is not for the
Hindus alone. It does not even mention Hindus. Let the Sikhs
conduct themselves according to the mantra. It is not as if they
did not believe in it. If everyone conducted himself accordingly
the tragedy we have been witnessing all around us could not have
come to pass. Everyone is not wicked, nor is everyone an angel.
We cannot say that all Sikhs are wicked while all Hindus are
angels or that all Muslims are angels.

Another verse is from the Farsi scripture. The first mantra
in the prayer proclaims obeisance to the Guru.' It is followed by
other verses in Sanskrit. Then there are bhajans. And yet we
do not keep our hearts clean. It is a painful thing.

I had said I would explain to you what was being done in
the Harijan Colony. But I have to leave it for the present, for there
are other things to speak of and I have only fifteen minutes.
Some Muslim friends from the U. P. came to see me today for a
second time. They told me that they had been to the Punjab
in Pakistan. They found other Indian Muslims there. They had
planned to work out with the Muslims there some kind of a com-
promise which would make things easier here in India. They had
obtained my permission for the visit. They returned today. They
said they wanted one thing from me. I should ask the Hindus
and the Sikhs to return to Lahore. These Muslim friends will
accompany them. Should it become necessary they will be the first
to lay down their lives. But that will not be necessary. They have

' Vide Vol. XLIV, p. 388, verse 7.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

213

talked to the authorities there. They are willing to rehabilitate the
non-Muslims there. I asked them to give it to me in writing. It
is not something that can be done right away. It is a big thing.
If this can be done a great part of my work will have been ac-
complished. They said, I should at least test their word. They
have given to me their views in writing. Their report says:

The Peace Mission from the U. P. visited West Punjab twice.
The first visit lasted a month and the second a week. The
conditions there are much improved. The Government as
well as the public are trying to re-establish order. It is the
desire of the West Punjab Government that the non-Muslims
residing there at present should continue to live there and
those who have migrated from there should go back to their
homes. The Government has issued the directive that the
non-Muslims returning to their homes in West Punjab should
be given back their rights over their houses and properties
and given full protection and provided with all the facilities
they may need. If, notwithstanding all the pleading, some
non-Muslims do not wish to go back, they will have full
rights to exchange or sell their properties in any way they
like. The Government is being very severe with those
provoking riots and are taking all measures to ensure pro-
tection to those who may return. The Peace Mission has
been able to persuade the people and the Government of
Pakistan to accept the responsibility to protect the honour
and dignity of non-Muslims. We, the members of the U. P.
Peace Mission request the non-Muslim brethren from Pakistan
to go back to West Punjab and settle there. We are willing
to accompany them on their journey back and will protect
them at the cost of our own lives. We will return only after
these non-Muslims are fully assured of their safety.

This is signed by four persons. It is a very promising deve-
lopment. The newspapers have put out something quite differ-
ent but we should not worry about that. There are many refugees
concentrated in Model Town. In Lahore Hindus and Sikhs have
large properties. There is also a Gurdwara there. I asked the
Mission from U. P. if the Sikhs could go back there. They gave
the assurance that Sikhs could go there. They said it was not
that people in general had become friends; there was still some
poison in the air; it could not be removed all at once. But the
Government had made sure that there would be no more killings.

It would be a great thing. I had not thought things could
improve so quickly. I do not know how far this is the case, but

214 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

let US in our hearts grant the possibility that there are people
among Muslims who can do this. It would be inhuman to think that
all Muslims are wicked. There are very good men among them.
A Hindu friend had accompanied the Muslim friends. He brought
me a letter. I have not the time to read it out but its substance
is the same. He runs a large hotel visited daily by about a thou-
sand persons. A majority of them are perhaps Muslims but cer-
tainly Hindus also go to the hotel. They find no difficulties in
their way. He says there is nothing to prevent the Hindu refugees
from going back there. I will not say that they must go back
right away. Nor would I say that they should not go. But it
would be good if they did go back.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 192-6

180. ADVICE TO DECCAN STATES^ UNION RULERS^

New Delhi,

December 11, 1947

Gandhiji advised the Rulers to have perfect unity with their people.
They are trustees of the people and their servants, he added.

The Bombay Chronicle, 12-12-1947

181. LETTER TO LORD MOUNTBATTEN

New Delhi,

December 11, 1947

DEAR FRIEND,

Your promised letter was delivered here at 5.15 p. m. It came
into my hand after 7 p. m. You have given me more than I had
expected or wanted.

Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi

H. E. THE G. G. OF Indian Union

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

* The Rulers of Sangli, Aundh, Phaltan, Miraj (Senior), Ramdurg and
representatives of Bhavnagar and other States met Gandhiji in the evening.

182. DISCUSSION AT CONSTRUCTIVE WORKS
COMMITTEE MEETING^

New Delhi,

December lljl2, 1947

j. B. KRiPALANi: This meeting has been convened by the Constructive
Works Committee of the Congress. The question has been raised what the
constructive workers should do.

GANDHiji: The first thing we have to do is to improve our
national character. No revolution is possible till we build our
character. The pity is that though swaraj is so recent an achieve-
ment, there is already a slackness in constructive efforts. I know
there are a few difficulties. Government help also may not be
forthcoming at places. But the Congress has always been in our
hands. And if you will only make an effort the Government too
will remain in our hands.

q^uestion: Should constructive workers take part in politics?

GANDHIJI : I have answered this question many times before.

I repeat my answer: leave politics to Rajendra Babu, Jawaharlal

and Vallabhbhai. You confine yourselves to constructive work.

It is difficult to answer the question why constructive work
is making so little headway, though the Congress has sworn adher-
ence to it for years and men like Jawaharlal, Rajendra Babu
and Vallabhbhai are at the helm of affairs. All the Sanghs,
except the Harijan Sevak Sangh, were brought into being by
the Congress. Why is it then that the workers of these Sanghs
lack the power to make the Government go the whole hog with
them? No douht, the fault lies with us, the constructive work-
ers. We had faith in constructive work, but our faith was not
deep or enlightened enough to illumine our intellect and so our
growth has been lop-sided. The criticism levelled against the

* The versions available in Mahatma and Mahatma Gandhi — The Last
Phase have been collated with the Hindi version in Dilhiman Gandhiji.

Congress workers, including Shankarrao Deo and R. R. Diwakar, had
posed the question whether it would not be better in view of the halting
policy pursued by the Government, to form themselves into a separate body
and go into the Government for the furtherance of the constructive prog-
ramme.

215

216 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

constructive workers is that they are generally lacking in imagina-
tion and intellect. Our intelligentsia are not lacking in sympathy.
Reason, as a rule, follows in the footsteps of feeling. But we
have not sufficiently penetrated the hearts of the intelligentsia to
convince their reason.

This is my analysis of the situation. There should be rapport
between the constructive workers and the institution. We must
first purify ourselves. The Congress has always had the con-
structive programme. Now it has the power. Why is it then

that our work is not progressing? It may be that we have no
heart. Because if we were endowed with a heart we would have
been sensitive to the pain of others. Moreover, a person may

be in sympathy with one in distress and still may not be of any

help to him. But our minds have not opened. Many eminent
people who are in politics have had this experience. I have had
a hand in the formation of all these various institutions, and I
can say that things are in such a state because our hearts are not
pure. A current was generated. The people caught on to the
idea that that was the way to overcome the British. Villagers too
flocked to us in ever larger numbers. It gladdened us that there
was such awakening in the country. But in the forefront were
intellectuals. And the result was that the freedom that came was
not true freedom. The fight being over, our interest in the con-
structive programme waned. Constructive work is not a strategy
or a technique of fighting. Constructive work connotes a way
of fife. It can be carried on only by men who have adopted
it by the heart as well as by the intellect.

Kumarappa^ pointed out that our way of life would be
determined by what we do. Then the Sangh^ came to be
formed, in which the Congress helped. The Congress lent the
constructive workers’ Sanghs its name and also gave them the
charter to function. But the Congressmen failed to come up to
the scratch and to shoulder the burden. Such is our bankruptcy.
If the Sanghs could come together and could work under the
direction of a jointly chosen representative, it would mark a
big step forward. To set our own house in order is the first
indispensable requisite, if we want to influence political power. If
all the Sanghs gave a good account of themselves, worked unitedly
and in co-operation, without a jar or jolt, it would be a grand
thing. But they must not do it for the sake of popularity, nor

^ J. C. Kumarappa

^ All India Village Industries Association

DISCUSSION AT CONSTRUCTIVE WORKS COMMITTEE MEETING 217

hanker after political power, even in their dreams. Soon we shall
have adult suffrage. That is a good thing. But to regard adult
suffrage as a means of capturing political power, would be to put
it to corrupt use.

The objective of the constructive works organizations is to
generate political power. But if we say that political power
having come, it must be ours as a price for our labours, it would
degrade us and spell our ruin. Take the case of the Charkha
Sangh. It has the largest membership of all the Sanghs. But we
have never endeavoured to get its members enrolled on the voters’
list. It was suggested at one time that we should get their names
enrolled on the Congress register. I opposed it. “Do we want
to capture the Congress?”, I asked. That would be tantamount to
killing it. The Congress can be ours only by right of service.
Today we have our own Government. Under adult suffrage, if
we are worth our salt, we should indeed have that hold upon
the people that whomsoever we might choose, should be returned.
In Sevagram I deprecated the proposal of our people enrolling
themselves as voters. What actually happened was that the people
from the village came and sought our advice as to whom they
should give their vote, because they knew that we were their
true servants and had no axe to grind.

Today politics has become corrupt. Anybody who goes into
politics gets contaminated. Let us keep out of it altogether. Our
influence will grow thereby. The greater our inner purity, the
greater shall be our hold on the people, without any effort on
our part.

My eyes have now been opened. I see that what we prac-
tised during the fight with the British under the name of non-
violence, was not really non-violence. God had purposely sealed
my eyes, as He wanted to accomplish His great purpose through
me. That purpose being accomplished. He has restored to me my
sight. Now I can see with open eyes what is to be done. I have
been learning the art for so many years. Maybe I have got the
technique. If I make a mistake I rectify it. I therefore say that
there is no need for us to consult the Government. They went
as far as they could.

Has what I am doing today penetrated your hearts? Then
you should have the strength to remove corruption, wheresoever it
may be. You have met here as the constructive wing of the
Gongress. For that you need not get into any committee. Your
work is among the masses. The Gonstituent Assembly is today
forging the Constitution. Do not bother about making changes

218

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

in it. Shriman Narayan Agrawal has written to me that in the
Constitution that is being framed now, there is no mention of
gram panchayat, whereas the Congressmen have always said that
the gram panchayat must be the foundation of our future polity.
We have to resuscitate the village, make it prosperous and give
it more education and more power. What good will the Con-
stitution be if the village does not find its due place in it ? What
Shriman Narayan Agrawal says, appeals to me. But we must
recognize the fact that the social order of our dreams cannot come
through the Congress of today. Nobody knows what shape the
Constitution will ultimately take. I say, leave it to those who
are labouring at it. Let the constructive workers consolidate their
strength, and the way to do it is through the unification of the
various constructive works organizations. And if we cannot do
that, let each Sangh continue on its way and develop its strength
as best as it can, making intelligence more and more the hall-
mark of all its activity. The Charkha Sangh is the biggest
Sangh. It has funds. It is pursuing the policy of decentralization.
I am not unaware of its perils and its difficulties. We have to
create a superior, more advanced type of khadi worker. Not
till then, shall Panchayat Raj become a reality. The workers of
the Charkha Sangh are not there merely to earn a living for them-
selves or merely to distribute some wages to the spinners and
weavers, etc., by way of poor relief. The only goal worthy of
their ambition is to create a non-violent order of society. But,
in this they have not made much headway. If our khadi workers
are there for wages only, then we had better bid good-bye to the
dream of realizing a non-violent social order. The success will
depend on our uttermost purity. Impatience would be fatal.

We are today rather poor. But this poverty does not discourage
me. Only now we are coming to realize that all our workers are
from cities. They do not even know what non-violence is. When
a woman gives me yarn she does it for money. But why does she
covet money ? The root cause is poverty. It is that root we have
to destroy. Where is khadi today? The people who wear khadi
do so to gain political ends. There is no credit in it. Our work
may be slow but we can generate great strength through it. Let
us forget about the Congress Constitution, because even after the
Constitution has been given shape our work must go on. We
have to pursue our ends in a different way. You must not suc-
cumb to the desire to become ministers.

The really poor villager is haunted by the spectre of desti-
tution. He cannot see beyond the satisfaction of his primary

DISCUSSION AT CONSTRUCTIVE WORKS COMMITTEE MEETING 219

needs. The villager does not understand non-violence, nor do I talk
to him of it, but I try only to see that he becomes a good spin-
ner and gets a fair minimum subsistence wage. I do not mind
if the volume of our work is small, so long as it is solid. Consti-
tution-making will be over in a few months. What next? The
responsibility of working it and making a success of it will rest
on you. Suppose you get a constitution after your heart, but it
does not work. After five years, someone will say: ‘You had

your innings, now give us a chance.’ You will have to give in
and they may try to seize power, set up a dictatorship and stran-
gulate the Congress. Per contra, suppose you do not assume power
but gain hold on the public, you will be able to return at the
polls whomsoever you may wish. Forget membership so long
as the voters are in your hand. Think of the root and take care of
it as much as you can, and make self-purification the sole crite-
rion. Even a handful imbued with this spirit will be able to trans-
form the atmosphere. The people will soon perceive the change
and they will not be slow to respond to it. Yours is an uphill
and difficult task but it is full of rich promise.

Ciuestion: The people are with us, but the Government obstruct our
effort. What are we to do?

GANDHiji: If the people are with you, the Government are
bound to respond. If they do not, they will be set aside and
another installed in their place. Even in the days of Lord Wavell,
I used to tell the people that they did not know their own
strength, or they could get Lord Wavell removed at will. When
the British saw that he would rule over us only by martial law,
they removed him. It is a tribute to the British, for they could
very well have imposed martial law.

question: Should there not be an over-all organization, which would
include and co-ordinate all the Sanghs’ activities?

GANDHiji: A separate organization is not necessary for that
purpose. What is needed is co-ordination of the work of the
Sanghs. The various Sanghs have worked separately and inde-
pendently of one another till now. We tried to set up a co-ordi-
nating committee for the purpose of samagra gram seva, but it
did not work. If we all unite, we shall function like the depart-
ments of the Central Government. For instance, why should
there be separate stores and sales depots for the Spinners’ Asso-
ciation and the Village Industries Association? Why could not
the machinery of the Spinners’ Association be available for fur-
thering the activities of both? The members of the Charkha

220 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Sangh will do the work of the Gram Udyog too. There is the
question of the sale of tad gur. Why should not the Charkha Sangh
take it over? Our workers’ children have to be educated. Shall
we build a separate school for them? Is that not the function of
the Talimi Sangh? If we will not co-operate even in such matters,
it will show that we have not understood how ahimsa works.
The central body will lay down the general lines of policy which
all the Sanghs will follow. If we are determined and pledge
ourselves to ‘do or die’, we are bound to succeed.

ARYANAYAKUM : Let the Presidents and Secretaries of the various Sanghs
meet first in a preliminary informal conference and, after discussion, place
before Gandhiji the implication and difficulties of unification.

SHANKARRAO DEO : This is not the right way to go about it. The work-
ers should meet first. A gathering of the Presidents and the Secretaries will
not have the requisite atmosphere. It is a narrow and subjective approach.

gandhiji: It is neither narrow, nor subjective. The workers’
conference can follow, not precede. The Charkha Sangh has
its Board; Jajuji^ must consult it first. The average worker will
not even understand.

SHANKARRAO DEO : We have a number of intelligent workers, let them
be called.

gandhiji: We seem to be talking at cross purposes. The dis-
cussion that I have proposed, involves technical matters. It needs
specialists. The general workers will feel themselves at sea in such
a discussion. Let the props and pillars unite. All will then feel
the glow of strength. Forget me. Dr. Zakir Husain is a great
organizer. He has suggested that just now nothing should be
decided under the spell of my presence. And, therefore, he has
recommended that the matter be taken up later at Sevagram. I
like it. The atmosphere at Sevagram would be calmer and free
from the communal virus. When I came here, I did know that I
would have to speak on these things. I was told that in the
Constitution Committee of the Congress there were some con-
structive workers; how could they make their influence felt in the
Congress? I had come to tell you that you must not expect to
get the Constitution you desire through the Congress. Nor need
that worry you. It should be enough if the Constitution you get
does not actually stand in the way of constructive effort. The
second thing I had come to tell you was that the various Sanghs
should become the research laboratories in their respective fields.
Our constructive works institutions are not democracies, but they

1 Shrikrishnadas Jaju

DISCUSSION AT CONSTRUCTIVE WORKS COMMITTEE MEETING 221

are the instruments for the building up of democracy. The Con-
gress has lent us its name and its prestige and, in return, it derives
prestige from us for the service which, as its true servants, we
render. The connection of the constructive works organizations
with the Congress is spiritual. It can be severed at any moment.
As specialists we should be able to tender to the Congress our
advice on what needs to be done.

question: Why cannot we get it done through the Congress?

GANDHiji: Because the Congressmen are not sufficiently
interested in constructive work. If they were, it should not have
been necessary for us to meet here.

question: That being the Congressmen’s psychology, what is the use
of giving place to the constructive works organizations in the Congress Consti-
tution ?

GANDHiji: Because the Constitution moulds the psychology
of the people. People may not do the things they believe, but
then it should be our duty to see that through our neglect our
case does not go by default.

question: Labour is represented in the Assembly through their repre-

sentatives. There are special seats reserved for universities. Why should not
constructive workers’ organizations have their functional representatives in
the A. I. C. C., who would act in the general way, too?

GANDHiji: No, surely not the mixture. Functional is all
right. But in general there is so much corruption today, that
it frightens me. Everybody wants to carry a lot of votes in his
pockets, because the votes give power. Under adult suffrage,
anybody who is eligible has a vote. Let all such members of the
various Sanghs form themselves into one body and let the Cong-
ress Working Committee and the A. I. C. C. take from among
them their nominees, to advise and to guide them in matters and
policies pertaining to constructive work. There are many labour
organizations in the country. There is the Ahmedabad Labour
Union, the Charkha Sangh, the Goseva Sangh, the Chamber of
Commerce and so on. The Congress claims to represent them all.
The Congress, of course, claims to represent the Princes too. But
I would not ask you to include the Chamber of Princes in your
scheme. Take all the living organizations with you. Purify your-
selves of all dross. Banish the very idea of capture of power and
keep it on the right path. Therein lies salvation. There is no
other way.

Mahatma, Vol. VIII, pp. 279-85, Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II,
pp. 661-6, and Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 80-5

183. DISCUSSION AT HINDUSTANI TALIMI SANGH
MEETING^

December 11112, 1947'^

There were some workers, who were worried at the paradox free India
Government presented. The Congress had sworn adherence to the construc-
tive programme for years, while it was in the wilderness. But having come
into power, it showed signs of giving it the go-by. Was not the remedy
for those who had faith in the constructive work to enter the Government
and use it for the purpose of building up a non-violent social order ? Gandhiji
was opposed to it, but he held that the purpose could be achieved if
the various organizations which he had founded for carrying on constructive
work came up to the standard which he had set for them. And as a prepa-
ratory step to the discharge of that role, he recommended the unification
and co-ordination of those organizations into one body. He placed the onus
of the transformation on the shoulders of the Hindustani Talimi Sangh. It
should be easy for them to do that if Nayee Talim was what he had envi-
saged it to be. What he had proposed was only a part of adult education.

The Nayee Talim is today on its trial. It has either to trans-
form the prevailing atmosphere, or perish in the attempt.

There is one section in the country today in our midst which
holds that the Hindus and Muslims cannot coexist, that either the
Muslims should get out of Hindustan or they should live here as
the vassals of the Hindus. And similarly, in Pakistan, only the
Muslims should remain. It is a poisonous doctrine and in it lies
the root of Pakistan. Pakistan has come into being; their dream
has vanished but the virus has remained. I have pledged myself
to resist this doctrine and to do or die in the attempt. But to
correct the wrong psychology of the people is the function of
Nayee Talim.

Dr. Zakir Husain said that while in principle what Gandhiji had stated
was unexceptionable, still there was need to hasten slowly. Things had changed
considerably after independence. Everybody felt the urge and impatience
to make new and daring experiments and the need for an absolutely free
hand. If the merger resulted in maladjustment, it might retard, instead of
helping progress.

* The two-day session was presided over by Zakir Husain.

^ From The Hindustan Times, 13-12-1947

222

DISCUSSION AT HINDUSTANI TALIMI SANGH MEETING

223

A suggestion was then made that they might function as the separate
branches of a tree that have sprung from a common trunk and a reference
was made in that connection to the Gandhi Seva Sangh which was described
as functioning as the parent trunk, at one time. But Gandhiji smelt danger
in that. He did not want the constructive workers’ organizations to be
drawn into power politics and become a rival to the Congress or the Gov-
ernment in the contest for political power.

Gandhi Seva Sangh is no longer there. Nor did it attempt
to rally all constructive workers under one organization. It did
once make a short-lived attempt to enter into and purify the poli-
tics of the country but had to admit defeat.

DR. ZAKIR HUSAIN: Various organizations were created separately as
ad hoc bodies to perform certain specific functions. If they are united into
one body, it will not be possible to keep power politics out of it.

If the united constructive workers’ sangh tried to go into
power politics, it would spell its ruin. Or else why should I
myself not have gone into politics and tried to run the Govern-
ment my way? Those who are holding the reins of power today,
would easily have stepped aside and made room for me, but
whilst they are in charge, they can carry on only according to
their own lights. But I do not want to take power into my hands.
By abjuring power and by devoting ourselves to pure and selfless
service of the voters, we can guide and influence them. It would
give us far more real power than we shall have by going into
the Government. But a stage may come, when the people them-
selves may feel and say that they want us and no one else to
wield the power. The question could then be considered. I shall
most probably be not alive then. But when that time comes, the
Sanghs will produce from amongst them someone who will take
over the reins of administration. By that time, India shall have
become an ideal state.

DR. ZAKIR HUSAIN: Shall uot we need ideal men in order to inaugurate
and run the ideal State?

We can send men of our choice, without going into the Gov-
ernment ourselves. Today, everybody in the Congress is running
after power. That presages grave danger. Let us not be in the
same cry as the power-seekers. Today, many Congressmen say:
“Pandit Jawaharlal is getting so much salary, and why should
not we?” They forget that a person of Jawaharlal’s talents could
any day have commanded a far greater emolument than he is
getting today. If an ordinary humble worker like myself, who

224

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

neither needs nor has the capacity to earn independently, say,
Rs. 3,000 per month, draws that much amount as salary, it is a
deplorable thing. It is my firm view, that we should keep alto-
gether aloof from power politics and its contagion.'

Mahatma, Vol. VIII, pp. 227-9

184. LETTER TO SHARD A G. CHOKHAWALA

December 12, 1947

CHI. BABUDI,

I have your letter. It is good that you have patiently stayed
on at Nagpur. Continue to stay there. I know you will not
easily lose heart, you must not.

I am very glad that Shakaribehn is there. You did well in
sending over Anand to Sevagram.

Remember that all of us, whether healthy or sick, live through
God’s grace.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10080. Courtesy: Sharda G. Chokhawala

185. LETTER TO KANJH

New Delhi,

December 12, 1947

brother kanji,

I have received your letter. Only that you may not feel any
anxiety, I am writing this reply.

Other controls may go and there may be harm because of
their going. Let there be harm. But why don’t you give up the
control on your English? Your mother tongue is Gujarati, how
is it that you have forgotten it completely?

How can I leave the Birla Brothers’ house if somebody
else tells me to do so ? When my experience is to the contrary, to

' It was decided to hold an All-India Basic Education Conference from
March 6 to 9 in Bihar. In the mean time a preliminary conference was to
be held at Sevagram to work on the reorganization plan.

^ The Gujarati original is not available.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

225

say that they are opposed to [dejcontrol is not correct. Reasons for
removal of control for me and them are different and my oppo-
sition to control is of long standing and from the time when I
was not living in their house. Everybody must act on the prompt-
ings of his conscience; you, on yours; I, on mine; others, on
their own; and from that at last truth will come out.

Tours,

M. K. Gandhi

From a copy: B. G. Kher Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library

186. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 12, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I have a letter from a refugee, saying I had advised the re-
fugees yesterday to start going back. I had said nothing of the
kind. I had said that we would have to see about it and could
say something definite only after I had made sure that what I
had been told represented the truth. The correspondent says that
he wants to go back right away because here there is anarchy all
round, no one cares about anyone else, there is no food to eat
and no clothes to wear, and nothing is being done for the re-
fugees. I am aware that all this is true. Things have reached a
stage where everyone cannot be looked after and everything can-
not be made available. I think that all that is possible is being
done. But even if it is not being done I cannot advise anyone to
go back. If they had not come at all it would have been different.
But since they have come they should return only after things are
fully normal. They should certainly be in readiness, for the sooner
they are in a position to go back the better it will be.

Yesterday I had said I would read out to you the transla-
tion of the verse from the Koran recited here. I had already
explained to you the substance. The translation runs: “I surren-
der myself to Allah to save myself from the wicked Satan. I
begin with the name of God. Whatever I do, I do in His name
because it is He who provides everything, He who is Rahim, the
mighty, and Rehman, the merciful. He is all in all. God is one.
He is unborn. It is He who causes everything to be born. He
has no equal. He is sufficient unto Himself. That is why we say
90-15

226

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

that He is faultless and formless. He is the home of all attri-
butes. His attributes cannot be fathomed.”

Today I have four or five letters. One is from Kathiawar.
I had mentioned a letter from some Muslims from Kathiawar^
but a few Muslims object even to that. I do not know why.
The same people who had made accusations had written to me
that nothing much had happened and if there had been some
slight disturbance the Congressmen had tried their best to estab-
lish peace and that they were living happily in their homes.

Another letter is from Burma and yet another from perhaps
Bombay. It is unsigned and I do not know where to send my
reply. The letter from Bombay says that I do nothing but create
confusion. Whether or not I am creating confusion, I know, and
you who hear me also know. It says I should investigate what
happened in Kathiawar, but how can, I unless I am supplied
with details? It is not within my power to initiate any inves-
tigation. I can only ask the Government to do so.

Another letter is about Ajmer. It is from the Hindus. They
say what I had said was not the truth. ^ There had been rioting
no doubt but it was not started by the Hindus. It was started
by the Muslims. It had always been like that. Then I realized
that this is the other side of the picture. God alone knows what
is true and what is not. I had based my statement on what I
had seen in the newspapers. I had also heard things from various
people. If we persist in such conduct we cannot keep the Govern-
ment going.

A correspondent wants money to be made available for the
renovation of the Somnath temple. The Sardar had agreed that the
temple should be renovated but that the money should not be
taken from the Junagadh treasury or the treasury of the Govern-
ment of India. The correspondent asks why the money should not
thus be made available. I do not wish to go into the question
in any detail. All I can say is that if money is taken from the
Government for this purpose, then the same rule should apply
to other cases also. It will have far-reaching consequences.

According to newspaper reports there has been rowdyism in
Calcutta.^ It seems that we have got used to thinking that we

' Vide pp. 180-1.

^ Vide pp. 207-8.

3 On December 1 1 , there was a demonstration in Calcutta against the
Security Bill, which was pending in the Assembly. One person was killed
and several people were injured in the clash between the demonstrators and
the police.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

227

can take what we want by resorting to rowdyism. It is a dan-
gerous trend. This is a thing I have never taught. We fought
against the British for thirty years. But it was a non-violent
struggle. There was no place in it for physical assaults or snatching
things by force. The Government in Bengal is our government.
It is run by Congressmen. They should not have been subjected
to such behaviour. Supposing they have made a mistake — I
personally do not know where their mistake lay — rowdyism is
not the way to point it out. Why should we indulge in barbaric
behaviour? There were students among those who indulged in
rowdyism. They are well-educated. It hardly behoves them to
stop the members of the Assembly from entering the Assembly, to
block all the entrances and, not stopping there, to get into the
Assembly itself. But that is what they did. It seems to me that
if we persist in this kind of thing the Government cannot be carried
on for long. The demonstration was intended to make the Assem-
bly desist from enacting the Bill that the demonstrators did not
want. The Bill proposed by the Government is meant for pre-
venting people from indulging in violent activities. Even if the
demonstrators did not like this Bill, they should have expressed
their opposition in a peaceful way. They should not have indulged
in rowdyism. We did not do such things against the British.
If any people did so I used to admonish them. We always be-
haved as gentlemen — I for one even used to undertake fasts.

Our Government today is faced with a number of important
tasks. Those tasks have to be attended to. We cannot complain if
it becomes necessary for the police to resort to lathi charge or use
of tear-gas or to firing. Freedom does not mean that those pro-
voking breach of peace should not be punished. If this happens
one should not complain. There are various lawful ways of voi-
cing protests. You can talk to people, write in the newspapers,
complain to the Parliament or to the Central Government. We
have all the necessary means. We cannot say the Government is
ineffective. It is only three months old. We are like a three-
month-old child. One cannot say we are mature. I would there-
fore humbly plead with those who resort to rowdyism to desist
from it.

It is not that all of those indulging in rowdyism are hooli-
gans or illiterate people. There are among them well-educated
people. If they carry on such activities all the work we want to
do will come to a stop. We have to reach food to the people. We
have to provide them assistance in various other ways. It seems
that it has become a profession with some to have all work stopped.

228

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

This should not be so. It is a mercy that the entire population
of Calcutta was not involved in this. But even if they were,
it would not have been a good thing. This kind of thing should
stop. People should realize that the Government belongs to them
and if the Government does not help them they should protest in
lawful ways.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 196-9

187. NEVER DANGEROUS^

When it is relevant, truth has to be uttered, however unpleas-
ant it may be. Irrelevance is always untruth and should never
be uttered. Misdeeds of the Hindus in the Union have to be
proclaimed by the Hindus from the house-tops, if those of the
Muslims in Pakistan are to be arrested or stopped. Confession
of one’s guilt purifies and uplifts. Its suppression is degrading and
should always be avoided.

New Delhi, December 13, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947

188. THE DOCTRINE OF MERGERS

Merger, as used here, has no legal significance. People of
some States in the Deccan Union^ are reported to have expressed
an intense desire for extinction of their Princely houses and
their absorption in their provinces. This has been described as
merging in British India (as it was called during British rule),
as distinguished from Princely India or States.

In a society based on non-violence, there should be no im-
patient destruction compassed by [one] man of another, for,
every evil-doer, unless he mends his ways, is bound to destroy
himself. Evil can never be self-existent. Therefore, the Congress
policy has always been to mend Princely rule, not to end it, and
to induce the Princes to become trustees and servants in reality of

* A Gujarati version of this appeared in Harijanbandhu, 21-12-1947.

2 A Hindi version of this appeared in Harijan Sevak, 21-12-1947.

^ The Deccan States’ Union consisted of the States of Aundh, Bhor,
Mira] Junior, Sangli, Ramdurg, Phaltan, Kurundwar Senior and Kurun-
dwar Junior.

SPINNING still!

229

their people. In pursuance of that policy the Congress Govern-
ment has tried and in the main succeeded in inducing the States
to accede to the Union instead of planning the destruction of
Princely rule and absorption of their States as an integral part
of the Union provinces concerned. Therefore, merger can take
place only under two conditions, viz., if the misrule of a particular
Prince is self-evident and is irremediable, the people will have the
right, as it will be their duty, to seek absorption or merger in
their province. The second condition would be when a Prince and
the people of his State both desire merger. It is suggested that
any one State or its people, whether powerful or insignificant,
should not seek merger unless all the States or the majority desire
it. I do not think so. Misrule cannot wait to be ended before
there is equal misrule in other States. Nor can a Prince who
does not wish for any Princely power be expected or be made
to wait till the other Princes are ready. Each case will have to
be decided on its merits by the Central Government.

New Delhi, December 13, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947

189. SPINNING STILL! ^

A correspondent writes:

I and the members of my family have been regular spinners and
weavers of khadi. Now that we have got our freedom, do you still
contend that we should spin and wear khadi?

This is a strange question. Nevertheless, it represents the con-
dition of many people. Such persons evidently took to the spin-
ning-wheel and khadi merely mechanically and as one of the means
of attaining freedom. These friends forget that freedom was not
mere removal of the foreign yoke, though it was the first essen-
tial. Khadi represents and represented a way of life based on
non-violence. Rightly or wrongly, it is my opinion that practical
disappearance of khadi and non-violence shows that the main
implication of khadi was not grasped by us during all these years.
Hence, the tragedy we witness of fratricidal strife and the lawless-
ness on many sides. I have no doubt that spinning and weaving
of khadi are more important than ever if we are to have freedom
that is to be instinctively felt by the masses of the villagers of India.

^ A Gujarati version of this appeared in Harijanbandhu, 21-12-1947.

230 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

That is the Kingdom of God on earth. Through khadi we were
struggling to establish supremacy of man in the place of the
supremacy of power-driven machine over him. Through khadi
we were striving for equality of all men and women in the place
of the gross inequality to be witnessed today. We were striving
to attain subservience of capital under labour in the place of the
insolent triumph of capital over labour. Unless, therefore, all the
effort made during the past thirty years in India was a retro-
grade step, hand-spinning and all it implies must be prosecuted
with much greater vigour and far greater intelligence than
hitherto.

New Delhi, December 13, 1947
Harijan, 21-12-1947

190. LETTER TO NARAHARI D. PARIKH

December 13, 1947

CHI. NARAHARI,

I am addressing this to you because I think that you alone
will be able to read it. As Dada also will be arriving there by
tomorrow, I must write a few lines. I don’t like your having
the stroke. If the cause is not internal, you will soon get well.
But the rule is that after such an attack the patient must take
complete rest for some time. Probably the sea-coast will be more
suitable. Whether you are fit enough to undertake the journey,
the doctor there would know. I might say that if I had been
there I would have known. God is the support of us all. May
He protect you.

I hope Mani^ is not scared. Vanamala^ at any rate must
not be.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: S. N. 9147

* Addressee’s wife
2 Addressee’s daughter

191. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 13, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Yesterday I told you that I was going to Harijan Nivas
for doing some work there. The meetings of the Charkha Sangh
and Talimi Sangh, etc., were being held there in which I had
something to do. I shall speak to you about that.

Today I would speak to you about the charkha which was
the subject of discussion there. What is the significance of the
charkha? Why do I lay so much emphasis on it? It is true
that when I first discovered the charkha, it was a common thing
in the Punjab. But I did not know about it. And when women
came and placed before me heaps and heaps of yarn it made
me very happy. I took a charkha from there. The same thing I
saw later in Gujarat. By Gujarat I do not mean the Gujarat of
Punjab which is a district and a town. I am speaking of the
Gujarat which is near Bombay. Vijapur is a town in the Gaek-
war State. There was a woman worker there who used to travel
a good deal. Her name was Gangabehn. She came to know of
my craze for the charkha. She too went to Vijapur. In Gujarat
women, who lived in purdah and included both Muslims and
Rajputs, used to spin. But no one took notice of their spinning.
Gangabehn told them that she would buy all the yarn they
could spin. They then began to sell all their yarn to her.
Women would line upto go to her, give their yarn and take
slivers from her. I do not wish to go into the question of who
made the slivers. They also got some money from her. Later,
as we progressed, the amount of money the women received also
increased. In this way lakhs of homes could get some money
earned by the women. The charkha thus became very popular
there and through this work of khadi the women were able to
earn enough money for their food. Their demands were small.
They did not ask for a daily wage of two rupees, or three rupees.
They got two pice and they were content. When they got three
or four they were more than satisfied. Still later the progress
was much more.

Afterwards when I thought over it I realized that the
charkha had tremendous potentiality. What is this power? What

231

232

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

can the charkha achieve? The charkha represents the power of
non-violence. If on the one side there is the armed might of the whole
world and on the other the charkha plied by the chaste hands —
not unworthy hands — of our women, the power of the charkha
is greater. You have all had a glimpse of that power. I have had a
little more of it. But no one amongst us has known the whole
of it. People merely thought that the charkha was only for poor
women. That it certainly is. But it is also a symbol of non-vio-
lence. If people knew this they would not burn the charkha.

Time was when the whole of India plied the charkha and
it enjoyed pride of place. There were no mills then either in
India or anywhere else in the world. Cotton textiles were sent to
the outside world from India and there was a time when Dacca
muslin known as shabnam} was very popular. It was greatly valued
by people outside India. They appreciated its beauty. I do not
wish to go into all that history, though it is quite interesting.
Nevertheless at that time the charkha was a symbol of slavery,
for women were then forced to give a certain quantity of yarn
and this was done by order of the government. And the Govern-
ment was not a Muslim government but a Hindu government.
It is all described in the books written at the behest of the Hindu
Government. Later on Bengal passed into Muslim hands, but this
system goes back to much earlier times. The charkha then truly
stood for slavery. Women were forced to spin; they had to supply
fixed quantities of yarn and they could not even ask to be paid
for it. The Government itself decided what little money was
to be paid for their labour and when even that money was not
paid the women could do nothing about it. The attitude then pre-
valent was that after all women were born to do such work. They
should be thankful if they were paid just a little money for it.
It is a tragic history the way women were exploited and I do not
wish to go into it. The charkha which was then a symbol of
slavery has been transformed into a symbol of our freedom, and
that is what I have been shouting from the house-tops.

During the Khilafat days the Ali Brothers were quick to
seize on the charkha. They said that we should now be able to
gain a victory over England through the balls of yarn prepared by
our women. All we had to do was to fling the balls at those who
imported cloth from England to sell it here. This was in 1920.
But the work of the charkha had been started perhaps in 1916.
In 1919^ I had toured the Punjab. You may ask me why, although

* Literally “dew”

^ Gandhiji had toured the Punjab in October-December 1919.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

233

we have gained freedom, this storm is raging in India. The reason
for it is that in truth we have not embraced the charkha. It is
only women who have done some work in this direction. They liked
what I said because I am their friend and their servant. Some
of them came out from their seclusion after I entered the field.
Before that women would not attend meetings nor speak at meet-
ings. So women were kind to me and they took up the charkha.
But if they had taken up the charkha not out of kindness to me
but in the knowledge that the charkha would give them strength
and give India strength, we would not have been in the predica-
ment we are in today. We have to develop in us the power that
non-violence alone can give. For that we shall once again have to
adopt the charkha. Today we have forgotten the charkha. We
shall have to accept the charkha with all that it stands for. Only
then can we sing the glory of the tri-colour. That is why we
have the charkha in the middle of the tri-colour though of
course now the figure has been reduced to a wheel and we
find a different interpretation for it.^ That interpretation is not
bad. The idea behind the three colours was that the Hindus, Mus-
lims and others should work together and the idea of having the
charkha on it was that such work should be pursued through the
charkha. Today we have a larger army. We are trying to augment
it further. Our expenditure on the army has increased enor-
mously. What if the British are no longer here. It is a tragedy
and a shame. For so long we fought through the charkha and
the moment we have power in our hands we forget it. Today
we look up to the army. It is because we have forgotten the
charkha that we indulge in mutual fighting. Our mistake was
to imagine that the charkha was a thing only for women.

When I told the Sikhs and Muslims of the Punjab to ply the
charkha they were shocked. Could the charkha be for men? Men
had swords in their hands. I merely laughed. Later a few Sikhs
and Muslims accepted my advice and began to spin quite well.
But still I must say that the charkha has not made for itself a
home in the Punjab. But I do not want them to take up the
charkha out of kindness to me. They may well burn the charkha
and give up wearing khadi. The charkha being a symbol of
non-violence and a repository of great power, it is an emblem of

' Attributing great significance to the Chakra, Prof. Radha Kumud
Mookerjee traced its origin to Lord Vishnu’s Sudarshan Chakra — the Cosmic
Circle, comprehending all that is animate or inanimate. The Buddha called
it the Dhamma-Chakka — the Wheel of Righteousness — which was later adopted
by Emperor Ashoka as the State symbol. Vide also Vol. LXXXIX, p. 120.

234

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

courage. Let us embrace that ahimsa with deliberation and with
all our heart and intellect. Then no one can take it away from
us. If the ten crore adults in our country take to spinning there
can never be a famine of cloth in India. We produce a great
quantity of cotton and we can earn crores of rupees. The im-
portant thing is that no military force can stand up to the power
created by crores of people working together. It is my fault, not
that of ahimsa, if I cannot prove that. That is because I am
lacking in tapashcharja. But you cannot say that ahimsa does not
have the power. That power can find the fullest expression
through the charkha. If the millions do not ply the charkha, the
loss is obvious. Only a few lakhs of people can be employed by
the mills. What occupation shall we provide for the hundreds of
millions? This is what you have to consider. This is a supreme
economic as well as moral question.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 200-2

192. REPLY TO RICHARD B. GREGG
A correspondent writes':

I wonder if the correspondent has fully grasped the deeper
meaning of Mr. Gregg’s presentation. The latter will answer if
he chooses.

Harijan, 14-12-1947

193. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,
December 14, 1947

brothers and sisters.

As I was coming to the prayer, I received a note saying that
a Muslim friend of the writer had been forced to go away to
Pakistan. The friend had left with the writer of the note some gold
and silver bought with the earnings of his own labour. He
wants to know how it is to be sent to its owner in Pakistan, who

* The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent had rejected the
explanation suggested by Richard B. Gregg, for the recent violence in India.
Vide pp. 1-3.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

235

however has not given his name and address in Pakistan. If he fur-
nishes the particulars I shall pass on the gold and silver to the
Government to be sent to the person concerned. Till he is traced
the property can remain with the Government. It is gratifying to
know that notwithstanding all that has happened there are still
among us Hindus and Muslims between whom fraternal feelings
continue to exist and who do not covet what belongs to their
friends of the other community. If everyone was like this the
misfortune that has befallen us would soon be overcome.

I told you I would be reporting to you briefly whatever took
place at the meetings of various Sanghs being held in the Harijan
Colony. Yesterday I told you about the Charkha Sangh and
its activities of spinning and weaving. I have to tell you now
about village industries and Nayee Talim. I shall deal with Nayee
Talim today.

Nayee Talim is not a thing with which everyone is acquainted,
though the work has been going on now for seven or eight years.
Nayee Talim consists in imparting all instructions through some
handicrafts. The idea in a way has much deeper roots. The
argument is that no education is true education unless it is found-
ed in truth and non-violence. A man may have acquired all the
learning, understood the essence of all the scriptures, may have
studied Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian, but, as the Sanskrit saying'
goes, unless he has acquired true wisdom all his education has
been in vain. By true wisdom is meant that which leads us to
mukti. There are of course various kinds of mukti. There is
release from the bondage of action, release from the clutches of
a tyrant, release of a girl from the hands of a maniac, and
liberation of the country from foreign yoke. The mukti meant
here is the liberation from all the ills of the world. Education
that is not rooted in truth and non-violence is no education in
the proper sense of the word. There are so many instances of
people who were highly learned and yet were Satanic in their
pursuits. One famous instance is that of Ravana. Ravana
possessed great learning and his penance too was great. And
yet because his pursuits were demoniac he perished, whereas
Rama lives even today. We regard Rama as a manifestation
of the Supreme Lord. So in order to acquire true wealth of
learning we must cultivate truth and non-violence. The dis-
cussion at the meeting centred round the question of the method
of giving such education. It could not obviously be imparted

236

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

through books. Then what should be done? Millions of people
in the country pursue some handicraft. They cannot all be rich.
Even in America everyone is not rich. True, the poverty there
is of a different order but the hardships attendant on poverty are
similar. In the same way various other ills widespread in India
also exist there. With all their wealth and all their learning they
have not been able to overcome these. I thought that if the mil-
lions were to be given education it could be done only through
handicraft. If among a population of hundreds of millions a lakh
or two have secured what now passes for education, what good
can it do ? And if everyone tried to have that education we would
go bankrupt. The real system of education is one where the
children of rich and poor, of king and subject, receive education
through crafts. And this cannot be done unless we adhere to
truth and non-violence. It becomes a question of religion here —
not religion in a sectarian sense but religion in a universal
sense. Such religion is eternal. It cannot change. It is for all,
as much for Hindus as for Muslims. One cannot say that
Hindus should speak the truth and Muslims should tell lies.
It is in the interest of all to speak the truth. It is no one’s
religious duty to commit violence. If someone asks me whether
Sikhs and Muslims may not receive Nayee Talim I shall say that
if Sikhs and Muslims both declare that they are votaries of violence
then certainly Nayee Talim would not be for them. Nayee Talim
is not the special province of any one sect. I have studied all reli-
gions and assimilated their essence. Muslims and Sikhs both come
and sit beside me. They advocate violence only where all other
methods fail. But when we initiate a child into education we
should begin by teaching him how to die rather than kill. We
therefore decided that if we had to conduct Nayee Talim it had to
be in this way. Those carrying it on must stand by truth and
non-violence. Only then can it succeed. But I do not know if
it is so now. I cannot read anyone’s heart. I am also not a
prophet. The reins of Nayee Talim are not in my hands. All
I can do is to offer advice when asked. True, I conceived the
idea. But the organization itself was formed by the Congress.
Zakir Husain is its President. If he does not hold by truth and
non-violence he should resign. But I have never known him to
be guilty of falsehood or violence. He is associated with me
only because he does not believe in violence. The Secretaries of
the Hindustani Talimi Sangh are Aryanayakum and his wife.
They too are votaries of truth and non-violence. I am busy
otherwise and they have to run the scheme. They are the moving

LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI

237

spirit behind Nayee Talim. It is not even Zakir Saheb. He is
only the President. If Aryanayakum and Asha Devi abandoned
it the scheme would collapse. It is not an organization which
can run on its own. Take the Congress for instance. I am of
course out of it. But even if Jawaharlal, the Sardar and Rajendra
Babu go out of it the Congress will go on. Or take the Charkha
Sangh. I am its President. If I leave it, its work will go on, for
it is an organization that has existed for many years. But that
is not so with Nayee Talim. It has yet to establish itself well. It
will be well established when those running it have the qualities
of the sthitaprajna described in the Gita^. We must find an acti-
vity in which everyone can participate. I want to tell you that
handicrafts alone provide such activity.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 202-4

194. LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI

December 15, 1947

CHI. VALJI,

I got the letter written on the reverse side yesterday. I am
sending the article on railways^ after revising it.

I feel a trace of violence in what you have suggested. Read
what St. Paul says about charity^. I am doing that, too, in my
own way. Though I am a friend of the Ministers, I am not a
Minister. People outside the Government cannot understand
their difficulties. And I, too, am an outsider. Need I say more
to a wise man?

I am sending Thadani’s to the man himself. I have still
not received the volumes of Prempanth'^. But I think they will
arrive in due course. I will not write specially to acknowledge
their receipt.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 7507. Courtesy: Valji G. Desai

• II. 55-72

^ The article was published under the title “Democratize Our Railways”
in Harijan, 21-12-1947.

^ I Corinthians, ch. 13

Ten volumes of Gandhiji’s writings in Gujarati edited by the addres-
see. For Gandhiji’s foreword to it, vide Vol. LXXXV, p. 81.

195. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

December 15, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I was pained to read in the papers that the refugees have
forcibly occupied the buildings of six municipal schools and have
so far resisted all attempts of the New Delhi Municipal Commit-
tee to make them vacate the buildings. The Municipality, one
understands, is now seeking police help in the matter.

This episode is an instance of shameless rowdyism. In the
capital city of India such happenings are a cause for great shame.
I hope those responsible for this will repent and leave the school
premises. If they do not, I hope their friends will try to make
them see reason and the authorities will not be forced to carry
out its threat. It is a general complaint against the refugees that
in spite of all their tribulations they have not become sober, re-
sponsible and industrious citizens. Let us hope that the refugees
in general and those who have forcibly occupied schools will repent
and prove that the complaint is not justified.

On Saturday^ I referred to the rowdyism in Calcutta. Those
indulging in rowdyism there were not refugees. The incident had
a different background too. It is the duty of all leading men,
whatever their persuasion or party, to safeguard the dignity of
India. India’s dignity cannot be saved if misgovernment and
corruption flourish. I mention corruption because misgovernment
and corruption always go together. I have it from very trust-
worthy sources that corruption is increasing in the country. Is
everyone then going to think only of himself, not at all of India?
A correspondent writes:

I have just been listening to your prayer speech of yesterday on
the radio. You say some Muslims from U. P. who have been to Lahore,
have assured you on behalf of the Pakistan Government that non-Mus-
lims, and in particular Hindus, can go back there and resume their
businesses. In the first place to invite only the Hindus and not the
Sikhs shows cunning and is intended to create a breach between Hindus

^ As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written speech was read out at
the meeting.

^ December 12

238

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

239

and Sikhs. Such assurances are treacherous. They are a mockery. Only
persons like you can be taken in by such talk from the Muslims.
I send you a cutting from The Hindustan Times of December 11. It
will tell you something about the sincerity and truthfulness of the
Pakistan Government. Will you still say that the Muslims who come
to you are honest people ? All they are concerned about is to make you
believe that the Pakistan Government is just to the minorities and all is
well in that country, although facts speak otherwise. If those Muslim
gentlemen come to you again, please show them the cutting. I am
sure you will not have forgotten what befell the Hindus and Sikhs
who had gone to Lahore on November 20 last to take out their valu-
ables from the bank. The armed units escorting them were attacked in
the presence of responsible Government officers of Pakistan who did
nothing to stop the attackers.

The cutting says:

According to a report recently published in the Civil and Military
Gazette of Lahore, non-Muslim traders and shopkeepers who had left
Pakistan during the riots are coming back in the hope of resuming
their trades, after an interval of months. But before they are given
back the possession of their shops they are made to sign such impos-
sible conditions that many had to go back disappointed. The Reha-
bilitation Commissioner has laid down the following conditions for letting
people reopen their shops:

1. The proprietor or owner will keep a full account of sales.

2. He will not transfer cash or commodities from one place to
another without prior permission of the Government.

3. He will give an undertaking to keep his shop as a going con-
cern.

4. He will deposit in a bank the daily proceeds from sales.

5. He will live permanently in Lahore.

No conditions are laid down for the Muslims. Then why these
conditions for the Hindus? The Hindus say they cannot abide by the
conditions. So they go back disappointed.

I have already spoken of the possibility of disappointment and
even if the report is accurate it does not necessarily follow that
what the Muslim friends told me is false. The persons concerned
have not only to think of their own position but they have to
think of India, whose representatives they are, and of Pakistan
which has given them the assurances. I may say that the Mus-
lim friends concerned keep in touch with me. They came to see
me today too. But I was observing silence and writing my

240

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

prayer message and so could not see them. They sent me word
that they were not sitting idle but working for their mission. My
advice to the correspondent is not to be so full of distrust and so
sensitive. He will lose nothing by trusting. Distrust eats up a
man. He should behave with discretion. For myself I can only
say that I do not regret what I have done. All my life I have
trusted in people with my eyes open. I shall continue to trust the
Muslim friends till it is proved that they cannot be trusted. Trust
begets trust. It gives one the strength to face treachery. If re-
fugees from both sides are to go back to their homes the way for
it is the way I have adopted and am following. The correspon-
dent’s suspicion that it is a trick to create a split between the
Hindus and the Sikhs is wrong. I had even mentioned to the
Muslim friends the possibility of their assurance being given such
prejudicial construction. They denied vehemently that there was
any trickery in it. I see nothing wrong in a path being paved for
those wishing to return. It cannot be denied that there is more
poison in Pakistan for Sikhs than for Hindus but the Hindus and
Sikhs have to swim or sink together. They should harbour no
malice. Intriguers cannot have sincere amity among themselves.

A correspondent from East Pakistan says:

Now that India has been partitioned how can you call yourself a
citizen of united India? Now what belongs to one Dominion cannot
belong to the other.

Whatever the legal pundits may say they cannot rule the hearts
of men. Who can prevent the correspondent from saying that he
is a citizen of the world ? Legally that is not the case and some
countries have laws that would prevent him from entering those
countries. But if one has not been reduced to an automaton,
as some of us have not been, what does it matter to one what
one’s legal status is? So long as we are morally on the right
path we do not have to worry. What we have to take care of is
that we do not nurse enmity towards anyone or any country. For
instance no one who harbours enmity towards Muslims or Pakistan
can claim to be a citizen of both Pakistan and India. If such
feeling of enmity spreads it will end up in a war breaking out
between the two countries. Every country will treat as traitors
those of its citizens who harbour malice towards it and help a
foreign country. Loyalty is indivisible.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 204-8

196. LETTER TO JIVAJVJI D. DESAI

December 16, 1947

CHI. JIVANJI,

I am sending a lot this time. The notes will be sent by
Kalyanam or Sushila. The items contain three or four varieties
of model Hindustani, including some articles* by Sundarlal. If
all of them cannot be included this time, you may include as
many as possible. Do you think the compositors there will be
able to decipher the handwriting? If you think any portion
requires to be revised here, let me know. Dev’s article^ is
a long one. You may break it up into two or three instalments.
Its English translation^ also is there. It also may be broken up
into the same number of instalments.

Please don’t think that I shall be able to repeat this per-
formance every time.

Pyarelal arrived here yesterday. He also will write something
now.

Let me know if there is any effect on circulation.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original. C. W. 6963. Courtesy: Jivanji D. Desai

* The articles entitled “Hindi ya Hindustani”, “Somnathka Mandir”
and “Notes” appeared in Harijan Sevak, 21-12-1947 and 28-12-1947.

^ Which appeared in Harijan Sevak, 4-1-1948 and 11-1-1948 under the
title “Prayashchittaki Yatra”

^ Which appeared in Harijan, 4-1-1948 and 11-1-1948, under the title
“The Pilgrimage of Penance”

90-16

241

197. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

December 16, 1947

CHI. AMTUL SALAAM,

I have your letter. Bari' has written to you. How is it his
letter has not reached you ? He does not wish you to come here.
Go to Borkamta. Your field of work is there. I am sending a
telegram.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 591

198. TELEGRAM TO AMTUSSALAAM

New Delhi,

December \_16Y, 1947

Amtulsalaam
Gandhi Camp
Ramganj
Noakhali

YOU CAN GO BORKAMTA.

Bapu

From a photostat: G. N. 592

199. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 16, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I am told — and to some extent it is true — that controls on
certain articles of food and clothing have been removed and will be

' Bari Khan, addressee’s brother

^ The date has been inferred from the letter to the addressee dated
December 16, 1947; vide the preceding item.

242

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

243

removed from more articles. There is now no doubt that controls
are on the way out and Brijkishan has told me of its very first
consequence. Gur, which used to be sold at Re. 1 a seer is now
available at 8 [annas] a seer. This is some achievement. Of course
the price should be still lower. When I was young no one could
have dreamt that gur would ever become so dear. A seer of it could
be had for one anna or less. We should therefore hope that the
price of this commodity will further fall. No doubt we cannot
have it free of cost. Similarly, sugar has come down from Rs.
32 to Rs. 20 a maund. Moong^, urad'^ and arhar^ are now sold at
Ij seers for a rupee. The same is true of gram. Gram, in my
opinion, is included in the pulses, but in this region it has various
special uses and so it is kept separate. It used to sell at Rs. 24
a maund. Now the price is Rs. 18. The black-market price of
wheat used to be Rs. 34 a maund. It is now Rs. 24. The same
goes for other articles. People used to frighten me that I did
not know how markets were operated, how prices rose and fell,
that I did not know economics, that I was saying what I did
because I was a mahatma and did not have to suffer the con-
sequences of decontrol; it was the poor who would have to suffer.
But from the first results of decontrol I see that the people will
live rather than die through the measure. I shall therefore say that
control on maize, barley and millet should also be lifted. Because
those who are used to millet will continue to eat millet. They
will not be able to digest wheat. Similarly there are many whose
staple diet is maize. I thus see no reason why control on these
articles should continue. Dr. Rajendra Prasad too had promised
that gradually all controls would be lifted. We have seen the
desirable consequences of some controls being lifted. Now take
match-boxes. One has to pay an exorbitant price for a box of
matches in the black-market, which is really the open market.
There is no doubt that if it is decontrolled it will have a very
good effect. Match-boxes never used to be so costly. In my
time it cost almost nothing. Today a box of matches is sold,
maybe, for one anna. Then one got a whole dozen for that
price. Things were never so costly as they are now. I am
happy when people’s incomes rise but the rise in prices always
distresses me. If the prices rise the excess should go to the toiler,
but even then prices cannot rise so steeply. This happens when
traders turn wicked and greedy and want to pocket as much profit
as they can. We have got our independence and we have been

' to ^ Varieties of pulses

244

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

through a great calamity also, but still we have not learnt purity
of conduct. If our traders content themselves with what is a
just profit, I have not the least fear that decontrol will lead to
a rise in prices. Even those who have such a fear attribute it
to the fact that we are wicked and dishonest. Traders care only
for their profits and the farmers and other producers too are
only concerned with filling their own bellies and nobody bothers
about the consumers. If that is so, how can one say that there
is democracy in India? How can such things be permitted in
a democracy ? In a democracy it is incumbent on the Govern-
ment to trust the people. It must clearly say that it will do
as the people desire but that if what they desire brings them
hardships it cannot be held responsible. True, we have a Civil
Service, but all of us who are here should consider ourselves
soldiers and serve the people. Today malpractices fiourish. I
am continuously receiving telegrams, etc., from everywhere. I
understand there are some fishy practices going on in Bombay
though I do not know exactly what. This should stop. But the
people should congratulate the Government for the good work
that has so far been done. It also encourages it. So much for
the lifting of controls.

There is then the matter of the [Indian] Civil Service. I
am receiving letters every day complaining of the expenditure
still being incurred on the Civil Service. How can all I. C. S.
men be removed all at once? And if they were, how would the
work go on? Some have already gone and some others, who
are soon to go, are having to do much hard work. The I. C. S.
is in the charge of the Sardar. He praises that cadre very highly.
Although they are few in number the I. C. S. men deserve to
be complimented for the work they do. They no doubt re-
ceive high salaries. Still, it is we who constitute the real Civil
Service. Let the Government accept us as the Civil Servants
and, in order to enforce discipline, punish us as it does the
Civil Servants. Let it summon any one of us and say he has to
do such and such work. Is not there a law to punish those
guilty of misconduct? If there is none, I shall say they should
frame one. They should place on the whole people the respon-
sibility they have placed on the Civil Service. It is after all a
people’s government.

Why do I have to say this? Because there has been a fresh
development; the Congress has said that there should be a Par-
liamentary Secretary attached to each Minister, and these Par-
liamentary Secretaries should be not from among the I. C. S.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

245

officers but from the ranks of the Congress or from among those
supporting the Congress. Of course they will not work gratis.
They will have to be paid salaries. If today we did not con-
trol the Government with its immense financial resources, how
could we have paid these salaries? But since we control the
Government we must pay one a salary of Rs. 1,500 or Rs. 2,000,
give him a house and other benefits, and call him a Parlia-
mentary Secretary. I must say it pains me — be it a Parlia-
mentary Secretary attached to the Prime Minister or to the
Home Minister or any other Minister. Even if the Parliament
— or rather the Congress Party — insists on creating such a post,

does one have to work only for a salary? In that case India

will become a worthless country. Was our strength born only

today? Let us first produce some results. Let us sit down and

assess how much we have produced in excess of what was pro-
duced till August 14. Have we produced more grain, more cloth,
more industrial goods? When people become industrious, earn
money and become prosperous so that they can be generous
in giving, then we can say that lustre has been added to India’s
name and its worth has gone up. But today our per capita
income is only Rs. 70. This is nothing. When this has doubled
or risen even further and the rural incomes have also risen you
can then ask the Government to pay more. But if our produc-
tion does not increase and we go on increasing our expenditure,
where shall we be? Take for instance a shop — and India is
only a large shop — whose proprietor seeks from the manager an
account of the sales every evening. If he is told the sale today
has been worth Rs. 1,000 while yesterday it was worth only Rs.
500 he is pleased. But when he is told that the expenditure
has been of the order of Rs. 1,500, he will fly into a rage and
start shouting at the manager. Shouting and abusing is bad
no doubt and so is getting angry, but his point is well taken.
If the income is Rs. 1,000 and the expenditure Rs. 1,500, where
is he to find the Rs. 500 to balance the books? Today we have
the money, so we go on a spree. Tomorrow it will be gone. It
therefore pains me when we throw money away so recklessly.
This will do for today.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 208-13

200. LETTER TO KIRAN SHANKAR

New Delhi,

December 17, 1947

DEAR KIRAN SHANKAR,

Your letter. I had some talk with Satin Babu but what I
said I do not recollect. Anyone who quotes me should produce
my written word. I could have only discussed general principles.

Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

201. LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAT

December 17, 1947

CHI. VALJI,

I see no contradiction between the two replies. The only
difference is that Tha. has enumerated more virtues.

Blessings from
Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 7508. Courtesy: Valji G. Desai

* On top of the letter Gandhiji has made the following note in English:
Tagore’s equations:

Rama = ideal son

= ideal brother
= ideal husband
= ideal ruler

246

Bharat

Lakshman

Sita

ideal wife

202. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI

December 17, 1947

CHI. NARANDAS,

You have given me quite a vivid description. We are living
in critical times. Be vigilant. Khadi is not merely khadi, but
includes many other things. Without these other things, khadi is
no more than a peasant’s pankoru^.

They say you have grown old. Could it be true?

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Bapuna Patro-9: Shri Narandas Gandhine, Part II, p. 320. Also C. W. 8649.
Courtesy: Narandas Gandhi

203. LETTER TO JAMNA GANDHI

December 17, 1947

CHI. JAMNA,

I have your letter. Kanu and Abha can go there when they
want. I think they are no more in a position to serve their own
parents exclusively. Who can ride two horses at a time? The
best course is to serve as well as you can and repeat the name
of Rama, the dispeller of distress, whether or not you are in
distress, and live as He keeps you.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

204. LETTER TO SHANKARLAL

New Delhi,

December 17, 1947

CHI. SHANKARLAL,

I got two letters from you. Nothing after that. I can under-
stand that many friends come to you. But those whose presence

^ A rich garment; literally, a silk sari, worn at a wedding

247

248 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

is not needed there should be asked to go back to their business.
Keep them all well informed. This will stop the crowding
around you, and allow the patients as well as their attendants to
have some peace. It will also save money and time. Narahari
will recover by and by. But he will have to have prolonged rest.
Did the hailstorm cause heavy damage?

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

205. A LETTER

December 17, 1947

I am passing through a difficult time. I have not a mo-
ment to spare. I am convinced that this communal conflict is
not of the common people’s making. A handful of persons are
behind it. Whose fault is it if I do not see amity even between
these two . . .?' If the ocean itself catches fire, who can put it
out? Falsehood has spread so much that one cannot say where
it will end.

If in that yajna, our struggle for freedom, we had been wholly
negligent in preserving truth it is doubtful that we could have
attained even this so-called swarajya. Truth is my only God.
Truth alone to me is prayer, penance and the rest. I am a
Hindu. I know that if the world were to adopt my Hinduism
mankind would be free from all the worldly ills and man would
live in a truly human manner. All this that I have dictated for
you has just occurred to me after the prayer.

My health is all right. It is no small mercy of God that
even under such heavy burden of work the body continues to
be fit.

You would all be well. Ghi. Manu will write to you the

rest.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 1 12-3

Omission as in the source

206. MESSAGE TO U. P. STUDENTS

December 17, 1947

I have your letter and invitation. I love being among stu-
dents because I consider myself a student. But at present I am
trapped here. Still, this too is a big school. I am being schooled
here and am staying here for my examination. Whether
I pass or not is in the hands of God. Both are the same to
me. You should take your examination in the same spirit. I do
not mean that you should only read books for your examination.
I can say from experience that so long as our schools do not
impart lessons in moral uplift there can be no awakening amongst
us. Today the atmosphere in colleges and schools is not pure.
First of all it should be purified. Today, though the students
read so many books and spend so much money they are not
free from anxiety, because they are not self-reliant. I want to
change this pitiable condition and I want the students’ help in
this. We shall remain crippled as long as we do not conduct
our universities through crafts.

Now swarajya has come. Let us all be brothers and sisters.
Let no one be high and no one low. Let there be no Hindus, no
Parsis, no Christians and no Jews. We should realize that we
are only Indians, and that religion is a private matter.

M. K. Gandhi

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 113-4

207. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 17, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

A friend who is living in Hoshiarpur, maybe he belongs
there, has asked me a number of questions. He has given his
name, but I do not wish to disclose it. I shall leave his

questions too. He says before the partition the Punjab was one,
so that if someone had his business in one part he had his house
and property in another. This friend had his business in West

249

250

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Punjab, while his house and property were in East Punjab.
He had to flee West Punjab along with thousands of others.
He thought since he had his property in East Punjab he would
be able to carry on his business there. But he found on his
arrival there that his house had been occupied by a Government
official. He was given only two rooms, the rest being kept by
the official. It would appear that it is a large house. He asks
if he is not entitled to get back his house. If he does not get
it back, will the Government help him or must he then go to
court? In my opinion he should be given back the house.
Why should litigation be forced on him? If the occupant is a
Government official, it is all the more necessary for the house
to be returned to its owner.

As I had occasion to mention earlier, refugees tend to
occupy any vacant premises anywhere, even breaking locks where
they happen to be locked. So long as someone lives as a
tenant in a house and pays rent it is all right. But how can he
continue to live there when the owner of the house returns to
the house? He can only stay there if he arrives at some
understanding with the owner, but it cannot be that he should
retain the major portion of the house and the owner should
become a guest in his own house. But the refugees are not in

the position of tenants. All that they can say for themselves is

that they have been forced out of their houses. Does it give
them the right to occupy any property? If such property hap-
pens to be the house of a Muslim, then all is over. Refugees

think it is theirs by right. But we can do no good either to

ourselves or to India in this way. Has anyone ever done any
good to himself by theft or plunder or arson? If this sort of
thing goes on here, it must happen in Pakistan, too, and it will
become impossible for anyone except Muslims to five in that
country. I receive communications every day warning me
against being taken in by sweet talk and telling me that no
one except Muslims has any place in Pakistan. But if only
Muslims are left in Pakistan in the end, they will then quarrel
among themselves. Whether this sort of thing goes on in Pakis-
tan or India, it is not good. It is worse in fact if it happens
in India, for we never said that India belonged to Hindus alone
or that only one community could five here. Everyone who is
born in India and who considers himself an Indian has a right
to stay in India. Pakistan however was conceived as a home-
land of Muslims. But when Pakistan became a reality on August
14 they said everyone would be able to five in Pakistan. This

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

251

made me happy. What irks me is that what is said is often
not implemented. And if the Hindus and Sikhs here do the
same I see in it only the ruin of the two communities and of
the world. No good can ever come of it.

A friend from Lahore says he had to leave his house and
property against his wishes. He was forced to flee West Punjab
and come here. When I advised the refugees to go back he went
back. He found that his house and land were no longer his. He
was given long lectures but he was not given back his property.
How then could I say that the refugees should go back?

I have dealt with this question before but since he has
raised it I shall say something again. I have very clearly said
that the refugees should go back only when the circumstances
have become more propitious. Those who would like to return,
should keep themselves in readiness. First the Muslim friends
who have taken the initiative in this respect have to go there.
So far it is only an idea but it cannot remain only an idea in-
definitely. They spoke in the name of the Pakistan Government.
Or they will have to admit in the end that they have failed
and that they were wrong in representing the Pakistan Govern-
ment as desiring the Hindus to go back. The correspondent
says that declarations are one thing and practice quite another
and he wants to know whether he should go back. He has
every right to ask. I must clearly say that at the moment there
is no question of anyone going back. There are many people
wanting to go back. I tell them that when the time comes for
them to go back I shall let them know the date. I shall not
ask anyone to go now. No one can really think of this at such
an early stage, but it is very satisfying when these Muslim
friends give this assurance. If they succeed I am sure that the
present poison in the atmosphere will soon disappear. What
needs to be done is to ensure that it will. For the present, how-
ever, the correspondent and others like him should keep calm.
When the time comes I shall let them know. After all no one
wants to go to Pakistan secretly. What I hope is that the Pakis-
tan Government will arrange for a train which can take 5,000
people. They will go willingly and as a matter of right. They
will go because they will have been invited.

There is yet another matter I must speak about and that is
East Africa. You may perhaps not know that Nairobi is the most
salubrious part of East Africa. It is like Simla in India. We
in India have four or five months that are quite good and then
we have months of severe heat, especially severe in the plains.

252

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

People then want cool air and go to Simla or Darjeeling for it.
India is a big country. Not so East Africa. It was the Sikhs
who built Nairobi. Sikhs are very sturdy and industrious people.
With great labour they built a railway in Nairobi. And yet
they are debarred from Nairobi. They may go there as labour-
ers but not as settlers and traders. So much about Nairobi. But
the thing does not stop there. Once the first step is wrong, you
go wrong all the way. So now they propose to enact a Bill
against Indian immigration into East Africa, very much on the
lines of South Africa. Attempts are being made to take away
such rights as the Indians have so far enjoyed. The Bill has
not yet been passed but it has been introduced in the Legis-
lative Assembly. The Indians there have hopes from us. They
have sent a communication to Pandit Nehru, who is also our
Foreign Minister in addition to being our Prime Minister. They
have sent him a telegram and forwarded a copy to me. They
want me to say something on the matter. Since I have been in
Africa they have a claim on me. I therefore take this oppor-
tunity to raise my voice. It will no doubt reach there. India
is now a free country. Will free India be treated thus? Mom-
basa and East Africa are British territories. Will the Indians be
subjected to maltreatment in a British territory? You must
know that there are a large number of Indian traders there —
many of them Khoja and other Muslims. There are also
many Hindus. They are from all parts of India. They have
also earned a lot of money through their trade with the Negroes
there. They have been there since long before the British en-
tered the area. Even Europeans had not made their entry there
and if they had they were not many in number. Indians
have built large mansions there. Even ships then belonged to us.
Later, when our position deteriorated, we lost the ships too.

Afterwards the British and other Europeans followed. It is
a long story into which I need not go. Indians lived in peace
with the Negroes and did business with them. I shall not say
they were always honest but certainly they did not take any-
thing from anyone forcibly. There are no communal differences
between Hindus and Muslims there. They are living in amity
and harmony. They want this anti-Indian Bill to be withdrawn.
It must be withdrawn. India is a free country and I am sure
Jawaharlal will do what needs to be done in this regard.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 213-8

208. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

December 18, 1947

I do feel angry but only with myself. Why should I be
angry with you? Even if a woman like you hesitates to accept
her mistakes, I do not see that you are at fault; the fault really
is mine. For you have been brought up under my care. The
atmosphere there' perhaps was not pure and so you did not in-
culcate all the virtues that make for sound character. And it was
my responsibility to see that the atmosphere there was pure. I
did not see to it. Hence I cannot disown my responsibility. In
the same way I assumed that the satyagraha struggles were con-
ducted solely on the basis of truth and non-violence. Today God
has made me realize that that was not so. Hence I say that
we make frantic efforts just to keep ourselves alive and there-
fore we cannot see our mistakes. Our ahimsa is not ahimsa.
It has been used as a weapon of the weak. It is himsa that
passes by the name of ahimsa. That is why today rivers of
blood are flowing everywhere. What the consequences may be is
anybody’s guess. But seeing all this, people like you should take
pity on an old man like me and pray to God to take me away.
I know that today I irritate everyone. How can I believe that I
alone am right and all others are wrong? What irks me is that
people deceive me. They should tell me frankly that I have
become old, that I am no longer of any use and that I should
not be in their way. If they thus openly repudiate me I shall
not be pained in the least. And I shall also then cultivate the
indomitable strength needed to serve Daridranarayandl. I have
only unburdened my heart to you. If possible let other girls
read this. Your health will be all right. . . .^’s going to America
is in the ofhng. I am not very keen about it. So I do not
have full information as to what is being done in that regard.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 123-4

' In the Ashram
^ God in the form of the poor
^ Omission as in the source

253

209. LETTER TO A MUSLIM

December 18, 1947

You of course come to see me every day. For a long time
now I have been feeling that nationalist Muslims are perhaps
a prey to fear. They come to me every day and talk a good
deal but the impression I get is that they exaggerate somewhat.
If we indulge in exaggeration it will do no good to anyone —
be he Hindu or Muslim. If we think that we alone are right
and suppress others in the belief that we are great and that
therefore there is no harm in coercing others, we shall fall; we
shall be deceiving ourselves. But if we are truthful we shall
show fearlessness, discretion and earnestness in our conduct.
If we are in error we should duly admit it. We shall not fall
thereby, we shall only rise higher.

M. K. Gandhi

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 122-3

210. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 18, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

A correspondent writes to ask why I object to English
being used, but not to Urdu. The Muslims and the English are
the same to us since we are friends of all. The correspondent’s
complaint arises out of ignorance. Not only do I not object
to Urdu being used, I am its advocate. It is a provincial
language like Punjabi, Marathi, Gujarati, Bengali and Oriya.
There are as many languages as there are provinces in India.
To be sure there are many more languages in India but scholars
have selected 14 or 15 which have well-developed literatures
and which are more developed than the rest. But all these
14 or 15 languages cannot be used in all the provinces. The
question also is what language should serve as a link language
between the provinces. Ever since I returned from South Africa

254

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

255

I have been insisting that only a language which the largest
number of Hindus and Muslims speak can be our national
language. This can only be Hindustani written in the Devanagari
or the Persian script. English has no place in India. The
British ruled over India and so English became important. It
is a foreign language, not an Indian language. Therefore I say,
not reluctantly but proudly, that Urdu is an Indian language
formed in India. We are all devotees of Tulsidas. You will be
surprised to know that he has used any number of words of
Arabic or Persian origin in his Ramayana. He just picked up
words spoken in the streets and used them because Tulsidas
was writing for you and me. He was not writing for the few
speaking Sanskrit. The language of Tulsidas therefore is our
language.

Lala Lajpatrai^ was known as the Lion of the Punjab. He
is now no more. He was a friend of mine and occasionally I
jokingly used to ask him when he would learn to speak in
Hindi. He said that would never be. You must know that he
was an Arya Samajist^ and performed havan and other rituals.
As I used to stay with him I observed all this. In these rituals
Sanskrit alone is used and he was able to pick a few words
here and there in Devanagari. But his mother tongue was Urdu.
He was a great Urdu scholar, could write fluently in Urdu and
could also deliver long orations in that language. He could also
deliver long orations in English but he could never understand
Sanskritized Hindi. I could make myself understood by him
only when I used selected Arabic and Persian words. How then
can the correspondent object to my not objecting to Urdu? I
think no one should object to Urdu. English I certainly object
to. I have been twice President of the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan^
and I said the same thing there and no one opposed it. They
in fact applauded me. I am the same man. How then can
anyone suggest that I love Hindi less and am therefore less of
an Indian? In my view he who objects to Urdu is to that
extent less of an Indian.

^ (1865-1928); nationalist leader from the Punjab, educationist and
journalist; organized a massive agrarian movement in the Punjab in 1907, and
was deported to Burma; President of the Indian National Congress, 1920;
died of injuries sustained during demonstration against Simon Commission
2 A member of the Arya Samaj, a reformist sect of Hinduism, founded
by Dayanand Saraswati

^ In March 1918 and April 1935

256

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Today we find ourselves in a mess and have created poi-
son for ourselves. This is what happened in Ajmer. If you want
to safeguard Hinduism you cannot do so by treating as enemies
the Muslims who have stayed on in India. My days in this
world are numbered. Soon I shall be gone. You will then realize
that what I said was right. The same rule applies to Muslims.
Islam will be dead if Muslims can tolerate only Muslims. The
same goes for Christians and Christianity. All the religions of the
world are good, for they teach righteousness and friendship. Those
that teach enmity between men, I do not consider religions.

Even during the British rule I had said that English could
not be the language of India. I love the English language. I
can read and write it. Everyone knows that I am not an enemy
either of the English or their language. But everything has its
place. English is an international language. If we want to
deal with the world outside India, we can do so only through
English. English is a universal language. Hindustani has not
yet acquired that universality. It is a matter of sorrow that
while we have freed ourselves of English rule, we have not been
able to free ourselves of the impact of English culture and the
English language.

Hindustani is the language that has been formed through
the blending of Hindi and Urdu like the confluence of the two
rivers Ganga and Jamuna at Prayag. They share the same
grammar which is the grammar of Hindustani. It has words
from Sanskrit, Persian, English and various other languages. The
word ‘court’ is as much a foreign word as ‘kachehari’ and there
is no reason to reject the first and keep the latter. Similarly
there are words like ‘bicycle’ and ‘rail’. By what name would
you like to call a rail? The fact is that so many English words
have got into our speech and we do not despise them. But
if the correspondent had written to me in English, I would
have thrown away the letter knowing that he did know Hindus-
tani. Similarly if I were to send him any letter written in Eng-
lish he would have the right to throw it away. The matter is
really quite simple but we have forgotten what is right and what
is wrong. And a kind of perversity has come to lodge in us.
May God protect us.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 218-22

211. LETTER TO REV. GARDES

[ Decern her 19, 1947Y

MY DEAR GARDES,

Your letter. I am so glad you are there at last and in the
room that was allotted to me. Make yourself at home and take
up the work that suits you most.

I had thought you were passing through Delhi. Did you
not? Do write to me fully.

Love.

Bapu

Rev. Gardes
Sevagram^

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

212. LETTER TO NAWAB OF BHOPAL

New Delhi,

December 19, 1947

DEAR NAWAB SAHEB,

Your kind wire reached me yesterday. I know the patients^
are in safe hands. Chandrani is a promising servant of humanity.
I wonder who the assailants were. An inmate of the Ashram
is going to see the patients and bringing this note to you. A
note is going to Shwaib'* too.

Tours sincerely,

M. K. Gandhi

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

* The letter is placed in the source among those of this date.

^ The address is in Devanagari script.

^ Chandrani and her mother, who were assailed by some miscreants
near Bhopal Station. Chandrani was thrown out of the train.

Shwaib Qureshi

257

90-17

213. LETTER TO CHANDRANI

December 19, 1947

CHI. CHAND,

What a girl you are! People went thrice to the railway
station to receive you but you did not arrive. At last a dining-car
attendant mentioned that two women had come for meals and
that even the bill was unpaid; but no one knew what happened
after that. My apprehension proved right.’ I learnt about it from
the newspapers yesterday. Now I have all the details. Nawab
Saheb has wired that you and your mother are out of danger.
It’s all God’s grace. I hope you are both cheerful. You both
are coming here soon, are you not? Take as much rest as
the doctors advise. How were you attacked, who were the
assailants? This is being brought to you by Om Prakash. Tell
him everything if you cannot yourself write. Send him back soon.
Your brother is ready to come. Would you like him to come?
Whatever you say will be done.

Pyarelal is here.

Blessings to you both from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

214. LETTER TO CHIMANLAL JV. SHAH

New Delhi,

December 19, 1947

CHI. CHIMANLAL,

I have had a full discussion with Aryanayakum. I suggested
to him that although you were the lawful manager he should
regard himself as the de facto manager and act accordingly. It
means no one should lay claim to that part of the Ashram
which he requires for the Talimi Sangh. If he asks all the
inmates of the Ashram to leave, no one should stay on. He

’ When the addressee and her mother failed to arrive at Delhi as
scheduled on the 17th, Gandhiji had jocularly remarked: “Someone might
have thrown Chand out mistaking her to be a Punjabi.”

258

LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH NAYYAR

259

does believe that there is no difference between the inmates of
the Ashram and the members of the Talimi Sangh or between the
Ashram and the Talimi Sangh. He cannot do any good to the
Talimi Sangh at the cost of that of the Ashram. I accept this
fact in whatever I do, so should all of us. Moreover, he says
that neither Jaju nor Krishnadas has the slightest misunder-
standing about or mistrust of him, which they earlier had. I
asked him to convey all this to you. I also asked him to
write you a letter to this effect. He said that there was
no need for a letter. Tell me if you wish to have any change
in this. Tell me also if there has been any change.

You are likely to have seen something about Chand in the
newspapers. It’s a sad story. I cannot dictate any more.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

215. LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH N ATTAR

December 19, 1947

CHI. DEV,

Read this letter from Hunar. What is it about? Talk with
Hunar if you wish. Hand over my letter' to him.

I have your letter. There are many articles of yours but
I have not understood which of them you want back. I shall
enquire from Pyarelal.

You must have read the report about Chand in the news-
papers. Everything is being done from this end. There is a wire
from Nawab Saheb saying that there is no cause for worry. Om
Prakash has come. He is leaving today. You must not worry
at all.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

' Vide the following item.

216. LETTER TO M. A. HUNAR

December 19, 1947

CHI. HUNAR,

I have your letter. Probably it became your duty to stay on
when Mahesh detained you. Pandit Sundarlal is here. He has
not told me anything. I should at least have the opportunity
to give a hearing.

I do hope that there is only some misunderstanding some-
where about Dev. I have always held that Dev cannot be
tainted by Kaliyug^. I am sending on your letter to him. You
should have a free and frank talk with him.

General Shah Nawaz will be a little delayed.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

217. MESSAGE TO BIHAR

December 19, 1947

I am here but my heart is in Bihar. The peace that has
been brought to Bihar should not suffer the slightest breach.
Even if the whole of India should burn, Bihar must not lose
its peace. If Bihar can do this, then just as the history of
India’s freedom movement began with the Champaran Satya-
graha^ and came to be written in letters of gold, similarly Bihar
will occupy the place of glory in India’s history for aeons to
come. Of this I have not the slightest doubt.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, p. 133

' Last and worst of the fouryM^aj- (aeons)

2 Launched in 1917 against the Tinkathia system, under which peasants
had to grow indigo on 3/20 of their holdings at the will of the landlords. Vide
Vol. XIII.

260

218. ADDRESS TO MEOS

Jesarah,

December 19, 1947

Addressing a gathering mainly of the Meos Gandhiji remarked that his
voice was not so powerful as it once used to be. There was a time when
whatever he said was acted upon. If it had the original power, not a
single Muslim should have found it necessary to migrate to Pakistan from
the Indian Union or a single Hindu or Sikh to leave his hearth and home in
Pakistan and seek asylum in the Indian Union. What had taken place — the
orgy of murder, arson, loot, abductions, forcible conversions and worse that
they had witnessed — was, in his opinion, unmitigated barbarism. True, such
things were not unknown before, but there was not that wholesale communal
discrimination. Tales of such happenings had filled him with grief and
shame. Even more shameful was the demolition and desecration of mosques,
temples and gurdwaras. Such madness, if it was not arrested, must spell
ruin to both the communities. They were far from freedom while this
madness reigned.

What was the remedy, Gandhiji continued. He had no faith in the force
of bayonets. He could only present to them the weapon of non-violence,
which provided an answer to every emergency and which was invulnerable.
It was common to all great religions — to Christianity no less than to
Hinduism, etc., but it had today been reduced to a mere copy-book maxim
by the votaries of religions and in practice they all followed the law of the
jungle. His might be today a voice in the wilderness, said Gandhiji, but he
had no other message to give them except this message of non-violence — of
meeting the challenge of brute force with the power of the spirit.

Gandhiji then referred to the representation which was read to him by
a representative of the Meos in which had been catalogued their complaints
for which they wanted redress. He had placed that letter, Gandhiji told
the audience, in the hands of Dr. Gopichand, their Chief Minister and the
speaker would leave it to him (Dr. Gopichand) to tell them what he proposed
to do in regard to the various points set forth in it. All he could say
was that if any Government officer had been guilty of misconduct, he was
sure, the Government would not hesitate to take suitable action against
him. No individual could be allowed to usurp the function of the Govern-
ment and expect a reshuffle of Government offlcers at his bidding. He was
clear too that no conversion or marriage of a woman to a member of the
opposite community could be recognized as valid on the plea of consent

261

262 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

or free will. It was abuse of words to talk of free consent when terror
reigned.

He would feel happy, continued Gandhiji, if his words could bring
some consolation to them in their distress. Referring to the Meo refugees
who had been driven out of the Alwar and Bharatpur States, Gandhiji re-
marked that he looked forward to the day when all enmities would be for-
gotten and all hatred buried underground and all those who had been driven
away from their hearths and homes would return to them and resume their
avocations in perfect security and peace as before. His heart would then
dance with joy. He would never give up that hope so long as he lived.
But he was free to confess that today conditions were not ripe for it. He
was sure that the Union Government would not be remiss in discharging
its duty in that respect, and the States would have to listen to the advice
of the Union Government. The Instrument of Accession did not give to the
Rulers of the States the freedom to oppress their subjects. The Rulers had to
be trustees and servants of their subjects if they wanted to retain their status.

Gandhiji concluded by giving a word of advice to the Meos. He had
been told, he remarked, that the Meos were almost like criminal tribes. If
the statement was correct, it called for an all-out effort on their part to
reform themselves. It should not be left to others to do the work of recla-
mation. He hoped that the Meos would not resent his advice, but take it
in the spirit in which it was offered. To the Government he would say that
even if the allegation regarding the Meos was correct, that was no argu-
ment for sending them away to Pakistan. The Meos were subjects of the
Indian Union and it was its duty to help them to reclaim themselves by
providing them with facilities of education and establishing settlements for
them to settle in.*

Harijan, 28-12-1947, and The Hindustan Times, 20-12-1947

219. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 19, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Today I had to go to Gurgaon to see the Meos. The Meos
there consist of refugees from Alwar and Bharatpur, besides those
who are natives of the place. The East Punjab Premier Dr.
Gopichand Bhargava accompanied me. He told the Meos that

* The audience was then addressed by Dr. Gopichand Bhargava. On his
way back to Delhi, Gandhiji visited an open-air camp of the Meos and
talked with the people there.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

263

those of them who wanted to stay could stay on. The Government
would protect them. That hundreds of thousands had to leave
their houses and properties in Pakistan was something barbarous.
It was also a barbarous thing that people had to leave their
houses and properties here. One cannot go into who committed
more barbarities because such a discussion cannot end the enmity
that has been generated. It should not be our fate to be
eternal enemies of each other. It will only end in our ruin.
I have said that I cannot tolerate this. Those who have made
up their minds to go will certainly go but no one will be forced
to go. There are men and women there in large numbers. All
of them are in distress. Many of them have not even tents to
shelter them and the days are so cold. It is a tragic sight.
The Alwar State should admit its mistake and invite them back.
The Bharatpur State should do the same. One cannot say that
Meos are a criminal tribe. Who can say who is criminal
and who is not? And will you exile those who are criminals?
Will you kill them? This will never do. You have to reform
them and educate them and show them the ways of civilized
behaviour.

My second topic today is sugar. Sugar is not produced
everywhere. It has to be transported from the places where it
is produced. If we do not have sugar here we have to bring
it from the U. P. or Coimbatore, but how to do it? It can
only be brought in railway wagons, but there are no wagons
available. Dr. John Matthai who is in charge of the Railways is
helpless. He says all the wagons are already in use and are be-
ing fully utilized. Then there is a shortage of coal and iron and
of staff. Also the producers of sugar keep on raising prices and
after all it cannot be carried on one’s head. But though there
is a shortage of railway wagons there is motor transport. A
motor-truck runs as fast as a train and it does not require steel
rails on which to ply. But motor transport requires petrol and
petrol is still a controlled article. If the control over petrol is
lifted the trucks and lorries will start plying more easily and
haul goods from one place to another. The movement of salt
can also become more smooth. It is paradoxical that we pro-
duce so much salt and there is no tax on it any more, and yet
it is so costly. That is because supplies do not arrive. In my
view it has been a mistake to appoint contractors for producing
and supplying salt. If petrol is decontrolled trucks can be used
for carrying salt and several other things. It does not seem
right to decontrol certain articles and continue control over

264

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Others. When we have adopted decontrol as a policy we must
pursue it fully and see what happens. You cannot say there is
no petrol in the market. Black-market is flourishing in petrol
and it will continue to flourish so long as the control over it is
not lifted. I am told that corruption has also increased, that it
is necessary to grease the palm of the petroleum officer and it
is not a question of a rupee or two but of hundreds of rupees.
Petrol is required only by those who run motor transport. The
Government should retain what petrol it needs for itself and
release the rest to be sold in the open market. Of course even
if petrol should become virtually extinct and trains should
become immobilized, the country’s alfairs will not stop. Only
the mode of transport will be changed. We will revert to old
ways. I have therefore no fears from the control over petrol
being lifted.

We do not produce enough foodgrain for ourselves. We
may tell people to cultivate whatever land they have but for
this one is told that fertilizers are required for the import of which
we have to spend crores of rupees. The fertilizers cause erosion
of the soil. This is not what I say. It is what those who know

the subject say. Mirabehn has been doing this work. She con-

vened a conference of experts.^ Some very important people
were with her in this. There was Rajendra Babu and Sir Datar
Singh and various others who know something about the sub-
ject. The conclusions of the Conference are in the newspapers.
It recommended ways to make compost and what is called
organic manure. We have dung in plenty; then there is also
human faeces which can make very good manure. After it is
converted into compost nobody can say how it was made. If
you take it in hand it has a pleasant smell, not an unpleasant
one. In making compost they also mix grass, leaves and other

farmyard waste with the dung and in time it is converted into

very good manure. The Conference also passed many resolu-
tions but the substance was that we should all work hard at
agriculture and grow four maunds where only one maund grew
before. Mirabehn has left today. She lives in Rishikesh near
Hardwar. She intends to carry on this work there. I thought
I would tell you about this so that you can make what use
you can of the information.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 222-6

* The All India Compost Conference; vide pp. 269-71.

220. LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH NATTAR

5 a. m., December 20, 1947

CHI. DEV,

Yesterday I wrote a letter to you which will have reached

you.

Don’t worry about Chand. Her mother’s brother met me
yesterday.

Pyarelal read “The Call of the Hour” yesterday. I have
read it by now. The ideas are good. The last portion requires
more thought. I have made no effort to revise it; that would
require more time and from where can I have it? It is not
easy to form an association. First, discuss the matter with a few
people, then proceed further. Anyway, it is for you to consider
what the atmosphere prevailing there* demands. Of course, you
must consult Mahesh. If he disapproves you may give up the
idea. There is no harm in printing it as an essay after it has
been trimmed.

Enclosed with the letter to you yesterday were a letter from
Hunar and also my letter to him.

I do not understand what you have written in your letter to
Sushila. I cannot imagine stopping any work that is being carried
on in my name. I have not given up either Noakhali or Calcutta
or Bihar. In any of these three places, as here, I have only to
do or die.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

221. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER

December 20, 1947

I am now an old man; and maybe the country is exper-
iencing, in your sense, the surge of freedom. I do not see the
joy of it on any face. It may be that since I myself feel no joy

In Bihar

265

266

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

my eyes cannot see any. Does not a jaundiced person see only
yellow? If everybody practised his own dharma our condition
would immediately improve. Atman itself is atman’s friend and
foe.i

It is quite true that . . A has no use for non-violence and truth.
But of what worth are non-violence and truth today? Truth is
not a piece of stone. It is a diamond more valuable than the
Koh-i-noor and requires much more hard labour to mine. . . J
But those who are today engaged in demoniacal activity will find
it difficult to understand the experiment in truth.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 139-40

222. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,
December 20, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

It is a matter of grief that there has been rioting again in
Delhi. It has been of a minor nature, but still it is regrettable.
If it is our wish that Muslims should leave India, we should say
so clearly or the Government may declare that it will not be
safe for Muslims to continue to live in India. Or we should all
tell them that rather than be killed off slowly in riots, it would
be better for them to go. But if we do so I see in it the doom
of Hinduism and Sikhism. Likewise it will be the doom of Islam if
Pakistan decides that no Hindus and Sikhs may live there. There
are not very many Muslims left in India. We have already expelled
a large number. They did not go voluntarily. They were com-
pelled to leave. I wish we could become brave and noble and
courageous. It is only a coward who will say that a Muslim may
not stay in India. Why can’t a Muslim stay in India? If he is
bad he must be reformed — not through violence but by persuasion.
Why have we come to this pass that Hindus and Sikhs should
live in fear in Pakistan and Muslims should live in fear in India?
And yet we make the tall claims that everyone can live in our
country in peace. I tell the Government that they must see that
our promises are fulfilled. The army, the police and the officials
have all to become good. If we behave decently we can make

' Bhagavadgita, VI. 5

^ ^ Omissions as in the source

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 267

progress. If not, the reins of power that have come into our
hands will slip away.

I have not yet told you all that happened at the meeting
of the Charkha Sangh. The charkha is the pivot of the village
industries. If the charkha does not ply in the seven lakh vil-
lages of India the other village industries cannot flourish. The
charkha is the sun while the other village industries are the pla-
nets revolving around it. If the sun should become extinct the
planets cannot go on, for they depend on the sun. For India
the sun is the wheel which you can see enshrined in the flag.
It does not matter whether you see it as the Sudarshan Chakra
[of Krishna] or the Dharma Chakra of Ashoka. In my eyes
it is the symbol of the spinning-wheel. If that charkha goes on
in the villages of India other village industries will also go on.
But we shall have to see that they go on, because if they
decline the charkha also will decline. There are many villages
around Delhi. The villages supplied so many things. Today
all those things are not procurable. Perhaps you do not know,
although you should, that Delhi was full of Muslim craftsmen.
They have all left. Look at Panipat. There were many Muslims
there, weaving blankets and making such other things. Today
their trade is ruined. If Muslim craftsmen leave India it is
India’s loss. What is the reason for our flghting in Kashmir?
I consider it barbarous for the tribal raiders to have attacked
Kashmir; we had to send an army to fight them.

Yesterday I told you that Mirabehn had taken up the work
of compost-making and that the Government was helping her. We
can all carry on this work in our homes. We can collect human
waste, cow-dung and vegetable waste — which mix beautifully and
turn out to be an excellent manure — smelling good.

The work of the Village Industries and the Charkha Sangh
can go on only if the masses take it up. All the four organiza-
tions, namely, the Charkha Sangh, the Harijan Sevak Sangh, the
Gramodyog Sangh and the Talimi Sangh had been formed for the
masses, not for the rich. Everyone should co-operate in the work
of these bodies. If we want true democracy to be established in
India, we must all co-operate in furthering that work. It is only
the people who can make a success of any work. The people
provide the foundation on which alone we can raise a structure
of any height. But if we only continue our internecine strife we
shall meet with the same fate as the Yadavas did. Krishna, you
will remember, belonged to the Yadava clan and yet because they
strayed from the right path they took to drinking, debauchery

268

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

and fighting among themselves. The result was that they met
with a sad end. If we want that India should avoid that fate
we should all take in hand the activities pursued by the four
organizations I have mentioned.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 226-9

223. LAWS OF HEALTH

Shri Brijlal Nehru, himself a faddist like me, has written
to the Press belauding the statement of the Minister of Health
that “a very great deal of our ill-health is due to our own fault”
and saying that there is to his knowledge no governmental
agency responsible for removing this fault. He adds:

The attention of our Health Minister has so far been confined to
the establishment of hospitals, sanatoria, clinics, dispensaries, etc.,
i. e., devices for the treatment of disease; no institutions have been
founded for the prevention of disease by bringing home to the people
the need of correct living and the methods of doing so.

He then goes on to suggest that a separate branch be
established to attend to the promotion of health as distinguished
from treatment of disease. This agency may be given the assist-
ance of an advisory body of both experts and laymen so that
the experts may devise their schemes with the full knowledge of
the requirements of the people and the limitations under which
they have to live and work.

Why does this fellow-faddist want a separate branch for this
very necessary purpose? This was the fashion under the old
regime which went on piling expenditure on expenditure and de-
luded itself and the gullible public that the greater the expense
the greater the utility. I would have the Minister of Health re-
quire the doctors under her and the other staff understand that
their first care must be the attainment and preservation of the
health of the public whom they are paid to serve.

As a preliminary step the writer

would have the production of a book on health laws and correct
living in the conditions prevailing in India. To carry weight with the
public, the book must be brought out under the authority of the
Health Ministry of the Government of India. . . .* The duty of writing

^ Omission as in the source

COMPOST MANURE

269

such a book may be entrusted to the Indian Medical Association,
who should be required to produce it within a stated time. A transfer
of emphasis from disease to health in the teaching given in our medi-
cal colleges would in itself be most desirable.

Indeed, the teaching of the laws of health should be obli-
gatory in all schools and colleges. If the treatise recommended
by Shri Brijlal Nehru is brought out, I hope the authors
would be instructed to avoid the introduction of disease under
the guise of preserving health such as the craze for various
inoculations.

New Delhi, December 21, 1947
Harijan, 28-12-1947

224. COMPOST MANURE^

An All India Compost Conference was held in New Delhi
during the month to consider the question of compost develop-
ment on the widest scale possible. It was the conception of
Shrimati Mirabehn and was presided over by Dr. Rajendra Prasad.
Sardar Datar Singh, Dr. Acharya and other eminent men in
the line took part in it. Several important resolutions were
passed by it on schemes for towns and villages. A sub-
committee consisting of Shrimati Mirabehn, Shri Shivakumar
Sharma, Dr. B. N. Lai and Dr. K. G. Joshi (with Dr. B. N.
Lai as convener) was appointed to prepare a skeleton scheme
for the provinces. The resolutions emphasized the necessity of
“the agricultural utilization of town sewage, sullage and sludge,
the utilization of the by-products of the slaughter-house and
other trade wastes (for example, wool waste, mill waste, leather
waste, etc.) and for the composting of other materials like water-
hyacinth, cane-trash, press mud, forest leaves, etc.”

These resolutions are good and useful if they do not remain
merely on paper. The chief thing is whether they would be
reduced to practice throughout India. To do so will tax the
resources of many Mirabehns. Given the willing co-operation of
the masses of India, this country can not only drive out short-
age of food, but can provide India with more than enough.
This organic manure ever enriches, never impoverishes the soil.
The daily waste, judiciously composted, returns to the soil in

* For the Gujarati article on the same subject, vide the following item.

270

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

the form of golden manure causing a saving of millions of rupees
and increasing manifold, the total yield of grains and pulses.
In addition, the judicious use of waste keeps the surroundings
clean. And cleanliness is not only next to godliness, it promotes
health.

New Delhi, December 21, 1947
Harijan, 28-12-1947

225. COMPOST MANURE

Manure may be described as of two kinds: chemical and
organic. One might ask how manure could be organic? The
word “organic” is from English. Organic manure is made
from human and animal excreta mixed or not mixed with
grass, leaves and other such things. We do not regard plants as
lifeless but we do regard iron, etc., to be so. Manure formed from
such mixture is called “compost” in English. I consider such
manure as valuable as gold. It keeps the soil ever fertile. It
does not erode the soil and make it barren. It is said that
chemical fertilizers destroy the humus of the soil as also bacteria
and makes it necessary to keep the soil fallow after every few
years of cultivation. Moreover organic manure prevents the
breeding of pests.

Under Mirabehn’s inspiration and through her efforts a
Conference was called in Delhi this month to popularize such
manure among the people. It was presided over by Dr. Rajendra
Prasad. It was attended by Sardar Datar Singh, Dr. Acharya
and others who are experts in this field. After three days of
deliberation they passed several important resolutions. In these
resolutions they have pointed out what should be done in cities
and in the seven lakh villages. The Conference has suggested
the method of mixing human and animal excreta, garbage, rags
and factory waste, in rural and urban areas. For this purpose
a small sub-committee has been formed.

The face of India will change if the resolutions do not
remain on paper and crores of people put them into actual prac-
tice. We will be then able to save golden manure worth crores of
rupees which is being wasted because of our ignorance. The soil
will become fertile and we will get better crops than what we are
getting. As a result we will be rid of famines, crores of people
will get enough to eat and the surplus can be exported.

LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL JOSHI 271

Today our crops are in the same poor condition as our men
and animals. The fault is not of the soil but of the people.
The worms of lethargy and ignorance are eating into us.

The task undertaken by Mirabehn is of immense magnitude.
It will require thousands of Mirabehns. People should take up
the work with zest and Government departments should be
awake. Merely a few volunteers will not be able to do the work
which requires crores of men. We should have an army of
volunteers.

Is India so fortunate? Here India means both the parts. If
the southern part takes up the work one may be sure the
northern part will also take it up.

New Delhi, December 21, 1947

[From Gujarati]

Harijanbandhu, 28-12-1947

226. LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL JOSHL

New Delhi,
December 21, 1947

CHI. CHHAGANLAL,

I have seen your letter and the note you gave to Dr. Din-
shaw and Jehangir. I like the note. It was good that you went
with the gentlemen.' I think they are both noble, circumspect,

patriotic and industrious. There is a letter from Jehangir inform-
ing me that they will be seeing me next week.

Let us hope that by God’s grace the atmosphere of Kathiawar
will not be vitiated.

Blessings from
Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

' Vide “Letter to Narandas Gandhi”, p. 178.

227. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR

New Delhi,

December 21, 1947

CHI. LILI,

I have your postcard. So you have found a place. You de-
serve congratulation. I deem it your good fortune that you have
an opportunity to study under a man like Dr. Mangaldas Shah.
You should not be put out by his severity. You should welcome
it and benefit from it. If someone wants to improve us and in
so doing corrects us, takes us to task in the presence of others,
we should be pleased rather than annoyed. More so when the
person happens to be our teacher. If a doctor makes a mistake,
the patient has to pay for it — at times with his life. One should
therefore look for a teacher who does not condone mistakes.

You must get rid of your tendency to worry. That the
pain in your feet should persist I don’t like. You must go to a
doctor and find a cure for it. It will be a crime to be careless
or lazy in this matter.

You must devote yourself to your studies without being im-
patient. You must think of nothing else for the present. Ponder
and digest what you read. The student who is given to cram-
ming is considered a fool of the first water.

I am quite well. So is everyone else.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original. Courtesy: Pyarelal

272

228. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

December 21, 1947

. . So long as saintliness is not of the heart, it is of no
value to me. If saintliness is hypocritical it will destroy itself.

I am not certain how long I shall have to be here. I must
do or die. And since I am resolved to die I do pray to God
that He may fulfil the wish. All of you too should make the
same prayer.

In Delhi, during day-time, many incidents, small and big,
keep occurring. I have been and continue to be patient beyond
measure. In the end it will be as Rama commands me. Thus
I dance as He pulls the strings. I am in His hands and so I
am experiencing ineffable peace.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 145

229. NOTES

A Worthy Example

Shri Dilkhush Divanji of Karadi fame reports the glorious
death at his post of one of his staunch workers. The late Valji-
bhai was the nephew of Panchakaka, the famous farmer of
Karadi, who took part in the no-tax campaign of BardolF. He
never wavered. He refuses even now to till his land or to pay
the tax. He rightly says that there is no swaraj of his dream
so long as we need the police to guard our homes and the mili-
tary to protect us from ourselves. The deceased left a lucrative
job and purely from a patriotic motive became a weaver. He
proved worthy of his uncle and died in harness. No man can
wish for a nobler death than Valjibhai’s. It is to be wished that
the weavers who were trained by him would multiply themselves.
If India is to come to her own, she needs thousands of weavers
who will weave nothing but hand-spun yarn and expects every

' Omission as in the source

2 From February to August 1928

273

90-18

274

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

man and woman and child above six years to spin good yarn
daily for at least half an hour. Such is Divanji’s dream and
Valjibhai died for its realization.

Stock Grain in Villages

Shri Vaikunth Lallubhai Mehta writes to say that in view of
general decontrol it is imperative that there should be sufficient
grain stocked in the hands, if possible of the village panchayats,
not for profiteering, but as an insurance against scarcity by what-
ever cause induced. His original letter is in Gujarati which I
have reproduced and dealt with in the Gujarati columns.’ Here
has been given the pith of his argument. I have always held that
whatever may be said in favour of cash payment of taxes, its
introduction injured the nation to the extent that the system of
stocking grain in the villages was disturbed. The conservation of
grain in the villages is needed for the reason already mentioned.
The condition always must be that the growers and dealers must
not be greedy or unscrupulous. When this simple honesty becomes
common, the consumer cannot be cheated. There is no question
of high or low prices when a nation’s economics are put on a
sound basis and when all parties have an income commensurate
with the expenditure required for the necessaries of life.

The Gates of Somnath?

Pandit Sundarlal has contributed to the Hindustani columns
an interesting article^ on the reputed gates of Somnath. The
curious must see the original. The main point made by the writer
is that the gates which were taken away to Ghazni were never
brought back as then stated. The gates were a fabrication and
when the fraud was discovered the exhibition of the ‘gates’ never
travelled beyond Agra. Pandit Sundarlal is anxious that by an
oversight the fabrication might not be used in the projected
renovation of the famous temple.

New Delhi, December 22, 1947
Harijan, 28-12-1947

’ Vide the following item.

2 Which appeared in Harijan Sevak, 28-12-1947, under the title
“Somnathka Mandir”

230. MEED EOR STORING GRAIN IN VILLAGES

Shri Vaikunthbhai writes:

Under the present trading system the grain produced in the villages
is being sent out. Therefore in many parts of the country the villages
are left with no stocks of grain. As a result the poor have to face
hardships and there is a steep rise in prices during the monsoon. To
save the poor from such a plight, it is desirable that some grain should
be stocked in villages under the care of the Panch, and only the surplus
should be sent out. With this end in view Shri Achyut Rao Patwar-
dhan and I had prepared a scheme four years ago. Shri Kumarappa
has also acknowledged the need for such a scheme in his plan.

If the scheme meets with your approval, under the present changed
circumstances you may kindly recommend it to the Provincial Govern-
ments and the villagers.

I think the suggestion has something in it. Such stocks are
necessary in the economic conditions of the country. Ever since
the system of collecting revenue in cash was introduced, the stocks
of grain in the villages have diminished. I shall not go into the
merits or demerits of the cash revenue system; but I do believe
the country could have been saved from the present difficult situa-
tion if we had continued to stock grain in the villages. Now that
the controls are being removed no one will suffer any hardship
if the grain is stocked as suggested by Vaikunthbhai and if the
villagers and the traders become honest. If the farmers and the
traders get a fair margin of profit there can be no high prices for
the working class and other people in the cities. What really mat-
ters is that necessaries of life should be within the reach of every
one. There can then be no question of high or low prices.

New Delhi, December 22, 1947
[From Gujarati]

Harijanbandhu, 28-12-1947

275

231. TRIBUTE TO VALJIBHAT

New Delhi,

December 22, 1947

India, indeed the world, has had few dedicated servants like
the late Valjibhai. He has proved the truth of the saying: “As
the tree so the fruit, as the father, so the son.” Panchakaka’s
pledge will remain without parallel. We have not attained true
Swaraj yet. At present it seems quite far away. Why is it that
we have only six or seven weavers as good as Valjibhai ? Can it
be claimed that we have won swaraj with the power of Karadi ?

M. K. Gandhi

From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M. M. U. /XXIII

232. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

Birla House, New Delhi,

December 22, 1947

DEAR PANDITJI,

Maulana Shaheed and some other Maulanas of Delhi came to Bapu
yesterday and told him that recent happenings in Delhi had well-nigh driven
the local Muslims to desperation. They wanted to be told definitely and
authoritatively as to whether the Government really wanted to keep them
in the Indian Union or would prefer their going away. In the former case
the Government’s declaration of policy would need to be followed by sui-
table action. They suggested a joint meeting with you, the Sardar and the
Maulana Sahib in Bapu’s presence. Bapu has asked me to convey to you
that he would be available for the purpose at any time that may suit you.^

Tours sincerely,
Pyarelal

Sardar Patel’s Correspondence, Vol. IV, p. 410

’ This also appeared in Harijanbandhu, 28-12-1947. Vide also “A Worthy
Example”, under “Notes”, pp. 273-4.

^ The addressee along with Vallabhbhai Patel met Gandhiji on the
evening of December 26.

276

233. LETTER TO DR. BANERJEE

New Delhi,

December 22, 1947

DEAR DR. BANERJEE,

Your letter. Have I not said every [worthy] cause carries
its own blessings? The rest is superfluous.

Tours sincerely,

M. K. Gandhi

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

234. LETTER TO V. L. MEHTA

New Delhi,

December 22, 1947

BHAI VAIKUNTH,

I have your letter. I understand about Shamaldas. I am
sending the portion regarding grain to Harijan.^

Blessings from

Bapu

Shri Vaikunth Lallubhai Mehta

Andheri

Bombay

From the Gujarati original: V. L. Mehta Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library

1 Vide p. 275.

277

235. LETTER TO TASHWANTKUNWARBA^

December 22, 1947

RESPECTED SISTER,

His Highness the Maharaja^ informed me that you were ill
and bed-ridden. I was grieved to hear it. May God give you
peace of mind. Keep repeating Ramanama. I believe it to be
an unfailing remedy.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 7745

236. LETTER TO KANU GANDHI

December 22, 1947

CHI. KANAM^,

I see from your letters that you are not only steadily im-
proving your handwriting but are also becoming mature in your
thinking. Continue to grow in wisdom in the same way as you
grow in age.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 9524. Courtesy: Kanu Gandhi

’ Rajmata of Kishangarh, who was suffering from cancer
^ Of Bhavnagar, addressee’s nephew, who carried this letter to the ad-
dressee

^ Son of Ramdas Gandhi

278

237. LETTER TO BACHU

New Delhi,

December 22, 1947

CHI. BACHU,

Of course I don’t have time but since it is a Monday' I
am writing this much. If you have appendicitis there is no cause
for worry. You will soon be all right after an operation. Don’t
be afraid. Stop writing with a lead pencil, for the writing fades
out. I hope Kumi^ is all right. If Manu^ has returned tell
her that I got her letter. It did not call for an answer. I hope
she has come back recovered. I am sure Baby is enjoying her-
self. Has she made any progress in reading?

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

238. LETTER TO RAMDAS GANDHI

New Delhi,

December 22, 1947

chi. RAMDAS,

Your letter. Someone did mention to me that you were
coming. I forget who it was. I was glad that we were going to
meet. But it is perfectly all right that you stayed back. What
needs to be considered is whether you can rest while you are
there.

It is true that I crushed my finger. I had a sharp shooting
pain which gave me a reeling sensation. It was nothing to worry
about. In fact I had gone to a meeting'*. The pain subsided in
a minute or two and I addressed the meeting. When I got out
of the car Brijkishan slammed the door without looking around
and my finger which happened to be there got crushed. I am
no doubt careful but even a careful person does meet with such

* Gandhiji usually observed silence on Monday.

^ Kumi Adalaja, Harilal Gandhi’s wife’s sister

^ Daughter of Harilal Gandhi, married to Surendra Mashruwala

'* Of the Constructive Works Committee on December 1 1

279

280

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

accidents. Sumi^ has come here, along with another girl and a
boy. It is about Radhakrishna. Hope all of you are well.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

239. LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK

December 22, 1947

CHI. SHARDA,

I have two letters from you, one written with a lead pencil.
One should not write with a lead pencil. Luckily Dada^ is here
and this will go with him. Do as he says. I shall have a talk
with him in detail. Everything yours is there. Write to me
from time to time. No one else need be consulted.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

240. NOTE TO MANU GANDHI

December 22, 1947

What you say is also worth considering.^ You should tell
Panditji'*. But I see no harm in it. Even as it is what is my
word worth now? And what is it to me whether my word has
any worth left or not? I am certainly going to say whatever I
think is true. I do not find any merit in the belief that a man
can judge another man. Only the Almighty can judge us. All
will be well with us if we are faithful to Him and fear Him.
Instead of bothering about what would please men we should con-
cern ourselves with what would please God. Only then will our
path become easy.

Is it not enough if, instead of worrying about other people’s
affairs, you and I can do this ? See, how badly you have caught

' Sumitra, addressee’s daughter

^ Lakshmidas Asar

^ Manu Gandhi had remarked that frequent reference to the same
subject by Gandhiji, Sundarlal and others would only irritate people and
such utterances would become ineffective.

^ Sundarlal

LETTER TO KUNDANLAL FIRODIA

281

a cold. You had fever last night. You must take hot water. It
does not matter if you cannot do anything else but if you learn
to fulfil the duty towards the body you can do much work for
me. Your heart and mind are sound, but your hands and feet
are weak. See what pass India has come to because of lack of
co-operation and how I am shouting for harmony. You should
learn from it that however strong your heart and mind may be, if
there is no strength in your hands and feet your progress will stop.
And are you going to let me down?

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 153-4

241. LETTER TO KUNDANLAL EIRODIA

New Delhi,

December 22, 1947

BROTHER FIRODIA,

Why did you write to me in English?

I understand about Visapur. It will be desirable if we know
the names and addresses of girls. It is good that you have in-
formed me.

Blessings from

Bapu

Shri Kundanlal Firodia

Dodkokere

Sikar

Ahmednagar
Bombay Province

From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 7917

242. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

December 22, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Some eight or ten miles from here, at Mehrauli, there is a
shrine of Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Chisti. Esteemed as second only to
the shrine at Ajmer, it is visited every year not only by Muslims
but by thousands of non-Muslims too. Last September this shrine
was subjected to the wrath of Hindu mobs. The Muslims living
in the vicinity of the shrine for the last 800 years had to leave
their homes. I mention this sad episode to tell you that, though
Muslims love the shrine, today no Muslim can be found any-
where near it. It is the duty of the Hindus, Sikhs, the officials
and the Government to open the shrine again and wash off this
stain on us. The same applies to other shrines and religious places
of Muslims in and around Delhi. The time has come when both
India and Pakistan must unequivocally declare to the majorities
in each country that they will not tolerate desecration of religious
places, be they small or big. They should also undertake to
repair the places damaged during riots.

Muslims have asked me whether, in view of the decision of
the Muslim League in Karachi^, members of the Muslim League
should take part in the Conference called by Maulana Azad in
Lucknow^ and also whether Muslims might participate in the
Conference of the Muslim League in Madras, and in any case
what should be the course to be adopted by the members of the
Muslim League in India. I have not the least doubt that if
they receive a personal or public invitation they should attend the
Conferences in Lucknow and Madras. They should fearlessly and
openly declare their views at these meetings. If they have learnt

’ As Gandhiji was observing silence, this was read out at the meeting.

2 The Council of the All-India Muslim League had passed a resolution
in Karachi on December 15, bifurcating the Muslim League into two bodies
— one for Pakistan and the other for India.

^ The Indian Union Muslims’ Conference was scheduled to be held in
Lucknow on December 27 and 28 under the presidentship of Abul Kalam
Azad. Members of the Provincial Assemblies, the Constituent Assembly and
various Muslim organizations had been invited to attend it.

282

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

283

anything from the 30 years of non-violent struggle they should not
worry that they are in a minority in the Indian Union and that
the majority in Pakistan can be of no help to them. It does
not need belief in non-violence to see that a minority however
small it may be has no reason to feel afraid for its honour and
for the things it holds dear. If man could but know his Maker
and realize that he himself is a reflection of that Maker, no
power on earth can take away his self-respect. No one can take

away my self-respect; I can only lose it. During my struggle

against the mighty Government of the Transvaal, a dear English
friend of mine in Johannesburg used to tell me, “I always like
to be with a minority, for a minority as a rule does not commit
mistakes, and even if it does it can be rectified. But a majority is
drunk with power and it is difficult to reform it.” If by majority
the friend also meant one-sided armed might he was right. We
know from bitter experience how a handful of Englishmen had
transformed themselves into a majority through force of arms and
how they dominated the whole of India. India lacked arms

and, even if the arms had been there, we did not know how to

use them. It is a matter of regret that Hindus and Sikhs have
not learnt a lesson from the British rule in our country. The
Muslims of the Union suffered from false pride in their majority
in the East and the West. Today they are rid of that burden.

If they now see the virtues of being a minority they will show

the beauties of Islam in their own way. They must remember

that the best days of Islam were the days of the Prophet Moham-

med’s minority in Mecca. Christianity began to decline after
the time of Constantine’. I do not want to prolong the argu-
ment here. My advice emanates from my faith and if Muslim
friends do not have this faith they are free to reject it.

In my view they should all be prepared to join the
Congress. But they must not apply for entry into that body till
they are sure of a hearty welcome and equality of treatment. In
principle there is no question of majority and minority so far as
the Congress is concerned. The Congress follows no religion unless
it be a religion of humanity. It treats men and women alike.
It is a purely political body in which Sikhs, Hindus, Muslims,
Christians, Parsees and Jews are all equal. The Congress has not
always been able to practise what it preached. This sometimes
created an impression among the Muslims that it was a caste

’ Emperor of Rome (306 A. D. to 337 A. D.) who made Christianity the
State religion

284

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Hindu organization. In any case as long as this kind of tug of
war goes on Muslims should keep away with dignity. When the
Congress wants their services they should come into the Congress.
Till then they can be servants of the Congress as I am a servant
of the Congress. Although I am not a four-anna member of the
Congress I have a voice in that organization, and that is because
ever since 1915 when I returned from South Africa I have been
loyally serving the Congress. If every Muslim similarly serves the
Congress he will find that his services are similarly appreciated.

Today every Muslim is considered a supporter of the League
and therefore an enemy of the Congress. This has been the
unfortunate result of the teachings of the League. Today there
is no cause left any more for enmity. Four months are a very
short time for getting rid of the poison of communalism. It is
the misfortune of India that Hindus and Sikhs took this poison
to be nectar and made themselves the enemies of the Muslim
League. In returning brickbat for brickbat they brought a
stain to their name and put themselves in the same category as
Muslims. I appeal to the Muslim minority to raise themselves
above this poisonous atmosphere, to remove the suspicion that
had been created concerning them and to show that they could
live in India as her honourable citizens without any deceit and
dissimulation.

One consequence of partition is that the League cannot
continue as a political organization. The Hindu Mahasabha, the
Sikh Sabha and the Parsee Sabha similarly cannot continue as
political bodies. They may well stay as religious bodies. Their
task then will be internal reform of society, to search for things of
religious value and to act on them. Then the atmosphere will
become free of poison and these organizations will rival each other
in doing good. They will have amity for each other and they will
help the Government. Their political ambitions can be realized
through the Congress alone whether they are in the Congress or
not. If the Congress thinks only of those who are in the Congress
it will become very narrow in its sphere of service. Even today
there are very few people in the Congress. If no other organiza-
tion can rival the Congress it is because the Congress has been
trying to represent the whole of India, because it has dedicated
itself to the service of the poorest and the lowliest.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 229-32

243. LETTER TO SHARD A G. CHOKHAWALA

December 23, 1947

CHI. BABUDI,

I have read your postcard. Why need we discuss today
what may happen after twenty-five days? I understand your
impatience. If nothing happens in those days, I will agree with
your view. If you are to die, I should like to see you die with
your head in my lap. I see no possibility just now of such a
thing happening. But how can you die before I do? The very
thought is unbearable to me. You should, therefore, resolve to
live and make up your mind that, after leaving the sick-bed,
you will give yourself up to the service of the country. God will,
then, keep you alive if He needs your services; otherwise He
will take you away. Where is the cause for worry in this?

Won’t you do this?

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10081. Courtesy: Sharda G. Chokha-
wala

244. LETTER TO NARAHARI D. PARIKH

December 23, 1947

CHI. NARAHARI,

I was very happy to see your handwriting. I cannot bear
the thought of your being bed-ridden.^ But now that you are,
do not be in a hurry to leave the bed. The man who survives
a crisis will win his heart’s desire, as the saying is. Here you
should substitute the phrase ‘healthy man’ for “the man who
survives a crisis”.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 9148

1 Vide p. 230.

285

245. LETTER TO VANAMALA PARIKH

December 23, 1947

CHI. VANUDI,

I got your letter.

All the symptoms you describe are to be observed in a case
of stroke. With proper care and the right diet, the patient does
recover. I believe that massage done by a masseur cannot
benefit as much as massage done by you can, that is, massage
done with the love and strength you possess. You do have
strength, don’t you? Such massage does not require much
physical strength. It requires only some skill. Haven’t you had
experience of Dinshaw’s method of massaging?

For motions, you may convey my view to the doctor that
there will be no harm in administering a full enema when the
bowels begin to move. I hope Mani is cheerful.

Blessings from
Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 5799. Also C. W. 3022. Courtesy:
Vanamala Desai

246. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI

December 23, 1947

CHI. AMRITLAL^,

Why need you worry whether or not I give my blessings?
Have I the experience which you have? Even if I disapprove,
you should do what you believe to be a good thing, and even
with my approval you should never do what you believe to be
wrong. This is what I feel. The question of my blessings, there-
fore, does not arise. You may unhesitatingly do what seems right
to you.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10817
' Secretary, Hindustani Prachar Sabha, Wardha

286

247. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

December 23, 1947

I am stuck here for now. I have no doubt that the needful
should be done about the village industries. It is our misfortune,
however, that I see no concerted effort in any undertaking. Of
course one cannot complain if there is no unity; but what can be
more painful than that such disunity should engender personal
animosities? I am at the moment passing through a situation
which cannot even be dreamt of. All the same I do not worry.
My only prayer to God in the present situation is “one step is
enough for me”. God will keep me as long as He needs me.
Why need I worry about it? Well, Suhrawardy is sitting opposite
me, so only this much for today.

Blessings to Chi. .. .hShe will be well.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 160

248. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 23, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

A friend suggests that since it is getting cold we should
begin our prayer half an hour earlier, that is, at 5 p. m. I admit
it is getting to be pretty cold. Though the days will be getting
longer minute by minute from now on, for today it is already
the 23rd of December, still if all of you so wish we can begin
the prayer at 5 p. m. from tomorrow.^ Today I shall deal with
three points.

* Omission as in the source

^ Gandhiji asked those who wanted the prayers to be held earlier to
raise their hands. A large number of them raised their hands. It was, there-
fore, decided to hold the prayers at 5 p. m.

287

288

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Here is the first. You saw that yesterday people* arrived
here from Bahawalpur. They are in great distress.^ They say
that all the Hindus and Sikhs there should be brought here for
their lives are in danger. Today two friends from Bahawalpur
came to see me. They said that if no steps were taken in this
respect they would go and fast in front of the Governor-General’s
house. I told them that their fasting could neither bring here the
Hindus and Sikhs left behind nor ensure their safety. That besides
the Governor-General had no power except such as he derived
from his Gabinet. He merely affixed his signature. If they thought
that fasting before the residence of Pandit Nehru or the Sardar
would do any good they were equally mistaken. They saw the
point and gave up the idea of fasting. Yesterday I was observing
silence and so could not say anything. The Nawab of Bahawalpur
should permit all the Hindus and Sikhs to go wherever they
want to. If he does not he will be failing in his duty. I can-
not relate to you the things that have happened there under
the very nose of the Nawab. A large number of Hindus and
Sikhs were tortured and killed. It is the Sikhs who built Bahawal-
pur. They are a brave people. They can fight and cultivate
land. They have been cultivating the land there; so have the
Hindus. They have committed no crime. Their only crime is
that they are Hindus or Sikhs. A large number of these innocent
people were murdered and some ran away. When Hindus and
Sikhs cannot live there in peace, what is the worth of anything
that the Nawab may say? I appeal to the Nawab that he should
do his duty. If Hindus and Sikhs cannot live there in honour
he should arrange for them to leave or he should declare that
none of the Hindus and Sikhs still in Bahawalpur will be touched
and that they can continue to live in Bahawalpur in peace. If
they are starving, food should be made available to them.

According to a report in today’s Statesman about the refugee
camps in Lahore, the Muslims in the camps are living in in-
sanitary conditions. Epidemics like cholera and smallpox have
broken out and even those who have escaped them are dying of
cold and exposure. How can people live under the open sky in

* Who carried placards reading “Save the 70,000 Hindus and Sikhs of
Bahawalpur’’

^ In the State of Bahawalpur, which had acceded to Pakistan on Novem-
ber 8, seventy thousand Hindus and Sikhs were awaiting evacuation. It was
reported that the Pakistan authorities were not agreeing to their evacuation
through the Military Evacuation Organization. The Hindus and Sikhs con-
centrated in camps were without adequate food or clothing.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

289

this cold? They need shelter and clothes and food. If these
three things are not available they must face death. I do not know
all that is happening there. Yes, scavengers have been brought
over from Sialkot who will clean the camps and remove night-
soil. The officials say that they are not doing enough work. It
is clear that the people there are in distress. What does it mat-
ter that they are in Pakistan? Why should human beings be so
degraded? It pains me. Those people who ran away from here
to escape our excesses were deprived of their hearths and homes.
They are not familiar with the surroundings there and they
have to suffer hardships. But why can’t they keep themselves
clean? I should advise all the refugees, be they in India or in
Pakistan, that they should not be dependent on others for every-
thing. They should not ask for help to cook for them or to
remove their night-soil. People who were being uprooted from
their homes are in no position to make such demands. It’s a
privilege of the rich. They may employ ten when one is enough,
but not we. These are the symptoms of our degradation. The
refugees in the camps in Lahore should firmly and courageously
declare that they will not have scavengers from Sialkot, that
they will themselves do the cleaning of their camps. The Pakis-
tan Government and the officials concerned should also make
it clear to the refugees that they will not have scavengers
brought from Sialkot. They should at least do what every hu-
man being can do. And if even then there are deaths, that will
be a different matter. I have said it before, and I say it again,
that the refugees should conduct themselves with decency. They
should do all that they can do and not become a burden on
others.

And here is something good that I want to tell you. I
told you once that Pyarelal had come here. You know who
Pyarelal is. He is my Secretary. He had been working in Noa-
khali for a long time. There were others with him too. At the
risk of their lives they gave support and courage to the Hin-
dus who felt insecure there. The Muslims too very soon under-
stood that they were their friends and servants and had gone
there not to promote violence but to promote amity between
the two communities.

Pyarelal has some interesting news from Noakhali: A tem-
ple had been demolished and occupied by Muslims. It became
a cause of strife. Later when the Muslims expressed their desire
to live in amity with the Hindus, Pyarelal pointed out that
the Hindus no longer had the temple where they could go and

90-19

290

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

worship. The Muslims thereupon rebuilt the temple with
their own labour and assured the Hindus that they were free
to go to the temple and offer worship. Now they are all happy.
The officials too co-operated. If everyone in India and Pakistan
acted in this spirit the faces of the two countries would change.
If we stick to our own religion and refrain from interfering with
another’s, it will be a great thing.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 236-8

249. LETTER TO ANAND T. HINGORANI

New Delhi,

December 24, 1947

CHI. ANAND,

I have your letter. I write this while drinking my hot water.
It is 5 a. m.

You seem to be much troubled by your ear. If that is so,
go to America and see what can be done about it. If you can
appreciate the blessing of not hearing, then there is no need to
go anywhere. What you need to know you can know with
Gangi’s* assistance.

Blessings from
Bapu

From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India and
Anand T. Hingorani

Addressee’s wife

250. LETTER TO GANGI A. HIMGORANI

New Delhi,

December 24, 1947

CHI. GANGI,

I have your letter. I am writing this with great difficulty,
otherwise I would have to let your letter go unanswered.

There are no facilities for your staying with me in Delhi.
I am myself staying at the house of a rich man. It is diffi-
cult to keep anyone with me here. If I set up an ashram
anywhere and stay there you can come. But such an opportu-
nity is impossible in this life. Consider also that it is not your
duty to leave Anand and go elsewhere. I feel that as long as
Anand finds his deafness an affliction, you cannot leave him.
Also Anand cannot move about by himself. What can you learn
by staying with me? I consider it wrong for people to ima-
gine that they gain anything by staying with me.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India
and Anand T. Hingorani

251. LETTER TO DILKHUSH DIWANJI

New Delhi,

December 24, 1947

CHI. DIWANJI,

I got your letter in reply to my question. I am glad.
Although the sizing is done with good speed it must stiff be
taking up a lot of time. I understand doubling takes much
less time and greatly facilitates the process of weaving. Please
think over this.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

291

252. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 24, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I often receive Sikh visitors. I also read newspapers some-
times. They say that I have proved an enemy of the Sikhs.
They would not have minded it much but for the fact that
my word seemed to carry weight with the world outside India
where it is believed that India has secured its freedom through
non-violent means. This had never happened before anywhere
in the world. But a tree is known by its fruit, and by no other
means. For man is not God, man can know a thing from its
results. The fruit of independence has been that today Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs have become one another’s enemies.

As I have admitted earlier I had been under the delusion
that our struggle was truly non-violent. God had rendered me
blind and I was misled. Because the lame, the crippled, the
coward cannot be non-violent. Lame, crippled and dumb I do
not mean literally, for God helps these and they are always
non-violent. Even a child can stand before the world on the
strength of non-violence. Prahlad was an instance. We do not
know whether Prahlad was a historical character. To me he was
more than a historical character, for I believe in the story.
Prahlad’s father* commanded him not to utter the name of God.
But Prahlad insisted that he would continue to utter the name
of God. The image of 12-year-old Prahlad remains before my
eyes. Therefore I say that those who are lame and crippled at
heart can never be truly non-violent. So long as the light does
not shine in the heart no one can understand the beauty of
non-violence. What we offered during the struggle was passive
resistance which simply meant that we would not kill the Bri-
tish though in our hearts we wanted to kill them. But we had
not the power. When the millions took up passive resistance it
did bring about our freedom. The freedom we have obtained
is crippled freedom. It is only partial. I therefore laugh when
I see our Sikh brethren getting angry. In my eyes there is no

* Hiranyakashipu, the Demon-king

292

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

293

difference between the Hindus and the Sikhs. I have read the
Grantksakeb. A friend chides me for not knowing anything
about the Granthsaheb. He says I cannot understand the Sikhs
and that if I did, I would not have written what I wrote about
Guru Govind Singh. That was many years ago and the mis-
take was not mine. But he still says so because he is a friend.
If I say that the Sikhs are taking to drinking and gambling it
does not mean that it applies to all or only to Sikhs. Hindus
too are a prey to these evils but Hindus do not have the
strength that the Sikhs have. The Sikhs should not use that
strength indiscriminately. They may wield the sword but only
where they must. Their sword should not fall where it ought
not to fall. I am a true friend of the Sikhs when I say that
anyone who commits crimes or is guilty of bad conduct sins
before God. He degrades his religion.

Today is the 24th. Tomorrow is Christmas. Christmas is to
Christians what Diwali is to us. Really neither Diwali nor Christmas
is an occasion when we should indulge in revelry and lose our
heads. I do not regard Christmas as an occasion for people to
indulge in drunkenness. Christmas reminds one of Jesus Christ.
I offer greetings to the Christians in India and abroad. May
the New Year bring them prosperity and happiness. It has never
been my wish that the freedom of India should mean the ruin
of the Christians here or that they should become Hindus or
Muslims or Sikhs. For a Christian to become a Hindu or a
Muslim is a fate worse than death. According to my view a
Christian should become a better Christian, a Muslim a better
Muslim and a Sikh a better Sikh. I want that all the Christians
in and outside India should become free in the true sense.
Let them exercise self-restraint and pursue the path of sacrifice
and martyrdom shown by Jesus Christ. Let them be free and
increase the area of freedom in the world. I see from the papers
that the Government proposes to stop the grants made to them.
The money they receive from America and England will also stop
coming. It is feared that 75% of the churches in India will
have to be closed down. But a religion does not prosper with
the help of money. Most Christians in India are poor people.
What does it matter if the Government help should stop? They
should be glad that they will now be free of the curse of pecu-
niary assistance. Once a lot of money and presents came into
the house of Hazarat Omar. This worried Omar and he told
his wife that with all that wealth he was no longer certain if
he would be able to retain his self-control and would not take

294 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

to pleasure. A church does not need a building. The human
body is the real church. It is there that God dwells. Then
we have the sky for the roof and the earth for the floor. We
can utter God’s name anywhere. I shall therefore say that the
Ghristians need not feel worried. They do not really need assist-
ance from the Government or anyone. They should follow the
teachings of their religion. If they but persevere in the path of
sacrifice shown by Christ, no one can take their religion away
from them.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 236-8

253. LETTER TO HAMID-UD-DIN

New Delhi,

December 25, 1947

BHAI HAMID-UD-DIN,

I got your letter about Barwani. I have been doing what
I can ever since the first telegram came. The local Muslims
have some staunch Hindus for their friends. I am also in cor-
respondence with them. They are working hard. Isn’t there
exaggeration in what you write? It happened in the case of
Junagadh. My informants were well-placed Muslims. They had
exaggerated matters to such an extent that at last they had
to publicly issue a correction and apologize. I am not bothered
about it but at present such exaggeration gives rise to dislike
of all Muslims. And this hurts me very much. I am therefore
sounding a note of caution to you. After all the Government
officers have also taken some steps.

Please let me have whatever authoritative information you
have.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

254. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

December 25, 1947

No one can harm a person who is sustained by Ramanama.
I believe in this principle and so I have no physical illness.
It is by the grace of God that I am able to remain calm even
though there is conflagration all around. Had it not been for this
I would have broken down by now. That is why I proclaim
at the top of my voice that I dance as Rama wills. We are
in this world to do our duty. I believe that not a leaf moves
without His command. And look at the pride of man; he believes
he does everything. But God is magnanimous and only laughs
at this abysmal ignorance. Now you will all understand where
I am. You must all be well. What I write in Harijan shows
me as I am. I am very clear about the language. In the same
way I am clear about the political questions. Let us see what
God wills me to do.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 165-6

255. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

December 25, 1947

Slackness in khadi work will not do. We should understand
that the more we slacken the more we shall fall behind. This
fragile thread has had behind it sixty long years of work. It still
remains unbroken and thanks to it we have reached our present
position. Even now I am convinced that if only we had plied
the wheel more vigourously, the thread would not have broken
even as slightly as it has. If we do not want to preserve what
we have gained, then certainly we may let the thread snap.
Fragile as this thread is, it has the strength to bind not only
India but the whole world. My purpose in labouring the point
is simply this; If India is to live and live well there is no alter-
native to the constructive programme. Otherwise your fall will
be quick, remember this.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 165-6

295

256. LETTER TO KRISHNADAS

New Delhi,

December 25, 1947

CHI. KRISHNADAS,

I have your letter of December 20. Khadi Pratishthan certainly
becomes uncertified. To ask for money immediately does not
seem to be proper. I do not consider it right now to insert a
condition which is not there in the written agreement. I do
not remember now if I had said anything. If I did, surely my
signature would be there.

I find a great difference between dealers in uncertified
khadi and Khadi Pratishthan. Khadi Pratishthan was born for
khadi and will die for it. Other dealers carry on their business
for the sake of business. They also practise dishonesty. Even so
I shall send your letter on to Khadi Pratishthan and ask them.^

Are those who deal with the Hindustani correspondence there
fully familiar with Hindustani? In your letter fsiiTqsV are two
words but I have seen the expression used only as one word.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 2739

257. LETTER TO HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA

New Delhi,

December 25, 1947

CHI. HEMPRABHA^,

Herewith Krishnadas’s letter. Please let me know about
the matter. I feel that as the rules of the Sangh'* stand Khadi
Pratishthan is an uncertified body. I enclose a copy of the
letter I have written to Krishnadas. I hope Babua is well and

* Vide the following item.

2 Written agreement, correspondence
^ Wife of Satis Chandra Das Gupta
^ All India Spinners’ Association

296

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 297

Didimoni too. Arun’ should become perfectly fit. If he believes
in nature cure, he may consult Kulranjan.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 2740

258. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,
December 25, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

You all know something of what is happening in Kashmir.
But I want to draw your attention to a proposal about Kashmir.
It is being said and also reported in the newspapers that we
should invite someone to arbitrate between the Indian Union
and Pakistan in the dispute over Kashmir. How can this be?
How long can this kind of thing go on? Instead of resulting in
a settlement of the dispute, this will merely introduce into it
a third party. Can we not settle the issue between ourselves?
There is a large preponderance of Muslims in Kashmir. Maybe
they are more than 95% . Jammu does not have very many
Muslims. I do not know what is the percentage of Muslims in
the population but Jammu and Kashmir is one State. It cannot
be partitioned. If we start the process of partitioning, where
is it going to end? It is enough and more than enough that
India has been partitioned into two. If we partition Kashmir,
why not other States?

What is the nature of the dispute in Kashmir? It is said
that the raiders are outsiders. They are aggressors and plunder-
ers. But as time passes it looks as if it was not so. I get some
Urdu newspapers. I can read Urdu a little myself and others
also read them out to me. Today some bits from the ^amindar
were read out to me. I know the editor^ of the Zemindar. He
has an unbridled tongue. He has issued an open invitation to all
Muslims to muster for an assault on Kashmir. He has heaped
abuse on the Dogras and the Sikhs. He calls the raid in Kashmir
a jihad^. But there is always restraint about a jihad. There is
nothing of the kind here. Do they want that Hindus, Sikhs and
Muslims should perpetually remain divided? What is our duty if

^ Addressee’s son

^ Maulana Zafar Ali Khan

^ Crusade or war waged for a holy cause

298

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Muslims Start cutting up the Hindus and Sikhs? As I have been
telling you every day Hindus and Sikhs must not retaliate.

The simple fact is that Pakistan has invaded Kashmir.
Units of the Indian army have gone to Kashmir but not to in-
vade Kashmir. They have been sent on the express invitation
of the Maharaja and Sheikh Abdullah. Sheikh Abdullah is the
real Maharaja of Kashmir. Muslims in their thousands are de-
voted to him. He is called the Lion of Kashmir.

One should always admit one’s mistakes. The Hindus and
Sikhs of Jammu or those who had gone there from outside killed
Muslims there. The Maharaja of Kashmir is responsible for the
happenings in his State. It was not Sheikh Abdullah who was
behind these murders. He in fact went to Jammu and tried to
reason with the Hindus and Sikhs. He tried to save the lives of
Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. The Maharaja of Kashmir is a Dogra
Rajput. Abuses have been heaped on him. If he has been at fault
he can be removed. One can understand that. But what have the
Muslims of Kashmir done? Why is jihad being carried on against
them?

I want to say to the Government of Pakistan in all humility
that if their claim to being the greatest Islamic power in the
world is true, they should make sure that every Hindu and every
Sikh in Pakistan is justly treated. They should be protected. But
Pakistan presents a different picture. I shall advise Pakistan and
India to sit together and decide the matter. If the two are in-
terested in the settlement of the dispute, where is the need for
an arbitrator? The Maharaja can step aside and let India and
Pakistan deliberate over the matter. Sheikh Abdullah will of course
be there. If they want an arbitrator they can appoint one from
among themselves, but it should certainly not be a third power.
They may, if they so desire, persuade the Maharaja to step down.
After all he is a human being. A large number of Muslims have
been killed there and Muslim women have been dishonoured. I
met the Maharaja and his Prime Minister. And I told him what
I had to say. The Maharaja should clearly say that he is no longer
the Ruler, it is the Muslims of Kashmir who are the real rulers
and they may do what they like. After the Maharaja and his
Prime Minister withdraw themselves only Sheikh Abdullah remains.
He can form an interim government and restore law and order.
The armies can be withdrawn. If the two countries arrive at a
settlement on these lines it will be good for both. It is not that
India had invaded a Muslim State or had gone there to help
the Maharaja. Our Government is for the people and it is in

LETTER TO G. V. MAVALANKAR

299

the interest of the people that we enter into negotiations with the
Princes. The Congress Government can take no other course.

I saw a couplet in an Urdu magazine today. It hurt me. I
do not remember the words but the substance is this: “Today
Somnath is on the tongue of everyone. If the temple is renovated
it will have to be avenged. A new Ghaznavi must come from
Ghazni to avenge what happened in Junagadh.” It is painful to
think that such a thing can issue from the pen of a Muslim. I
have said that I must do or die; which means that I shall either
bring about Hindu-Muslim amity or lay down my life. This sort
of thing cannot affect my resolve. I cannot return evil for evil.
I can only return good for evil. I tell you all this so that you
may not be taken in by such things. You must not remember the
wrong that Ghaznavi did. Muslims should realize and admit the
wrongs perpetrated under the Islamic rule. The Hindu and Sikh
rulers of Kashmir and Patiala, etc., should also admit the excesses
committed in their States. There is nothing to be ashamed of
in confessing one’s sins, it only lightens one’s guilt. If Muslims
in the Indian Union teach their children that a Ghaznavi must
come to avenge them and destroy the Hindus, who is going to
tolerate this? If this mischievous couplet had not been published
in an important magazine I would not even have mentioned it.^

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 239-41

259. LETTER TO G. V. MAVALANKAR

December 26, 1947

I have had your letter and the report of our conversation^
read out to me just now (at a quarter to five in the morning).
You have taken great pains over the report. I think the subject
did not deserve so much labour. You have, of course, summarized

* The couplet appeared under the title “Mahmud Ghaznavi” in Aligarh
Urdu Magazine published from the Aligarh University. When the attention of
Nawab Mohammad Ismail Khan, the Vice-Chancellor, was drawn to it, he
sent a letter expressing regret for the oversight.

^ The addressee’s endeavour to establish a regional university in Guja-
rat had become a controversial subject. Gandhiji’s article “Navin Vidya-
pitho”, which could admit of the interpretation that he was opposed to the
proposed university in Gujarat, was being quoted against it. The addressee,
therefore, had a frank talk on the subject with Gandhiji on December 1 1 .

For Gandhiji’s article, vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 402-5.

300

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

my views quite well.’ I don’t feel at all like adding to or
removing anything from the summary.

I learnt one new fact from you, namely, that Gujarat is
the only linguistic region now left without a regional univer-
sity. I must admit that this fact weakens my case. Even so,
I do wish that this last regional university to be established
would help in the progress of Indian civilization, which means
the civilization of the country’s villages. You may, if you wish,
describe this desire as a form of greed or ignorant attachment
on my part.

I still believe that, if the people loved the country as a
whole rather than their respective regions, we should be able to
bring about the establishment of linguistic provinces in a few
months. You and I should, therefore, prove that your fear^ will
prove groundless and that my dream will be realized. We should
exert ourselves to the utmost to that end. My regret is that
I am not in a position just now to join in such an effort. I
will, therefore, rest content with writing an occasional article
in Harijan on the subject or addressing such a letter to you.

I hope you are keeping good health.

[From Gujarati]

Sansmarano, pp. 205-6

260. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,
December 26, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I am happy and also sorry to announce that we shall not
be having our prayer here tomorrow. Instead I shall be going
to Sambhal, where a village panchayat has been formed. It is
thought that because of my visit a large number of people will
gather there. We shall have the prayer there. I have never
been to that village before. They say the distance is about 11
miles, maybe a mile less or more. We shall of course have our
prayer the day after tomorrow.

’ While Gandhiji accepted the principle of universities being based on
regional languages, he maintained that the linguistic redistribution of prov-
inces should first be accomplished.

^ Namely, that the linguistic redistribution of provinces might take years

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

301

Today I wish to tell you about the Tibbia College. Both
Hindu and Muslim students joined it for studying Ayurveda
which was taught there. Later, courses in Yunani, allopathy and
homoeopathy were added. Hakim Ajmalkhan was the founder
of the college. He was a popular leader of Delhi. Today we
have made ourselves enemies of Muslims. It was not so when
we thought of starting this college where everyone irrespective of
communal considerations could study medicine. All contributed
freely. Among the donors were Hindu Rajas and Muslim Naw-
abs. The late Dr. Ansari worked hard to make the scheme a suc-
cess. It was under the management of a Trust which had on its
board Hindus and Muslims. Today some Hindu friends came
to me and asked what would happen to the college now. They
said it was difficult to continue it under the present circumstances.
Funds had ceased to come. It would be a matter of grief and
shame if such a large institution had to close down. I am trying
my best to avoid this calamity. The college is situated in Karol
Bagh. But Muslim boys fear to go anywhere near it. We have
driven out Muslims from Panipat. It is still a moot question
where they will be able to live. It is a matter of shame for us.
It seems that we are doing our best to ruin ourselves. For,
when we try to ruin others we ruin ourselves. This is the
rule of life.

Another matter I wish to speak about is that of abducted
girls. I spoke on the matter once.^ But I must speak again and
again, for only then will the people understand. It is not a
question of a mere ten or twenty girls. The number could be
in hundreds or even thousands. Nobody knows. Where are all
those girls? Muslims have abducted Hindu and Sikh girls. We
want to recover them. In Lahore some Hindu, Muslim and Sikh
women met and decided to have these abducted girls recovered
and restored to their homes. They decided that Muslim girls
carried away by Hindus and Sikhs should also be returned. I
have received a long list of girls abducted from Patiala. Some of
them come from very well-to-do Muslim families. When they are
recovered it will not be difficult for them to be returned to their
parents. As regards Hindu girls it is still doubtful whether they
will be accepted by their families. This is very bad. If a girl
has lost her parents or husband it is not her fault. And yet
Hindu society does not look upon such a girl with respect any
more. The mistake is ours, not the girl’s. Even if the girl has

^Vide pp. 191-4.

302 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

been forced into marriage by a Muslim, even if she has been
violated, I would still take her back with respect. I do not
want that a single Hindu or Sikh should take up the attitude
that if a girl has been abducted by a Muslim she is no longer
acceptable to society. We should not hate her. We should sym-
pathize with her and take pity on her. If a girl is a Sikh, in
my eyes she remains a Sikh, if a Hindu, she remains a Hindu.
If my daughter has been violated by a rascal and made preg-
nant, must I cast her and her child away? Nor can I take
the position that the child so born is Muslim by faith. Its
faith can only be the faith of the mother who bore it. After the
child grows up he or she will be free to take up any religion.
Today we are in such an unfortunate situation that some girls
say that they do not want to come back, for they know that
if they return they will only face disgrace and humiliation. The
parents will tell them to go away, so will the husbands. I have
suggested that a sort of home should be established for such
girls which should take up the responsibility for their food and
shelter and education, so that they can stand on their own feet.
These girls are innocent. The culprits are those — be they Hin-
dus or Muslims or Sikhs — who have abducted them. Let the
Hindus and Sikhs who have abducted Muslim girls return them.
Let the Muslims who have abducted Hindu and Sikh girls re-
turn them. And let them confess publicly that they are guilty.
The list I have received makes me tremble. What has happened
in Kashmir? A large number of Muslims have been slaughtered.
Women have been slaughtered and young girls have been ab-
ducted. If my voice can reach those guilty of this outrage, I
shall ask them to return all those girls. I am told that several
hundred Hindu and Sikh girls had similarly been carried away.
I am also told that a certain pir^ is holding in his house a large
number of Hindu and Sikh girls. Those who have abducted
them are reported to have said that they do not mean to harm
or dishonour these girls in any way but that they will not return
them so long as the abducted Muslim girls are not returned.
This will be a wicked bargain. We should not act in such a
way. We should behave like decent men. We must return all
the abducted girls without any preconditions. If we want to
retain our freedom we must learn decency of conduct.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 241-3

' A Muslim saint

261. LETTER TO RATHIMDRA MATH TAGORE

New Delhi,

December 27, 1947

DEAR RATHINDRA*,

Just after the morning prayer I see your letter.

I am glad about the notation of Vandemataraml and Jana-
gana?. I suppose you know that though I talk about notations,
my ignorance of the language of notation is deplorable. An igno-
rant man, if he is truthful, can derive joy by proxy.

Of course, wherever I am, Santiniketan is always in my
heart.

Yours,

Bapu

From a photostat: G. N. 2293

262. LETTER TO B. G. KHER

December 27, 1947

BHAI KHER'',

The bearer of this note, Sevakram^, a silent worker of Sind,
possesses qualities worthy of his name. He serves the Harijans.
We have to accommodate all the Harijans from Sind in the
Bombay Presidency. Please do so as far as possible.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Gourtesy: Pyarelal

' Son of Rabindranath Tagore

^ Vandemataram, a song from Bankimchandra Chatterjee’s novel Anand
Math, one of the most popular patriotic songs during the freedom struggle

^ Jana-gana-mana, a song by Rabindranath Tagore, which was adopted
as the national anthem of India

■'(1888-1957); Ghief Minister, Bombay, 1937-39 and 1946-52; Member,
Gonstituent Assembly; India’s High Commissioner in Britain, 1952-54;
Chairman, Official Language Commission, 1955; Chairman, Gandhi Smarak
Nidhi, 1956-57

^ Literally, ‘Rama in the form of a servant’. The worker later became
Chairman of the Servants of the People Society.

303

263. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL

New Delhi,
December [27],’ 1947

CHI. MANI,

Sevakram who will bring this note is a dedicated servant
of Harijans. All Harijans in Sind should be brought to India
and rehabilitated in the Bombay State, Saurashtra, Kutch,
Gujarat, Udaipur, Jodhpur and other places. The Sardar should
do all he can in the matter.

Shri Manibehn Patel
C/o Sardar Patel
New Delhi

[From Gujarati]

Bapuna Patro—4: Manibehn Patelne, p. 145

264. LETTER TO KHAMDUBHAI DESAI

December 27, 1947

bhai khandubhai.

The bearer of this note, Sevakram, will recount to you the
story of the Harijans of Sind. Try to accommodate as many of
them as you can in the mills. I believe that Sevakram is a
first-class worker. You may make whatever use you wish of
this note.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

’ In Pyarelal Papers the letter is found among those of this date. The
book, however, has “29”. Vide also the preceding and the following items.

304

265. LETTER TO SURYAKANT

New Delhi,

December 27, 1947

CHI. SURYAKANT,

I have your letter. I can never ask you to give up truth;
never give up obedience to your parents. Go on serving people.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

266. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

Sambhal,

December 27, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

It gives me special pleasure to hold a prayer meeting in
this village. You should not thank me or give me an address
of welcome or garland me. Prayer is our dharma. We pray
when we get up in the morning. We should pray regularly
morning and evening. In the evening at 5, or earlier in win-
ter, we can have congregational prayer. We must utter God’s
name when we stand or sleep or eat. We must also remem-
ber God when at work. We should not give ourselves to selfish
pursuits. We must pursue the path of service. I have too little
time now to explain to you the whole significance of prayer.

Though, as I have told you, I want no addresses of wel-
come and garlands, still since you have given me these I thank
you for the honour. You speak in your address of the great-
ness of truth and non-violence. But if our conduct is not in
conformity with truth and non-violence, talking of them is
hypocritical. I do not like this. Ever since I came to India
from South Africa I had been travelling all over the country. I
have traversed India many times and seen thousands of vil-
lages. People talk of truth and non-violence but they do not act
accordingly. They think in one way, speak in another and act
in yet another way. It is a matter of shame for us that in

90-20

305

306 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

India Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs should be slaughtering one
another. Mercifully there have been no riots here in and around
your village because the number of Muslims here is small and
they can do no harm. If we want to behave as enemies of one
another, let us at any rate stop talking of ahimsa. Let us be
truthful to this extent. We have not become free in order to
slaughter one another. Freedom means that we should volun-
tarily do what is good. We have become free to do good, not
to do evil. We never pray to God to let us utter falsehoods. If
we do that it would be surrender to Satan.

It is a good thing you have formed a panchayat. But if it
does not function properly and is a panchayat only in name, it
will do no good. In former times there used to be real pancha-
yats in the villages of India. Even I have not seen them. But
travellers from China and Greece have reported about them.
These travellers were not paid by anyone. They were not even
invited. They came on their own undergoing great hardships.
They came in order to gain knowledge. They write that there
were at the time no thefts anywhere in India; there were no
locks on the doors. All this was not what happened thousands of
years ago. Our history does not go back to thousands of years.

Formerly there were four varnas^. Today these have grown
into a large number. It becomes meaningless to call them varnas.
It is a great responsibility you have assumed in forming a
panchayat. The cows yield so little milk that many people say
that they should be slaughtered. Muslims no doubt slaughter
cows. But no one in the world slaughters as many cows as the
Hindus do. Hindus do not treat the cows well. They do not
know how to look after them. This amounts to slowly killing
the cows. It is much better to kill them all at once. We wor-
ship cows and yet treat them most cruelly. I shall say your
panchayat has done something if at the end of the year the
cows that today give three seers of milk give six.

Similarly you should produce twice the present amount of
foodgrain. You can do so by giving to the land the nourish-
ment that it needs. Mirabehn had called a conference which
was attended by a large number of people. They came to the
conclusion that all the cow-dung, human faeces and vegetable-
waste available in villages could be turned into rich manure.
It requires not expenditure but a little labour and it increases
the fertility of the soil.

’ Viz., Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra

MESSAGE TO INDONESIA

307

I do not know how clean you keep your village. But it
is your paramount duty to make yourselves strong. You must
keep yourselves clean externally and internally. Your village
should be free of dirt and dung in every way. And it should be
free from foul smells. You should follow the rules of sanitation.

Why do you need a cinema here? Instead of this, you can
perform the various plays and stage dramas known to us.
The cinema will only make you spend money. Then you will
also learn to gamble and fall into other evil habits. Those ad-
dicted to alcohol, ganja^ and bhang^ should give up these addic-
tions. Then I shall feel that your Panchayat has done some
good work. Then people will come from Delhi to see your vil-
lage. You must forget untouchability. If you will realize that
Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and Parsis are all brothers you will show
what free India means. May God give you the strength to ac-
complish all this.

Please do not clap your hands. What I have said is a part
of the prayer. I want your blessings and if you do all that I
have told you, you will have given me all I need.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II pp. 243-6

267. MESSAGE TO INDONESIA^

[Before December 28, 1947Y

Success is at your door although the situation does not look
bright at present. India fought for 30 years without sympathy
from outside.

Mahatma Gandhi advised Indonesia to take every opportunity to
establish closer relations with other Asian peoples.

He was also reported to have told an Indonesian Women’s League
delegation attending the All-India Women’s Conference^ in Madras:

Don’t waver. Victory is in sight.

The Hindu, 29-12-1947

* Hemp

2 Hemp flowers

This was given to a correspondent of Merdeka, a daily of the Bata-
via Republic and appeared under the date-line “Batavia, December 28”.

^ Held on December 29

268. LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI

December 28, 1947

CHI. VALJI,

I went through your articles in the early hours of the morn-
ing. You will be surprised to learn that I did not find even
one of them worth publishing. The article about villages does
not apply to our conditions. A few selected paragraphs from it
may be published. There does not appear to be much in the
one about the fox and the hare. It seems you have not seen
Dacca. The stopping of races there will have no effect in Cal-
cutta. There can be no comparison between Hiroshima and our
conditions in regard to building new houses. You should go
deeper into the subjects on which you write.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 7509. Courtesy: Valji G. Desai

269. LETTER TO SHANTIKUMAR JV. MORARJEE

New Delhi,

December 28, 1947

CHI. SHANTIKUMAR,

I don’t think it necessary to publish your letter after the
reply that Kumarappa^ has given.

I got your letter regarding Mahadev^. It will be published
in Harijan as suggested by you.^

* Reviewing the Government scheme for shipping, J. C. Kumarappa in
his article, “A Rudderless Shipping Programme”, wrote that the scheme was
not well-conceived and lacked proper thought and appreciation of organiza-
tion. He suggested that the question needed to be handled with care, deep
thought and tact, and that the Government should take into confidence the
various interests affected by the industry, while drafting a workable scheme.

^ The Mahadev Desai Memorial Trust. The addressee was one of the
three Trustees nominated by Gandhiji.

^ The article entitled “Mahadev Desai (Bombay) Memorial Trust” ap-
peared in Harijan, 9-5-1948.

308

ADDRESS TO CLOTH MERCHANTS 309

In regard to the two parts about which you have sought
my opinion, it is “yes”.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 4741. Courtesy: Shantikumar N.
Morarjee

270. ADDRESS TO CLOTH MERCHANTS^

Delhi,

December 28, 1947

BROTHERS,

If you will be quiet you will be able to hear me. I have
come here only for one thing and that is to say a few words
about the controls. I feel that the control imposed on foodgrain
is bad. It cannot do any good to India. Control on cloth
should also go. When ours is a free country, why should we
have controls? Jawaharlal, Sardar Patel and others are the
servants of the people. They cannot do anything against the
wishes of the people. They cannot hold their offices if we ask
them to step down. They themselves are not keen to stay on.
They always say that they want to work for the people and that
they are the servants of the people. It is also true. We fought
the British for thirty-two years and in that we have shown how
true democracy functions. Our strength is not like that of the
British. They could have summoned armed forces from England.
We do not have all that. But our Ministers have greater force
than the armed force. Jawaharlal, Sardar Patel and others have
the might of public opinion at their back which is greater than
the might of an army or a police.

Why was it necessary to impose controls? The controls
became necessary because of the fear of dishonesty and profi-
teering on the part of the traders. Why should a trader get
more for his labour than a labourer gets for his? He should
not take more. If the traders realize this we shall not have the
difficulties which we are facing today in the matter of food and
clothing. If we all refuse to put up with controls, they will
have to go. If you and I are honest these controls cannot

* The meeting convened by the Cloth and Yarn Merchants’ Association
was held at the Hardinge Library in the afternoon.

310

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

remain. But if we are not honest, removal of controls will kill
India. The traders’ associations and mill-owners should meet each
other and remove the suspicion which people have against them
and thus strengthen each other’s hands. The Gita says: “Cherish
the gods thus and let the gods cherish you.”^ The gods are not
to be found up in the sky. Just as our girls are regarded as
goddesses so are we gods. But it is good that no one calls
himself a god. That is man’s humility. We should become and
remain as pure as gods and live happily. Then our poverty,
starvation and nakedness will disappear.

As far as cloth especially is concerned people in the vil-
lages themselves can, indeed must, produce the cloth they require.
When our womenfolk begin spinning the yarn with their own
pure hands, crores of rupees will go into the pockets of our
villagers. We should take up such pure business. I consider
myself a peasant, a Bhangi and a trader. You should learn from
me how to carry on an honest trade. I know how to do busi-
ness. After all I have been a lawyer. Is not legal practice a
kind of trade? Today when I serve others I am pursuing a
trade. Trade does not mean earning money anyhow. If you
want to get the controls removed for the sake of the people and
not for your own, they will certainly go. You have displayed
the slogan that the prosperity and freedom of India lie in decon-
trol. If that is true you have to be very honest and brave in
your business dealings.

I have a letter which says that import of foreign cloth is
on the increase in India. It also says that our cloth is being
exported. In my opinion both these things are wrong. You will
next start saying that you will not marry Indian women but
import women from outside. What kind of trade will that be?
My mother is my mother. Shall I choose for mother another
woman more beautiful than she? In the same way you should
not get beautiful clothes from outside.

These days businessmen import cloth in order to make
money. But why should we import foreign cloth and export
our cloth? We should make do with whatever cloth we produce
here. We may export whatever remains after our need is fulfilled.
You may export mill-cloth but only after we have produced the
required quantity of khadi in the country. Control on cloth
should go but at the same time control on petrol, firewood and
other things should also go.

1 III. 11

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

311

Here you have a sign saying “Beware of the mill-owners’
tricks”. Then you have to beware of the traders’ tricks and my
tricks also. You will have to cut my throat if I deceive you or
if I serve my interest in the name of service. If the mill-owners
or businessmen serve their own interests, then you have to boy-
cott them.

[From Hindi]

Harijan Sevak, 4-1-1948

271. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

New Delhi,
December 28, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Today I was at a meeting of cloth merchants', where they
told me that cloth too should be decontrolled as so many other
things had been. I have no doubt that control on cloth should
be lifted. You will see from the papers what happened at the
meeting. One thing the traders told me was that, even without
the control on cloth being lifted, the prices of cloth had begun
to decline. The reason, they say, is that now my voice is raised
for decontrol and the Government listens to me, and hence it is
expected that cloth will soon be decontrolled. This has led to
the hoarded cloth being brought out into the open market and
so the prices have registered a decline. The same was the case
with sugar. People tell me that wherever one goes one sees large
stocks of sugar. It is being sold at one rupee a seer. I am told
that people are even able to bargain and buy it for 15 as. or even
14 as. I am receiving telegrams from all quarters reporting much
relief among people as a consequence of decontrol. Blessings are
showered on me for having brought about decontrol. But it is not
I who should be blessed, but the masses, for it is their voice that
I have taken up. And that is why my voice was heard, otherwise
who would listen to me? My own voice counts for nothing.

I say we should not treat Muslims as enemies. But people
turn away from me. They say I am mad. I must say that if
the masses do not listen to me they will be doing harm to their
dharma. I say nothing improper. Tulsidas says that compassion
is the essence of religion. You may say that Tulsidas was mad
but no other book is as popular in the country as his Ramayana.
It is not only in Bihar or in Delhi where it is popular, it is read

* Vide the preceding item.

312

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

everywhere. I only repeated what Tulsidas said. Why then do
they say that I am mad?

I don’t understand the control over firewood. It is not
something you can eat. If it is freely available, will anyone eat
it or burn it all up? They will burn only as much as is neces-
sary. Why then should there be control over it? I shall not be

satisfied till control on firewood is lifted. Today it has become

so scarce that the poor suffer.

People ask me to press for decontrol of petrol also. I must
say that control over petrol should be lifted and the sooner the
better. We shall only gain thereby. There will be more motor

vehicles on the roads which will only be for the good of the

masses. Of course if there were more trains plying there would
be no need for so much petrol. But laying more railway lines
involves expenditure running into crores. We must make the best
use of what we have. We have for the present all the railways
we need. There are enough roads for going from one place to
another. Only there is no petrol. What we need today is not
rail transport but motor transport. I am sure that if petrol is
decontrolled motor transport will increase. Lifting of controls is
leading everywhere to lowering of prices. No decontrolled article
has shown a rise in price. If this had not been so I would not
be getting all these telegrams. Decontrol of petrol and increase
in road transport will facilitate the movement of food and cloth
in the country. Salt too will be more easily available.

It is the price of salt that needs to be cut down the most.
The tax on salt has been withdrawn, but the price of salt has
increased, which is wrong. We have not learnt to make salt.
We have a vast sea coast and we should have no shortage of
salt. Even a child can make salt out of sea-water. If I bring
a little sea-water from the Bay of Bengal, I can easily convert
it into salt. It is a pity that one has to pay so much for this
commodity and take so much trouble. The reason is that salt is
not being easily transported from where it is manufactured. I
know a mistake has been made in this regard in appointing
contractors to transport salt. They have become dishonest and are
making a lot of money. Others cannot transport salt. This contract
system should be changed and the control over salt should be lifted.
Two things are important, the change in the contract system
and the organization of road transport. That will do for today.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 247-9

272. MATTER WELL PLACED

Compost is matter well placed, whereas rubbish and excreta,
solid and liquid, are matter misplaced when they are allowed to
lie anyhow to the discomfort of the public and detriment to
their health. It is a criminal waste depriving mother earth of
her precious food. Thus says Shrimati Mirabehn in her leaflet
reproduced in full’ in the Harijan, 23-ll-’47, pp. 428-9:

We do not treat our Mother Earth properly. She does her best
to feed us all, but we do not feed her in return. How can she sustain
us, her children, if we do not serve her as dutiful children should serve
a revered mother? Year after year we plough, sow and reap harvests
from the fields, but very rarely do we give any manure to the soil,
and even what we give is usually \i?di-kachcha^ rubbish. Just as we need
well-cooked food, so does the soil need well-prepared manure.

The curious may get a copy of the leaflet from her at the
Kisan Ashram, Rishikesh, near Haridwar.^

New Delhi, December 29, 1947
Harijan, 4-1-1948

273. “DHAH’’ OE DUST

I could have given the heading “Dhan from Dust”. But
I have chosen “Dhan of Dust”.

The process of sifting the grains from dust means obtaining
dhan from dust. Similarly the industrious people of China col-
lect gold dust by washing mud or sand. This too I would call
dhan from dust. This is a transformation of the dust and much
more so of the grains. Normally we use the term dhan for food-
grain. But when we use the word dhan for the grains of gold
in dust, is it not a great transformation? Here dhan means some
useful object whose value can be determined.

But when we say “wealth of dust” it implies a chemical
transformation of dust. For instance, when we convert the dust,

’ Under the title “How to Grow More Food”

^ Imperfect

^ According to a “Note” in Harijan, 8-2-1948, her correct address was:
Ashram Pashulok, Rishikesh, Dehradun, U. P.

313

314

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

that is, earth into grains, we have converted the dust into wealth.
When we sow the seeds in the earth and water them properly,
it produces grain. I would call this creating dhan from dust. Our
language has not become precise because we have neglected it.

Let me now come to the main point. I consider “com-
post” dhan of dust. Compost means the gold-like manure made
from a proper mixture of such matter as cow-dung, faeces, drop-
pings of birds and animals, grass, chaff, refuse, urine, etc. If we
mix such manure with the earth in the field and then sow the
seeds, it will yield at least double the crop and yet the soil will
not lose its fertility.

Mirabehn is working hard in this direction. She has set
up an ashram at Rishikesh. There she expects to carry on the
work which she had begun in Delhi. She has started issuing
small pamphlets on this subject. These pamphlets can be ob-
tained from her. Her pamphlet is published in Urdu. She
writes it in English as she does not have sufficient knowledge of
Hindustani and people working under her render it into Urdu.

New Delhi, December 29, 1947

[From Gujarati]

Harijanbandhu, 4-1-1948

274. “URDU HARIJAJV"

Readers know that two editions of Harijan in identical lan-
guage are brought out every week — one in the Devanagari script
and the other in the Urdu script. One which is printed in the
Urdu script is called the Urdu Harijan. Shri Jivanji writes about
its steadily dwindling circulation.*

I have always been of the opinion that no newspaper should
be published at a loss. People should subscribe to the paper
they want. I do not regard a journal self-supporting which meets
its expenses out of advertisements. I allowed the Urdu edition
to continue at a loss so long only because Harijan on the whole
with all its language editions did not incur any loss. However
there should be a limit to that also. My views on Hindustani
and the two scripts remain unchanged. So for some time the
Urdu edition will come out as usual. In the mean time the

* The letter is not reproduced here. Jivanji Desai had stated that the
circulation of the Urdu Harijan had fallen to 250 copies from 1,800 copies
and that it was running at a loss of Rs. 20,000 per year.

LETTER TO PYARELAL

315

readers of the Gujarati edition and others should decide whe-
ther they would like to have the Urdu edition. If they want
it they should help to enrol subscribers till the circulation
reaches at least two thousand. Along with this they should also
give thought to another point. It will become my duty to
close down the Devanagari Harijan^ also if people show an aver-
sion to the Urdu script and the Urdu edition has to be stopped.
I do not consider it right to bring out Harijan exclusively in the
Devanagari. As a reformer it is my duty to bring out the paper
either in both the scripts or in neither.

Much has been written on why the language is called
“Hindustani” and not “Hindi” and why it should be written in
both the Devanagari and Urdu scripts. I cannot think of any
new arguments. My intention in writing this is to discuss how
the Harijan in the Urdu script may be kept going. I feel con-
fident that my hope will be realized.

New Delhi, December 29, 1947

[From Gujarati]

Harijanbandku, 4-1-1948

275. LETTER TO PTARELAL^

December 29, 1947

CHI. PYARELAL,

Please make the attempt.

Remember this: If you have assimilated my message, as long
as you are free go on teaching the people to protect themselves.
If death comes in the course of your mission of non-violence,
you will embrace it. If they throw you into prison, you may fast
unto death. Those who have this strength may stay on in Noakhali
and face death, undeterred by what may befall the women. One
ought not to run away in fear. Ask me again if you wish.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a facsimile of the Gujarati: Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol.
II, between pp. 496 and 497

* Harijan Sevak

^ The addressee had asked what Gandhiji would expect the workers in
Noakhali to do in the event of a war between the two Dominions and
whether planned evacuation could be arranged for the women from there.

276. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL

CHI. VALLABHBHAI,

. . met me only yesterday,
were going to Jammu, nor did
companied you. He also said
perhaps have made suggestions
After meeting Randhawa^
time if I could write direct to

SaRDAR VALLABHBHAI PaTEL
1 Aurangzeb Road
New Delhi

[From Gujarati]

Birla House,

December 29, 1947

He said he did not know you
he know that the Jamsaheb^ ac-
that if he had known, he would
or sent a letter. Is this correct?

I felt that it would save your
him. Would that be in order?

Blessings from

Bapu

Bapuna Patro—2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 377

277. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

December 29, 1947

. . Religion makes for peace, love and joy in the world.
But man is an animal and possessing an intellect he goes on com-
mitting greater and greater sins. Therefore if we look at it in
the right way science and religion are complementary to each
other.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 193

* Omission as in the source
^ Of Saurashtra

^ Deputy Commissioner of Delhi
^ Omission as in the source

316

278. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

December 29, 1947

Medical science too has been much abused. Doctors and
vaidyas have been exploiting it for fleecing their patients. In
many instances they have even killed their patients. Through
advertisements of drugs making false claims, people are made
to pay at times even with their lives. But only the abuse needs
to be stopped. From this it does not follow that medical
science has been intended as a way of cheating and fleecing
people.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, p. 193

279. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

December 29, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Yesterday was the death anniversary of Hakim Ajmal Khan.
Hakim Ajmal Khan belonged to all — Hindus, Muslims, Chris-
tians, Parsis and Jews. He was a devout Muslim. But he served
everyone with equal devotion. The finest memorial to his labours
was the famous Tibbia College and hospital at Delhi. All classes
of students studied unani, ayurvedic and allopathic systems of
medicine there. The communal poison, for which there was no
place in this institution, has forced it to close down. I think
the sole reason for this is that its founder Hakim Ajmal Khan
was a Muslim, however good and however respected. If the
memory of that great patriot cannot bury the communal strife
let it at least give a new life to this college.

I mentioned earlier that it would be good to have our
meetings in the open air under the canopy of the sky. If the
habit grows we will have to make suitable arrangements for the

* As Gandhiji was observing silence, his written speech was read out
after the prayers.

317

318

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

site, etc., accordingly. In towns big and small we will have

to have open space for the purpose. We will have to change
our habits. We will have to learn to be quiet rather than noisy
and we will have to learn to sit in an orderly way. We must
learn also to speak only when we must and at a pitch that is
sufficient for the occasion, neither too high nor too low. We
should respect the right of our neighbour and not come in the
way of others, individually or in groups. We should not inter-
fere with other people’s business. This will require on many
occasions extreme self-restraint. In such an order of things the
dirt and noise we find in the busiest areas of Delhi will no
longer be there and however large the crowds there will be no
pushing and jostling and no confusion. We must not think that
we can never reach that goal. Some group or other will have
to take the initiative and work for this sincerely. Just think how
much saving it will mean in energy and expenditure.

I have been severely reprimanded for what I said concern-
ing Kashmir and its Maharaja'. It seems to me that those who
upbraid me have not really read attentively what I said. The
advice I gave is the kind of advice the humblest man may
give. Occasionally it becomes one’s duty to offer such advice. If
the Maharaja had acted on my advice he would have risen
very high in his own eyes and in the eyes of the world. To-
day his own plight and the plight of his State are not enviable.
Kashmir is a Hindu State, the majority of its people being
Muslims. The raiders called their raids a jihad. They say that the
Muslims of Kashmir are being ground down under the tyranny
of Hindu raj and that they have come for their succour.

The Maharaja has invited Sheikh Abdullah at just the right
time. The task is new for Sheikh Abdullah. But if the Maharaja
thinks the Sheikh can shoulder the burden he should be
encouraged in every way. It seems obvious to me, as it should
seem obvious to others outside, that if Sheikh Abdullah cannot
carry with him the minority as well as the majority, Kashmir
cannot be saved by military might alone. Both the Maharaja
and the Sheikh asked India for armed assistance.

My advice to the Maharaja is that he should be a constitu-
tional sovereign like the King of England and run his government
and use the Dogra army^ according to the advice of Sheikh
Abdullah and his Interim Cabinet. What is there so strange

1 Vide p. 298.

^ The Jammu and Kashmir State Forces

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

319

about this? The terms of the State’s accession to the Union remain
as before. They confer certain rights on the rulers. I have
ventured to advise the Maharaja that he should voluntarily relin-
quish or limit these rights and play his constitutional role as a
Hindu ruler.

If the reports I get are inaccurate they should be put right.
If my views regarding Hinduism and the duties of a Hindu ruler
are erroneous, there is no question of any weight being given to
my advice. If the Sheikh as the Chief of the Emergency Admin-
istration or as a true Muslim is found wanting in doing his duty
he should remove himself from the scene and hand over the reins
of administration to a better man. Today Hinduism and Islam
are being tested on the soil of Kashmir. If the right thing is
done and the right direction given to the process the chief actors
will win fame. It is my prayer that in the present darkness in
the country Kashmir may become the star that provides light.

So much for the Maharaja and Sheikh Saheb. Will not the
Governments of Pakistan and the Union come together and de-
cide the issue with the help of impartial Indians? Is there no
one in India who is impartial? I am sure we have not become
bankrupt to that extent.

A lady from Mathura has sent Rs. 50 by M. O. for buying
blankets for the refugees. She does not disclose her name even to
me. She wants me to acknowledge receipt in my prayer speech.
I accordingly do so.

It is surprising that people of the States whose rulers have
expressed a desire to accede to India are sending me telegrams
full of complaints. If a raja or a jagirdar feels that he cannot
carry on the administration all by himself, who can force him
to keep his State as a separate entity? Those who spend money
on these telegrams would be better advised to save their money.
It seems to me those behind these telegrams have some axe to
grind. They should go to the Home Secretary for advice.

Several Muslims especially in the Post and Telegraph Department
say that they had earlier declared their willingness to stay in the
Union for propaganda purposes and that they now want to change
their option. There are also Muslims who have been dismissed
from service. I think the reason for this can only be that they
are suspected of being anti-Hindu. I sympathize with them. But
I feel that however unjustified the suspicion may be in individual
instances it should be forgiven and they should not give way to
anger. I can only offer my well-tried prescription. Very few
people can get into Government jobs. It should never be one’s

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aim in life to secure a Government job. One’s aim in life should
only be to live honestly. If a man is willing to use his hands
he will always find scope to make an honest living. I think that
if Muslims want to retain their self-respect they should not run
after Government jobs to the extent of going to Pakistan for them.
Power comes from true service. Often power becomes a cause for
one’s downfall. To fight for it is unseemly. At the same time
it is the duty of the Government to create opportunities of em-
ployment for the large number of unemployed men and women.
If the task is handled with skill it can bring benefits to the Govern-
ment instead of being a strain. I assume here that those for
whom work has to be found will be of sound health and will be
willing workers, not shirkers.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 249-53

280. LETTER TO HOSA RASHID^

December 30, 1947

DEAR DAUGHTER^,

You are silly. I would have welcomed your Hindustani
however imperfect it would have been. As it is, I can hardly
decipher your signature. Of this more when we meet. Do come
with your friend and stay with me if you wish and will stand
discomfort.

Amtul Salaam writes to me often enough. I am sending her
your letter. She will be pleased.

Love.

Bapu

Begum Rashid

17 Yashwant Nivas Road

Indore

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

* Widow of Abdul Rashid Khan, brother of Amtussalaam
^ The superscription is in Hindi.

281. LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH

December 30, 1947

CHI. MUNNALAL,

If you can free yourself from the work there, you may
come over whenever you wish.

Blessings from
Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 7225. Courtesy: Munnalal G. Shah

282. LETTER TO JIVANJL D. DESAL

December 30, 1947

CHI. JIVANJI,

I am sending very little English material this time. The
Gujarati matter, I feel, is sufficient. I am sending Sundarlal’s
Hindi and English articles. You may, if you wish, break up
both into instalments. If I feel like it, I may send something
more tomorrow.

You will see what I have done in regard to the Urdu [Harijan].^

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9990. Also C. W. 6964. Cour-
tesy: Jivanji D. Desai

> Vide pp. 314-5.

90-21

321

283. LETTER TO SHARD A G. CHOKHAWALA

December 30, 1947

CHI. BABUDI,

You must not be impatient. Follow Sushila’s' instructions.
Having placed oneself in the hands of a doctor, it is best to do
what he says. Nobody can truly foretell the future. One can do
no more than guess. That being so, persistence in one course is
the best remedy. Do nothing unwillingly or under anybody’s
pressure. Give up all worry.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10082. Courtesy: Sharda G. Chokhawala

284. LETTER TO CHLMANLAL K SHAH

December 30, 1947

CHI. CHIMANLAL,

I have fixed Rs. 50,000 for the Hindustani Prachar [Sabha].
Hand over the amount to Nanavati^. I expect you know that
he has now been appointed Secretary.

Let us see what happens in Sharda’s case. Sushila who
is going there will take the decision.

In the case of Champa^, I leave [the decision] to you. I
think it is best that she should quit the Ashram. The burden,
however, is to be borne by you. Hence if you find it too heavy,
harden your heart and tell her clearly ‘No’. You may take it
that it is for the good of all that the decision may not be taken
by me.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

* Dr. Sushila Nayyar

^ Amritlal T. Nanavati, Secretary, Hindustani Prachar Sabha, Wardha
^ Champa R. Mehta

322

285. LETTER TO MORARJI DESAI

December 30, 1947

BHAI MORARJI,

Herewith Balubhai’s letter and a cutting. Please do what
is needed and write to me if you have anything to say. If the
information given in the letter is correct there is some substance
in the complaint.

Isn’t it proper that food control has been lifted if only in
the urban areas? Another letter suggesting this is from Shrilal,
which also I am enclosing.

The third letter is from Boriavi. This is about milk. Please
look into that, too. Please return the letters after you have made
use of them.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

286. LETTER TO RAMDAS GANDHI

December 30, 1947

CHI. RAMDAS,

This, a casual one. May you all progress in your spirit of
service. That will be as good as doing all [that you should].
And for that too your health must be all right.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

287. LETTER TO HARSHADRAM

December 30, 1947

BHAI HARSHADRAM,

I have both your letters, one to Dr. Mehta, dated the 21st
and another to me, dated the 24th. Bulsaria also writes what
you say. I have not been able to know who among those who
write to me is looking after the work of Vachchharaj. Do you

323

324

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

all work as a team or separately ? You should not work separately.
In the case of voluntary service all the workers should be comrades.
I cannot know from here how much rent you should take from
Vallabhram. That is why I must have used ‘reasonable’ or some
such expression.

I cannot recollect having got a letter earlier.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

288. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

December 30, 1947

The notion that our own religion alone is true and all
others are false is instilled in children right from their infancy.
So they develop the attitude that what they believe alone is true.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 195

289. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

December 30, 1947

DAUGHTER AMTUL SALAAM,

You will be glad to read this letter. I have given you per-
mission to come. The Maharaja of Patiala saw me. I told him
about your family. Let us see what happens.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 593

290. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

December 30, 1947

I hold that self-government is not an end, but only a means
to good government. And true democracy is what promotes the
welfare of the people. The test of a good government lies in
the largest good of the people with the minimum of controls.
The test of autocracy, socialism, capitalism, etc., is also people’s
welfare or good government. In themselves they are of no value.
Any system of government can fail if people do not have honesty
and a feeling of brotherhood. There may be work, there may be
men to do the work and tools with which to do it, yet in my
view a system that admits of poverty and unemployment is not
fit to survive even for a day.

How are you all? I myself am quite fit. I have to do or
die here. Manu is ill. She has been having high fever for the
last two days. This girl has learnt much but she neglects her
health. Unless she has high fever she goes on working. She inflicts
much brutality and violence on her body. Doctors suspect
typhoid. We shall see. Even though sick she goes on doing me
acts of service. I have just put her to sleep.

Blessings to all the children.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 196

291. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 30, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I told you yesterday in my written message and I also
mentioned earlier that we should all know our respective places.
We must know when to speak and when to keep silent and how
to conduct ourselves, so that even if millions are there there
should be no disturbance and no feeling of crowding. This is

325

326 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

what happens with armies. They maintain an external discipline.
What happens internally is another matter. We have not had
this kind of training. I have often noticed that, when after the
prayer I rise to go, people want to take a peep at me from all
around and crowd round me. Good manners demand that after
the prayer meeting is over everyone should quietly remove him-
self. Each one should ponder on whatever good things I may
have said and go home.

I have a letter from Bahawalpur. I once spoke about Baha-
walpur to you.' The people there liked what I said. They want
me to mention the matter again and repeat that all the Hindus
and Sikhs who are still there and who want to leave the place
should be allowed to do so. All those who want to come have
not been able to come. There are still a large number of people
there. They want that no obstacle should be placed in their way
and they should not be subjected to any assaults. Whether my
saying anything on the subject will have any effect God alone
knows. But one must make an effort whatever the effectiveness of
one’s effort might be. Of course the Nawab has said that Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs are equal in his eyes. And he is equally in-
terested in the welfare of all his subjects. When he says so, who
am I to question his motives? Still I can plead with him and
his officials that those Hindus and Sikhs who do not want to stay
there should be allowed to leave. It is his duty to put them on
a train and have them safely escorted to the border. But even if
he cannot do so he can at any rate allow them to leave on their
own, taking away such of their property as they can. It will be
a matter of thankfulness if he can do this much. But I do not
want to limit myself to only making a plea to the Nawab. I want
to tell Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah and his Government that today it
has become impossible for a Hindu or any non-Muslim to live
peaceably in Sind. Those Hindus who are called untouchables are
particularly harassed there and they have no means of livelihood.
They at least should not be subjected to indignities. Those who
are not happy living there should be allowed to leave. If their
conditions of life are made easy even those who have left Sind
will go back there, seeing that Sind has regained its former
state. But at present that is not the case. Even their schools
have been taken over for the use of refugees who have gone
there from Kathiawar. They say that the needs of the refugees
are the first priority. How can Hindus live in Sind under such

' Vide p. 288.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

327

conditions? It will only mean that Pakistan has become Islam-
istan where no non-Muslim may live or where he can live only
as a slave. I think no one will like to be a slave. This sort of
thing is in no one’s interest. I have many other things to say
and only fifteen minutes to say them.

I had spoken to you about Pandharpur.' There is a temple
there of Lord Vithoba. It is the largest temple in Maharashtra. I
have visited it. I had suggested that it should be opened to
Harijans. Afterwards the trustees of the temple also supported
my demand. When I got the news that the temple had been
opened to the Harijans I had told you of it. Everyone seemed
content and no voice was raised in opposition. Now they say
that a large number of Brahmin priests are unhappy over this
because the temple is visited by many Harijans every day. Some
of the priests seem to have gone on a fast. This has distressed
me. I have received this wire only today, and since I cannot
reach there in any other way I think I should make a mention
of the matter here and maybe my voice will reach Pandharpur.
I want to say in all humility and sincerity that those who have
resorted to the fast and still call themselves priests are really not
priests. They are serving neither themselves nor Hinduism. The
image in the temple is the image of Vithoba, i. e., of Krishna or
Vishnu. It could not be the will of Vishnu that some should
have His glimpse and others may not. In my view as long as
the Harijans were barred from the temple it had not been really
consecrated. Why should these people now fast? A Bill has been
passed concerning Harijans’ entry into temples. Even the law-
makers are Hindus. When millions of Hindus say that the temple
should be opened to Harijans, how can they say that it should
remain closed ? I see no merit in the fast. I think it is sinful and
should be given up. I think the priests should relent and say they
were mistaken and their eyes have now been opened. It cannot
be that in the temple of God one man should be admitted and
another kept out. It is believed that visiting a temple cleanses
the sinner of his sins in the same way as bathing in the Ganga
does. I personally do not support the view that the water from
the Ganga washes away the sins but it is a belief widely held.
And maybe it does good to one who bathes in the Ganga in the
faith that his sins will be washed away. Besides who can say
that Harijans are all sinners? There are among Harijans persons
of great merit as well as sinners.

I Vide Vol. LXXXIX, p. 478.

328

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

A complaint has been sent to me pertaining to Bombay.
It may be true of other places too. The complaint is that very
little rice is supplied to card-holders in Bombay, perhaps half a
seer in a week. This is wholly inadequate and will encourage
black-marketing. I will say that control should go. Some people
argue that rationing has brought much relief to cities. I think
it should be removed from the cities too. If everyone conducts
himself honestly there will be no need for controls.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 254-5

292. TATTASAHEB KELKAR

Friends have more than once asked me why I have not
noticed the death of so great a patriot as Tatyasaheb Kelkar^,
especially because he was a political opponent and more so be-
cause I am much misunderstood among a school of Maha-
rashtrians. These reasons made no appeal to me: the very rea-
sons which according to my critics should have prompted my
notice.

I conceive it to be very unseemly to notice proforma such
a serious event as death. But I must do so now, though it is
late, because of the importunity of one of my oldest friends —
Haribhau Phatak.

I would at once admit that if it was usual for the Harijan
to notice important deaths and births then Tatyasaheb’s death
should be among the first to merit notice. But industrious read-
ers will have noticed that the Harijan has not followed any
such practice. Notice has depended upon my whim of the mo-
ment and leisure. For some time past I have been unable to
read newspapers regularly.

Whatever may be said to the contrary, Tatyasaheb, though
a political opponent, I had always counted as a friend whose
criticism was profitable. I knew and honoured him as the late
Lokamanya’s^ valued follower. It was, I fancy, in 1919 that

’ N. C. Kelkar who died on October 4, 1947

^ Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-1920); nationalist leader, scholar and writer;
one of the founders of the Deccan Education Society, Kesari and Mahratta',
was sentenced to six years’ deportation in 1908; launched the Home Rule
Movement along with Annie Besant in 1916; started the Congress Democratic
Party in 1920; author of The Orion, The Arctic Plome of the Vedas and Gitarahasya

LETTER TO VALLABHRAM

329

I pleaded at an A. I. C. C. meeting for a constitution for the
Congress' and said that if the Lokamanya gave me Tatya-
saheb and the Deshbandhu^, Shri [I. B.]^ Sen, I would under-
take to draw up one for submission to the Congress. Be it said
to the credit of both the collaborators that though I submit-
ted my draft to them in time, they never interfered with it.
At the Committee that sat to consider the draft Tatyasaheb
always offered helpful criticism. It was again at my suggestion
that he was invariably appointed a member of the Working
Committee. I do not remember an occasion when his criticism
though sometimes bitter was not constructive. He was fearless
but polite and friendly.

I had early learnt that he was a scholarly writer of Mara-
thi. It has been my regret that I never got the time to learn
Marathi sufficiently to drink deep of the wisdom of the mo-
dern Marathi writers like Tatyasaheb and the late Hari Nara-
yan Apte. It would be churlish on my part to ignore the death
of so great a star like Shri Narasopant Chintaman Kelkar in the
Indian firmament.

New Delhi, December 31, 1947
Harijan, 4-1-1948

293. LETTER TO VALLABHRAM

December 31, 1947

BHAI VALLABHRAM,

I got your letter. Do go to Panchgani again when you
are in a position to do so.

I had tried bhilama‘^ under the supervision of a vaidya of
Poona named Joshi, after my release from jail. He had told me
that it benefited only if it was consumed in the proper man-
ner. Need I tell you this? I wish you to cultivate ideal health
of body and mind.

* In December 1919, at Amritsar the A. I. C. C. had appointed a sub-
committee, consisting of Gandhiji, N. C. Kelkar, I. B. Sen, A. Rangaswami
Iyengar and Vithalbhai Patel to consider the constitution of the Congress.
Vide Vol. XVI, pp. 374 and 463-4.

^ C. R. Das (1870-1925); was elected President of Indian National
Congress at Gaya, 1922, but resigned thereafter and organized Swarajya Party;
Mayor of Calcutta, 1924 and 1925

^ The source has “Nishith”, obviously a slip.

Semicarpus anacardium

330

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

I am not unaware of the chaos at Panchgani. But I find
myself helpless. Things were all right when Vachchharaj was
alive. His brother doesn’t have his capacity. You did well, how-
ever, in drawing my attention. When you go again now, you
may use your loving infiuence and get the necessary reforms
introduced.

I have been convinced for a long time of the truth of what
you say, namely, that if the Indian vaidyas don’t see their dharma
and act accordingly, they have no future.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 2922. Courtesy: Vallabhram

294. LETTER TO SHARD A G. CHOKHAWALA

^December 31, 1947Y

CHI. BABUDI,

I got your letter yesterday. I have already sent one through
Sushila. You are a wise girl and hence I expect you will not
worry on account of your health or anything else. One must
acquire the faith that God will keep one as He wishes. If one
gains this faith there can be no question of weeping either secretly
or openly.

I do get news of your health from some source or other. I
hear that the doctor there who looks after you is a very noble
lady, persevering and efficient. It is all right whether you are
cured under her treatment or you succumb to your illness.
Therefore, so long as the doctor does not wash her hands off
you, you had better stay where you are.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

The letter is placed in the source among those of this date.

295. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

December 31, 1947

We used to find the struggle against the British a hard task.
But today it seems to me that that fight was a comparatively
simple matter. The struggle today is much more difficult. We
could make a mountain out of a mole-hill during the British
regime. Today we are cutting at our own roots. When duty
calls we run away from it. We cannot establish good government
without purification. We have deserved the present regime because
we have not purified ourselves. This, in my view, is not swaraj.
Swaraj means that under our own government one will live and
let others live a simple life.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 201

296. A LETTER

December 31, 1947

BHAI SHAHEED,

I read in the newspapers that you had fallen ill and there-
fore could not go to Lucknow.* What is this? How are you
now?

Dinshaw and Jehangir Patel came here and have gone back.
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

For the Indian Union Muslims’ Conference

331

297. LETTER TO HOSHIARI

\Decemher 31, 1947y

CHI. HOSHIARI,

I wrote you a letter which you must have received. It
pains me that you are not keeping good health. It is our
duty to be able to face any situation. If we grow like that
there will be no reason for worry. Do come over here if it is
necessary. You must keep Gajaraj there; he ought to remain
there, he should have the strength to live by himself. Perhaps
this is what I have already written.

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

298. LETTER TO BALVAJVTSIJVHA

New^ Delhi,

December 31, 1947

CHI. BALVANTSINHA,

I have your letter. I have already written a letter to you
and along with it to Hoshiari also. You must have got it by
now. It might be good for Hoshiari to come here. So she may
as well come. Gajaraj is to stay on there, I suppose, and he is
now used to living alone. I understand what you say about
Sharda. I take a detached view. It is all right if she passes
away. Well and good if she survives. If she dies she will be
released from pain and have a new body. That is no small matter.
And if she recovers and lives she will render service. Now
Sushila is there for a couple of days; she will discuss everything.

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

^ The letter is placed in the source among those of this date.

332

299. TALK WITH SUBHADRA GUPTA AND OTHERS^

December 31, 1947

How can they (the refugees) have any confidence in you or
respect for you when you go among them like up-to-date eves
decked out in silks? And then you tell them to wear self-spun
khadi and do the cleaning. ... I do not care if only half a dozen
of you go. If there is simplicity, sincerity and purity within and
without, your work will flourish. After doing full justice to your
overloaded breakfast tables in your spacious bungalows you alight
from posh cars dangling your stylish vanity bags, while those you
are supposed to serve cannot even afford the luxury of a bath
for lack of a change of clothes. Do you ever care to think that
you are going to see people who had to leave behind properties
worth thousands ? . . . Social service these days has become a means
for getting on in the world. Many socialites have consequently
taken to this profitable hobby. There are of course exceptions
but they are few and far between. I want women workers who
would set an example in self-help, simplicity and dignity of labour.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, p. 683, and Dilhiman Gandhiji — II,

pp. 201-2

300. A MESSAGE^

New Delhi,
December 31, 1947

I am certain that no sin or guilt can be imputed to those
Hindu and Sikh sisters who have been abducted, molested or
converted by Muslims. They should be received with open arms
and given the same place which they occupied before in society.

The saintly poet Tulsidas once said: “Compassion is the
root of religion.” If we do not show regard to those sisters of
ours, we cease to have any religion at all.

The Hindu, 1-1-1948

^ The report in Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase has been collated with
the Gujarati version in Dilhiman Gandhiji.

^ The message, addressed to the refugees, was released through the
Ministry of Relief and Rehabilitation.

333

301. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

New Delhi,

December 31, 1947

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Here are a few questions. Let me see how many of them
I can deal with.

A friend writes to ask how, when Hindus and Sikhs cannot
live peacefully in Sind, the Hindus from Punjab can be asked to
go back. Has there been some significant change of heart? I
think the correspondent could not have asked the question if
he had known the whole situation. What I had told the
Punjab Hindus was after a meeting I had with some Muslim
friends.' I cannot yet definitely advise the Punjab refugees to
go back. It is right that so long as Hindus and Sikhs cannot
live happily in Sind I cannot have any hopes as regards the
Punjab either. At present the complaints I am receiving from
all sides seem to be as to why Hindus and Sikhs from other
places in Pakistan are not being allowed to come.

A few men from Chitral and Swat came to see me. They
say there are still 251 Hindus in those places. I said that this
was not a very large number. In Sind there are Hindus and
Sikhs in much greater numbers and when they cannot come
how can you expect the few in Swat and Chitral to be allowed
to leave? The Government is doing what it can and so long
as all the Hindus and Sikhs stranded in Pakistan do not arrive
here it will not rest. I shall therefore not speak of the refugees
returning to Pakistan till there is a change of heart. I know
that if there is a change of heart in one place the same thing
will happen at other places. If we have a change of heart here
there will be a change of heart in Pakistan. It will take some
effort no doubt but there will be a change. After all madness
seized us only after it had seized people in Pakistan. I shall not go
into the various stages and degrees of madness. If sanity does not
return we shall lose both India and Pakistan. There will be a
war. The present state cannot last. People say that the required
change in the situation has already taken place, that Hindus and
Sikhs have come to India and Muslims from India have gone to

' Vide pp. 212-3.

334

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

335

Pakistan. They point out that transfer of populations of such
magnitude cannot be reversed. I do not hold this view. Even
if I am the only one to say it I shall still say that so long as
people do not go back to their homes there will be no peace
in the two countries. All the comforts you can provide to the
Sikh and Hindu refugees are not going to heal the wounds they
have suffered. It will be a matter of perpetual distress to them
that they have lost their hearths and homes and if there is a war
in fifty years’ time or a hundred years’ time, they are going to
remember this. Such things are not forgotten.

A friend asks if the refugee camps cannot be made cen-
tres of training in handicrafts. This is certainly possible if even
a single refugee wants it. It will not be necessary for me to
bring any pressure on the Government to do this. It will readily
agree to do what will save them the enormous expenditure they
incur at present in running these camps. This will also enable
the refugees to earn their livelihood without losing self-respect.
I suggested that the friend should campaign for this and create
an atmosphere where the refugees will themselves ask that they
should be taught handicrafts. This will raise India higher and
arrest the rot that has set in in India.

A lady has just given me this note. She is I think a Hindu
from Pakistan. She says she had gone out for a short period
and when she returned she found the lock of her house broken
and some Sikhs occupying the house. She went to the police
and had them arrested. One of them escaped. Now she wants
to know what she should do — whether she should leave the
house? I would not advise her to leave. I did not advise even
those coming from Pakistan to leave their houses. But what is
my advice worth ? People will not be ready to lay down their
lives on my saying so. I shall advise the lady not to leave her
house. Why did the Sikh friends forcibly enter her house? The
refugees should declare that they will not force themselves on
anyone, nor enter anyone’s house without permission. They should
live on what little money they get.

A lady has written to me a beautiful letter. She does not
give her name and address. She says she listens to my speeches
every day on the radio, but that the hymns and bhajans sung
at the meeting are not relayed. She suggests that if not every
day at least once every third or fourth day the prayer should be
broadcast; that my speeches are only of mundane significance,
while prayers are something spiritual. My speeches are recorded
by the radio people and then relayed. I have no hand in

336 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

this. Maybe they think that what I say will make for public
good. I do not know what is possible for the radio people to
do. But I think the bhajans sung here, however badly sung
they may be, should be relayed. I respect the sister for what
she has written. I must however disagree with her when she
separates the prayer from the prayer speech. I have told you
that what I say after the prayer is part of the prayer. I can-
not sing it to you and my voice has no sweetness. Besides, I
have grown so old that I would not be able to sing even if I
wanted. So the girls sing and sing well. Whatever therefore is
said or sung here is a prayer addressed to God. I should ad-
vise people to understand this.

Now about Junagadh and Ajmer. I spoke to you about
the telegrams from Junagadh. Now I have a telegram about
Ajmer. I know the story concerning Ajmer. What happened
there was pretty grim. But the telegram exaggerates it. Such
exaggeration only annoys people and provokes them. There
is already so much poison in Delhi; but to say that Muslim
property there is being plundered and their houses burnt, and
that the shrine is in danger, is not right. The fact is that no
one is going to touch the shrine. Why then do they send me
such telegrams? There certainly have been instances of looting
there. There also have been cases of arson and killings too.
This is not to be denied. But exaggerating it only makes it
smaller. I appeal to everyone to compare the report with the
events. Only then can we ensure the justice which we seek. If
we cannot confine ourselves to facts we are doomed.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy : All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 255-8

302. TALK WITH ENGLISH FRIENDS^

December 31, 1947^

No human being or religious institution is perfect in this
imperfect world. Religious institutions are an answer to the chal-
lenge of the age and the particular circumstances prevailing at
the time. Today we worship Christ but the Christ in the fiesh
we crucified. Stoning prophets and erecting churches to their

^ Who, accompanied by Amrit Kaur, met Gandhiji in the evening
2 From Dilhiman Gandhiji

LETTER TO KARL STRUVE

337

memory afterwards has been the way of the world through the
ages. They in the past could at least plead in mitigation that
they did not know what they were doing. We can offer no such
defence. And as the Confucian saying goes, “To know what is
right and not to do it is cowardice.”

In theory, a perfect religion is possible. But mankind has
not known any so far just as no man can claim to have seen
God. It is this that has been the goal of my aspiration and
striving for the last sixty years. I cannot claim to have attained
complete success but I feel I am coming closer to it every day
and that is enough for me.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, p. 697

303. LETTER TO KARL STRUVE^

Birla House, New Delhi,

January 1, 1948

dear friend,

I thank you for your letter of 11th November^ which I
have just received.

I have not seen the report you refer to. In any case, what-
ever I have said does not refer in any way to the failure of ahimsa,
but it refers to my failure to recognize, until it was too late,
that what I had mistaken for ahimsa was not ahimsa, but passive
resistance of the weak, which can never be called ahimsa even
in the remotest sense. The internecine feud that is going on today
in India is the direct outcome of the energy that was set free
during the thirty years’ action of the weak. Hence, the proper
way to view the present outburst of violence throughout the world
is to recognize that the technique of unconquerable non-violence
of the strong has not been discovered as yet. Not an ounce of
non-violent strength is ever wasted. I must not, therefore, flatter
myself with the belief nor allow friends like you to entertain the
belief that I have exhibited any heroic and demonstrable non-
violence in myself as yet. All I can claim is that I am sailing
in that direction without a moment’s stoppage. This confession

' This, along with the addressee’s letter, appeared in Harijan under the
title “Ahimsa Never Fails”.

^ Vide Appendix III.

90-22

338

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

should Strengthen your belief in non-violence and spur you and
friends like you to action along the path of non-violence.

Yours sincerely,

M. K. Gandhi

Karl Struve, Esq.

Wenterf Bei Reinbek

From a photostat: G. N. 860

304. LETTER TO PRAGJI K. NATAK

New Delhi,

January 1, 1948

BHAI PRAGJI,

I have your letter.

I am pained by such ignorance on the part of an eminent
person like you. And why all this hatred of the Muslims?

If we do not prefix Shri to a man’s name we should then
use Mr. If not that, then ji for a Hindu, and saheb for a Mus-
lim— what is improper about this?

Serve the people where you are, that will be much better
than coming to me.

Bapu

Pragjibhai Kalyanji Nayak, Engineer

Mama’s Pole

Baroda

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

305. FRAGMENT OF A LETTERS

January 1, 1948

So your brother has departed. I had not even known
that he was ill. We must be thankful that God has relieved him
of his suflfering. One day all of us — you, I and our near and
dear ones — have to go. Now all over the country hundreds
are dying every day. Many have left behind orphans with no

one to support them. Many others have lost innocent children
of tender age. You must consider the plight of the country and
console yourself. It is selfish to think only of one’s own sorrow.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 206

‘ This was addressed to a woman.

306. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 1, 1948

Blind imitation is evidence of paralysis of the mind. How
can we apply the rule of measure for measure to something that
is bad and imitate it? It betrays meanness to talk about the
number of Muslims killed in India or the number of Hindus
killed in Pakistan. May God grant good sense to all. Today I
am sustained only by this prayer.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhirmn Gandhiji — II, p. 210

307. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 1, 1948

In my opinion there is no improvement in the situation
here. For the present I am here but I am not sure what it will
be possible to do. If there is peace in the city it is only from
fear of the police. There is lire in people’s hearts. That lire must
either consume me or must be extinguished. No third way seems
likely at the moment.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, p. 206

308. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 1, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Today is New Year’s Day according to the English calendar.
I am happy to see such a large number of people gathered here.
I regret that it took no less than 7 minutes for us to make room
for the women to sit. Even one minute lost at such a meeting is
hundreds of thousands of minutes lost to hundreds of thousands
of people. Our brothers should learn to offer first place to the

339

340

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

sisters. The country where women are not honoured is not really
civilized. According to Manu’ men and women should both under-
stand their own limits. We should learn to behave with added
restraint now that we are free. I hope the audience attending
the prayer meetings will be even larger in future. But all those
that come should come with prayer in their hearts, for prayer is
the food for the heart. We cannot get anywhere else such food
as we get from God. I also hope that the audience will maintain
silence and will return to their homes in silence.

Recently there was a Harijan conference in U. P., at which
it is reported, a minister preached to the Harijans that they
should give up their unclean habits, unclean living and unclean
clothes and abstain from alcohol. A Harijan countered that the
Government could burn up the unclean clothes just as it could
have palm trees cut down and wine shops closed. I admire the
courage of the Harijan friend. I for one make gur from palm. I
shall advise the Harijan brethren that the cure is in their own
hands. Even if liquor is sold in shops they should keep away
from it as they would from poison. In fact liquor is worse than
poison. Labourers drink in order to forget their domestic worries.
Poison can only kill the body. Liquor can kill even the soul.
One loses the ability to control one’s action. I would advise
the Government to close down liquor shops and to replace them
by eating-houses where people could get pure and light food.
Here they should distribute books from which people could learn
something and they should provide to them some harmless en-
tertainment. But there should be no place for cinema. This
will help people to give up alcohol. I say this from my experi-
ence of many countries. I have seen this in India and I had
seen it also in South Africa. I am quite sure that giving up
alcohol increases both the physical vigour of man and his capacity
to earn. It is for this reason that prohibition has been a part
of the Congress programme since 1920. Now that we are free
the Government should redeem its pledge and give up the un-
holy excise revenue. It is not a real loss, for it will bring enor-
mous good to the people. This is the way to our prosperity.
We should achieve this through our own effort.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 258-9

* Codifier of Hindu Law, author of Manavadharmashastra, generally
known as Manusmriti

309. A NOTE^

[After January 1, 1948Y
I didn’t see the pen at all. I even inquired about it. If
you had told me, I would certainly have written. Now from
tomorrow after you have finished other things go for a bath.

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 8731

310. WANTED ACCURACY

A correspondent from Malabar writes:^

The confidence with which Shri Dev Prakash Nayyar has written
on the “Intellectual Content of the Takli” in the Harijan of 21-12-’47
takes one’s breath away. He has made out that all knowledge is con-
tained in the takli or can be derived from it or it is the quintessence of
knowledge. . . . No doubt, the takli, charkha and spinning have a place
in the proper scheme of education, especially, Nayee Talim, but to say
that the takli naturally takes you to mathematics, physics, economics, etc.,
is but “ sentimental nonsense ”. The laA/i-enthusiasts need not carry their
arguments in favour of spinning to a ridiculous extent. The cause of
spinning cannot be advanced that way.

The correspondent evidently has not read as carefully as
necessary Shri Dev Prakash Nayyar’ s contribution on the takli.
As I read it, he has advanced no such claim as the correspon-
dent imagines. The author has not said that “all knowledge is
contained in” or that “it is derived from” the takli, nor has he
said that it is “the quintessence of knowledge”. His thesis simply
is that much knowledge that we derive from the books can be
better given by competent teachers through crafts. The fact that
the correspondent who is a practised spinner of long standing is
“shocked” at Shri Dev Prakash Nayyar’s claim and calls it “sen-
timental nonsense” proves that education does not reside in the
takli, but it does in an educationist who, like Shri Dev Prakash
Nayyar, having tested the possibilities of the takli is entitled to
make the claim above mentioned.

This was scribbled on a letter from Nrisimhaprasad K. Bhatt
dated January 1.

^ Only extracts from the letter are reproduced here.

341

342

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

I fear I must deprive the correspondent of the smug satis-
faction that not even I have attributed to the innocent-looking
takli more than “economic and moral virtues”. Even the modest
claim, I am sorry, has not found universal acceptance. I was
probably the first in India to ascribe what may be termed extra-
vagant virtue to the takli and the like. Practical teachers along the
line have found many more possibilities in handicrafts than I
had mentioned. All honour to them for it.

I would strongly advise the correspondent humbly to accept
Shri Dev Prakash Nayyar’s cautious claim and seek more infor-
mation from him as to how in the course of his giving his
pupils lessons in Nayee Talim, he came upon his discovery. If
the discovery is only imaginary, the correspondent will soon find
out to Shri Dev Prakash Nayyar’s discomfiture. The fall of an
apple from its branch is said to have enabled Newton’s rich mind
to discover the law of gravitation.

New Delhi, January 2, 1948
Harijan, 11-1-1948

311. LETTER TO D. G. TENDULKAR

New Delhi,
January 2, 1948

MY DEAR TENDULKAR',

Here are the addresses which I was able to correct between
yesterday and this morning under severe stress. I have removed
the inverted commas commencing with each paragraph. I hope
you will understand all the corrections and that I have not been
too late.^

Tours,

Bapu

D. G. Tendulkar
407 Kalbadevi Road
Bombay

From a facsimile; Mahatma, Vol. I, p. VII

' Author of Mahatma : Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, which was
published in eight volumes

^ Gandhiji took a keen interest in the addressee’s venture and on January
22, 1948, discussed with him “the smallest details” about the format, the
type, illustrations, standardization of spelling and so on.

312. FRAGMENT OF A LETTERS

January 2, 1948

The Gita rightly says that action without knowledge is of no
worth. I have had experience of this many times and many others
too will have had the experience. If action is informed by know-
ledge devotion comes on its own. To do this one must always
take one’s stand on truth. If one has come to realize truth
nothing else remains to be done. As we look into a mirror and
discover the lightest spots on our faces, so must we look into
our hearts. Only afterwards may we criticize others. Hardly any-
one can claim perfection for himself. It is my humble advice to
you that rather than observe the faults of . . . you should observe
your own. . . . should follow my advice only if he finds it good.
Otherwise he may reject it.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, pp. 212-3

313. LETTER TO JAISUKHLAL GANDHI

January 2, 1948

I find myself here in a fiery pit. It is difficult to say what
will happen. Maybe we shall know soon. Manu is completely
exhausted. Her condition has reached a stage where it causes
worry. The fault is perhaps as much mine as hers. I have made
her work eighteen hours at a stretch. And I have subjected her
to an equal or even greater mental strain. After all she is only
a young girl of sixteen or seventeen years. Still I am convinced
that if she only has Ramanama inscribed in her heart she will
suffer no physical enfeeblement. But how can I measure this?
So long as her condition does not improve it must remain a cause
of worry to me. In this yajna her part is of no small significance.
So many girls come to me. But in the matter of service Manu,
considering her age, surpasses all the others. And if I had not
sent for her, I would have carried the guilt of having done her
injustice. Now my only wish is to see her restored to health.

* Omissions in the letter are as in the source.

343

344

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

I cannot say how long I shall have to stay here. I have
to do or die. There is no third way.

How is your health ? I hope you are not continuing the dietetic
experiments. Manu will write the rest. I am well. It is God’s
mercy that under the present strain I am able to keep myself fit.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 213

314. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 2, 1948

Man today is afraid of man, afraid of his neighbour. How
can I then talk about national issues? We deliberately bring
suffering on ourselves, deceive ourselves. No one can harm an-
other. In my view man is himself the cause of his sufferings.
This city which is the metropolis of the country has the appear-
ance of a dead city. No one trusts anyone. Such peace as one
finds is to be attributed to the fear of the police. Why is it
that the freedom achieved through non-violence is sought to be
sustained by violence? I have been searching my heart. I find
despair there. Maybe it was the will of God that I should wit-
ness this day. Now I have to do or die. Let us see how much
I have yet to overcome to reach the state of sthitaprajna. I thank
God that he woke me up at last.

Manu is seriously ill. The girl has tremendous energy but
she has become weak in the body. I admit that I have treated
her harshly and this is the result of that. After all how much can
her poor body bear? I have extracted much physical work from
her and even more mental work. But I have the satisfaction that
she has lost nothing. I have trained her well. If only I could
bring her back to health now! She is careless about her health.
She forgets everything in serving me. You should not worry.
I am much concerned about her health. Typhoid is suspected.

How are you all? The situation in Bihar is difficult, but
the fate of Delhi today will be the fate of the country. . . .'

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 211-2

' Omission as in the source

315. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 2, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Tomorrow we may have to hold the prayer meeting at the
Wavell Canteen, where many refugees are living. I have been
there once and I was asked then to hold the prayer meeting there,
but I could not stay on. Today someone from the camp came
and requested me and I have agreed to go there tomorrow.
So if it does not rain tomorrow I shall hold the prayer there.
But if it rains it may not be possible to have the prayer there.
In that case we shall have it here. In any case the prayer meet-
ing will be held. Thus it is a little uncertain about tomorrow.
Of course if you wish, you may come here and if there is no
prayer, you can go back.

I saw you laugh at my little umbrellah It is a beautiful
thing. It costs nothing. It was given to me free of cost not
because I am a Mahatma. The fact is that when I was touring
in Noakhali,^ it was very hot and some people took pity on me
and gave me this. They put it on also when it rains. Mostly
people have to work in the fields, they cannot do so in the
heat of the sun without putting this on. Muslims live there in
large numbers. There are Hindus too, but mostly they carry on
business. Everyone has this kind of umbrella. There was a
Muslim friend there because after all every Muslim did not con-
sider me his enemy and later they had all understood that I
had not gone there to plunder them or to prepare a case against
them, but I had gone there only to give such solace as I could
to the Hindus. So they gave me this umbrella. I did not really
need it much there because I did not do more than an hour
of walking each day. They also gave one to Nirmal Babu^. When
I left Noakhali Manu suggested that I should take along this
umbrella because I would have to do a lot of walking in the
sun and it would be a good covering for the head. This can be
made anywhere. It can be made even here. The other kind of

^ A broad straw hat which Gandhiji used as an umbrella

^ From November 6, 1946 to March 1947

^ Nirmal Kumar Bose, a professor of Calcutta University, who accom-
panied Gandhiji as his interpreter on his walking tour of Noakhali

345

346

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

umbrella needs a handle while this has no handle. When it is
windy we can tie the string attached to it round the face.

The bhajan that was sung today, though well sung, is really
a morning bhajan. In this bhajan we pray to God to wake up.
But God is always awake. He never sleeps. But there is a
belief in Hinduism that when dawn breaks everyone must wake
up. The devout go round calling everyone to arise. We have
bhajans for the morning, bhajans for the noon, bhajans for the eve-
ning and bhajans for the night. Only musicologists know all the
subtle distinctions. I do not know much but since some bhajan
or other is sung here every day I have come to have some idea.

I have a long letter apparently written by a Hindu. He
says I have learnt nothing and am still friendly with Muslims,
though I have been repeatedly told how stupid it is to imagine
that any Muslim can be our brother or be loyal to the Indian
Union. If there are any such, he says, I should keep them
and send the rest away. If I did not do so, what would
happen, he asks, in case, God forbid, a war broke out between
India and Pakistan. Do I imagine that the several crores
of Muslims in India will be loyal to India and fight against
Pakistan? It is easy to pose such questions but difficult to
answer them. All that I can say is: Wherever we may choose
to live, if we want to live as men we must not assume anyone
to be bad till he has been proved to be bad. If you read news-
papers you will know that recently about one lakh of Muslims
had gathered in Lucknow.* One cannot believe that there was
not a single Muslim Leaguer among them. There must have
been some, even if there had been no League leaders. If later
they betray you, you can shoot them. You may shoot one or
two or a certain number. Everyone will not be disloyal. No-
where in the world can everyone be disloyal. Therefore the cor-
respondent writes out of ignorance. But today he is angry. The
barbarities the Muslims have committed are on his brain. He
wants all Muslims to be driven out. If similarly Pakistan says
that Hindus have committed barbarities here and they should
be driven out, I shall say it is foolish to say so. It will be the
limit of folly. It is this attitude that was responsible for the
partition of the country. If you want to bring the two together,

* At the Indian Union Muslims’ Conference, which met on December 27
and 28, Abul Kalam Azad called for the winding up of the Muslim
League in India. The Conference unanimously adopted a resolution asking
Muslims in India to dissolve all communal and political organizations and
advising them to join the Congress.

IS IT DESERVED?

347

that can be done only if we become good. Only the good and
the noble can be brave. Stupid people can never be brave. To-
day the poison around us is only increasing. Kashmir has added
more poison. If there is a war both countries are going to bleed.
I do not wish to be alive to see that. I do not wish to be a

witness to that carnage. I can only pray to God and ask you

all to join in the prayer that He may take me away. Why should
we not so conduct ourselves that any conflict between India and
Pakistan becomes impossible? We must be brave and trust the
Muslims. If later they violate the trust you can cut off their
heads. But you cannot say that if anyone refuses to go to Pakis-
tan his head should be cut off. This means cutting off millions

of heads on both sides of the border which would be the limit
of madness. There are now perhaps thirty or thirty-five millions
of Muslims in India. If we harass them we shall not survive as
a nation nor can our Hinduism. I pray to God that He may
cure us of this folly and this madness so that our country which
has advanced may continue to make progress. Today we seem to
be falling and the sort of letter that the correspondent has written
gives further impetus to the fall. The note is written in English.
He writes English quite well, but I cannot praise him for that.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 260-1

316. IS IT DESERVED?

New Delhi,

January 3, 1948

In the course of a long letter which Reverend Dr. John
Haynes Holmes' had written to me before leaving the hospitable
shores of India, he writes:

Of course you have been sad, well-nigh overborne, by the tragedies
of recent months, but you must never feel that this involves any break-
down of your life-work. Human nature cannot bear too much — it cracks
under too great strain — and the strain in this case was as terrific as it was
sudden. But your teaching remained as true and your leadership as sound

' (1879-1964); a pacifist, founder of a non-sectarian community church
in New York; Editor of Unity in which Gandhiji’s Autobiography was first pub-
lished in America; author of My Gandhi

Dr. Haynes Holmes came to India on October 5, 1947 as Tagore Memo-
rial Professor at the Banaras Hindu University under the auspices of the Watu-
mul Foundation. He met Gandhiji on October 12, 1947.

348

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

as ever. Single-handed you saved the situation, and brought victory out of
what seemed for the moment to be defeat. I count these last few months
to be the crown and climax of your unparalleled career. You were never
so great as in these dark hours.

I wonder if the claim can be proved. That much more than
Dr. Holmes observed can be proved of ahimsa, I have not the
slightest doubt. My difficulty is fundamental. Have I attained the
requisite qualifications for exhibiting the virtues of ahimsa, even
as Dr. Holmes has said ? Knowing as I do the working of ahimsa,
however imperfectly, I see every reason for the utmost caution
in advancing claims that cannot be proved beyond a doubt.

M. K. G.

From a photostat: C. W. 10971. Courtesy: Rogers W. Holmes. Also
Harijan, 11-1-1948

317. FRAGMENT OF A LETTERS

January 3, 1948

I have your angry letter. How can I tolerate your being so
angry? When iron is heated sparks fly from it. But however
much one may strike it with a hammer, the hammer does not
become hot. If you can only make yourself like a hammer
everything will come about as you desire. For the rest, if the
sea catches fire what can anyone say?

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 218

318. LETTER TO SAVITRI BAJAJ

January 3, 1948

CHI. savitrF,

Kamalnayan told me that you have had a baby and that
you had afterwards developed a fever. I hope by now it is gone
and you are both well.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 3062

’ This was addressed to a woman.

^ Wife of Kamalnayan Bajaj, son of Jamnalal Bajaj

319. LETTER TO HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA

New Delhi,

January 3, 1948

CHI. HEMPRABHA,

I have your letter. What do we lose if we do not get a
certificate from the Charkha Sangh? In my opinion we only
gain as our aim is to serve khadi and thus the Charkha Sangh.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 2741

320. ERAGMENT OE A LETTER

January 3, 1948

It does not appear likely that I shall be able to get out of
here. I have to do or die. You may think there is peace in
Delhi. But that peace is not the peace of the hearts. It is im-
posed by arms. I am waiting for the call from within. I have here
three or four girls in attendance. I am living in the palatial Birla
House. But I find no rest. The girls are serving me well. For
the time being I do not feel the need to call upon your serv-
ices. Of course the girls can leave whenever they want with my
permission. Only Manu has a part in this yajna. The rest of
the girls are here only accidentally. They can go as they came.
I have to admit that Manu’s service in this yajna has been
significant. Only, she has been neglecting her body.

How are you all? How is Khadi Pratishthan doing? How
many people are there in the Ashram? Ashrams should not
depend on outside help. About Sevagram I have come to the
conclusion that it should either become self-supporting or it
should be closed down. The Ashram has become like a pinjra-
pole^.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 218-9

' A shelter for old and sick cattle

349

321. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 3, 1948

I am nowhere near realizing Rama yet, but I am striving.
When I have the realization, the glow of my ahimsa will spread
all around.

The situation here is extremely perilous. About Kashmir
Mountbatten is doing all he can. Whatever may happen, Bengal
and Bihar must be spared the conflagration. If there is the
slightest disturbance there you will not find me alive. Let
everyone have this message of mine.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 217

322. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

January 3, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I am happy to be able to fulfil the promise I made to
you to visit the camp and speak a few words to you. I am
also happy to observe that there are almost as many women
in the camp as there are men. First of all I shall request you
to join me in the prayer that peace and love may again be
established in India and the world and all men may become
brothers. Today there is no peace to be seen anywhere in the
world. Peace cannot be established with the help of money.
So long as there is no peace in the heart there can be no
peace outside. Only when peace issues from within the heart
and is expressed through the eyes, words and actions of men
can we say that peace has been established. A man of peace
can live happily even in a mud hut and has no thought of the
morrow, for it is only God who knows what will happen on
the morrow. Shri Ramachandra, who was a man like us, had
no idea when he was about to be installed on the throne that he
would have to go into exile. But he realized only too well that

* Held at Wavell Canteen Refugee Camp

350

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

351

securing peace was not the same thing as securing a throne and
that peace was not dependent on external conditions. There-
fore when he knew that he had to go to the forest his peace
was not ruffled. If Hindus and Sikhs could have that realiza-
tion the madness that has seized them would have been cured
and, whatever the actions of the Muslims, they themselves would
have remained calm. If Hindus and Sikhs even now realize this,
I am sure it will have the most desirable effect on the Muslims.

I am told that this camp is being very well managed. I
cannot accept this assurance fully till I know that the refugees
too fully participate in keeping the camp clean and that they
co-operate with the officials in every way. I know how dirty
the streets of Delhi are. One can only say that the camp is
well managed when it is made to look at least cleaner than the
roads of Delhi. I know the sufferings you have had to bear.
Some of you have come from well-to-do homes. You must not
hope here for the comforts you had in the past. You must
learn to adapt yourselves to the new situation and try with
patient labour to improve your conditions.

I remember how on the eve of the Boer War in 1899
Englishmen had left the Transvaal for Natal. They knew how to
face hardships. They all lived the same way. One of them was
an engineer and worked with me as a carpenter. We have been
a slave country for centuries and we have not learnt this vir-
tue. Now that we are free — and freedom is a precious thing
— I hope our refugee brothers and sisters will learn something
from their sufferings and make this an ideal camp so that people,
if not from all over the world, least from all over India, can come
and visit it and take pride in it. The hymn that has been sung
in the prayer just now means that we should surrender to God
all that we possess and take from it only the barest minimum
for our needs. If we act in conformity with this hymn, not
only this camp but the whole of Delhi will breathe a new life
and all our hearts will be filled with an inner joy.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy ; All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 261-2

323. QUESTION BOX^

q. It does not matter whether the lingua franca be called Hindi or
Hindustani; in any case the common language in actual use will remain
Hindustani. It cannot, however, be gainsaid that in advanced literature and
science certain words will be necessary which can only be derived from
Sanskrit. Where is the harm in making this clear to the public?

A. The first part of the question would be correct provided
the name adopted were accepted by all in the same light.
The controversy arises not over the name but what it is meant
to convey. In advanced literature and science we should not
draw exclusively from Sanskrit. A small committee can be ap-
pointed to prepare a dictionary of current words irrespective of
their original source.

C). With regard to the script, it would be burdensome to have to use
two scripts in the conduct of the affairs of the nation. Why not then adopt
the Nagari script which is current in all provinces? Does the two-script
proposal mean that the Central Government should use both the scripts in its
correspondence and publications? Would telegraph and other offices also
have to use both the scripts?

I do not subscribe to the view often put forward that the two-script pro-
posal is meant to appease the Muslims. Our concern should be to select the
script which might be advantageous to the nation as a whole without wishing
any injustice. It would not be correct to hold that the adoption of the Nagari
script would be harmful to Muslim interests. As far as I can see, it would
be necessary to adopt both the scripts, but only as a temporary measure —

ultimately one script should be acceptable to all. How can this be

disputed ?

A. With the adoption of the two scripts, the easier one

will ultimately survive. All that is wanted is that the Urdu
script should not be boycotted, as such boycott would imply

discrimination. A controversy arose over such discrimination
and this has now been accentuated. With this background, we
who believe in unity and are opposed to civil strife are bound
to adopt both the scripts. Again we cannot forget that many
Hindus and Sikhs are ignorant of the Nagari script. There is

* A Hindi version of this appeared in Harijan Sevak, 11-1-1948. The
questions were sent by Rameshchandra of Shillong; vide p. 360.

352

FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

353

no question of all people having to learn both the scripts, but
only of those liable to serve outside their province. Nor is it
suggested that all notices should be issued by the Central Gov-
ernment in both the scripts — but only those meant for all.

Having regard to the present communal antagonism, the
boycott of the Urdu script would be regarded as an anti-
democratic measure.

The question whether telegraph and other offices would
also have to use both the scripts is a minor one. When we get
rid of the incubus of the English language and the Roman
script, our minds will be clearer and we shall realize the futi-
lity of such controversies.

While we must always refrain from an improper course with
the object of appeasing others, there is no harm in conciliating
when the course itself is intrinsically proper. If all accepted our
script willingly, it would be so good, but even to achieve this
end it is necessary to retain both the scripts at present.

New Delhi, January 4, 1948
Harijan, 11-1-1948

324. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 4, 1948

Who knows what will happen tomorrow? Everything about
me is uncertain. But I am moving towards light. Your leucor-
rhoea must be cured. You should abstain from salt. Pulses in
this disease are as poison. So are spices. Hip-baths, mud-
packs on the stomach and rest are necessary. Had you been
here I would have made you fast. But I have full faith that
if you resort to these external remedies and recite Ramanama
with your whole heart, you will certainly be cured of the disease.
In India 75 per cent of the women suffer from this ailment.
The main reason is the feeling of shame associated with it, total
ignorance about the matter and unnatural eating and living.
It will not be wrong to say that our sisters do not have any
idea of how terrible and painful this disease is. I have made
up my mind that if I can extricate myself from my present
involvements my first task will be to tackle all these diseases of
women through nature cure. But today this seems fanciful.

Chand is not yet fully restored. Her disease is more of the
mind than of the body. Abha and Manu are well. Sushila is
90-23

354

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

due here today from Bombay. I write this in the early morning.
Even if I can write to you only occasionally, you should write
to me regularly. The rest from Manu.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, pp. 225-6

325. FRAGMENT OF A LETTERS

January 4, 1948

Children should not write in pencil. They should not use
a fountain-pen. Writing with a reed pen improves the hand-
writing. I hope you help your mother with domestic chores
and regularly spin half an hour every day. You should do
physical exercises and make your body strong. I hope you have
learnt to make chapatis and cook vegetables. Anyway you will
tell me when we meet. Be cheerful and happy. Manu will
write the rest.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 225

326. LETTER TO M. B. GODBOLE^

New Delhi,

January 4, 1948

BHAI GODBOLE,

I have your letter. The first book was a translation of Dr.
Lindlahr’s book, was it not? Are there any other books by him?

I no longer hold the view I had held earlier. Greater ex-
perience has convinced me that Dr. Lindlahr’s book is quite
ordinary. His book has gained very little currency in America.
Anyway you may send me your book. I would like to see it

* This was addressed to a young girl.

^ This was in reply to the addressee’s letter dated December 30, 1947

requesting Gandhiji to send a foreword for his translation of Dr. Lindlahr’s
Practice of Nature Cure.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 355

when I have some leisure. The publication of the book should
not be held up for the sake of my foreword.

I feel grateful that you have agreed to render some help
at Uruli. You should go there and see things for yourself. It
has a trust of which Dr. Mehta is one of the trustees. There
is no harm in doing that. I am writing to the Secretary of the
Trust about your letter.

From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

327. LETTER TO RAJA OF AUNDH

New Delhi,

January 4, 1948

RAJA SAHEB^,

I have your letter You are doing good work. May God
grant you success.

Tours,

M. K. Gandhi

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

328. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 4, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

1 have been a little late today because it had been raining
and I was told that I should be in no hurry for I might not
find many people here. But I said that no matter how small
the audience, it was my duty to be present. There was also
some other business to attend to and this took a few minutes.
I thank you for having come in spite of the rain and it gives
me much satisfaction that there are so many of you. It shows
that you are keen on the prayer. If you have come merely out
of curiosity then it has no value.

* The addressee was the first to introduce full responsible government in
the State in 1939. Aundh was one of the eight States which made up the
United Deccan State formed on December 20, 1947, at Miraj.

2 For details, vide p. 374.

356

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Today there is talk of war everywhere. Everyone fears a
war breaking out between the two countries. If that happens it
will be a calamity both for India and for Pakistan. India has
written to the U. N. because whenever there is a fear of con-
flict anywhere the U. N. is asked to promote a settlement and
to stop fighting from breaking out. India therefore wrote to
the U. N. O. However trivial the issue may appear to be, it
could lead to a war between the two countries. It is a long
memorandum and it has been cabled.^ Pakistan’s Zafarullah
Khan^ and Liaquat Ali Khan^ have since issued long statements.
I would take leave to say that their argument does not appeal
to me. You may ask if I approve of the Union Government
approaching the U. N. O. I may say that I both approve and do
not approve of what they did. I approve of it, because after all
what else are they to do? They are convinced that what they
are doing is right. If there are raids from outside the frontier
of Kashmir, the obvious conclusion is that it must be with the
connivance of Pakistan. Pakistan can deny it. But the denial
does not settle the matter. Kashmir has acceded to India.
And India has accepted the accession upon certain conditions.
If Pakistan harasses Kashmir and if Sheikh Abdullah who is the
leader of Kashmir asks the Indian Union for help, the latter is
bound to send help. Such help therefore was sent to Kashmir.
At the same time Pakistan is being requested to get out of
Kashmir and to arrive at a settlement with India over the
question through bilateral negotiations. If no settlement can be

' On January 1, 1948, the Government of India submitted a formal
complaint to the Security Council. Vide Appendix IV.

^ At a Press conference at Karachi, on January 1, Mohammad Zafarullah
Khan, Pakistan Foreign Minister, denying Pakistan’s complicity in the attack on
Kashmir had stated: “Kashmir on all sides was surrounded by predominantly
Muslim areas and realizing that something was to be done to help the Kashmir
Muslims in their plight, individual Muslims from the surrounding areas did
whatever they could to bring help. ”

^ Denying the charges of aggression and looting, the Prime Minister of
Pakistan had, among other things, stated on January 3: “There are some who

are helping the forces of the Azad Kashmir Government, who have come from
tribal areas because of the reports ... of the general massacre of Muslims that
had been going on in Kashmir by armed bands of Hindus, Sikhs and troops
of the Maharaja.” He claimed that “the conspiracy and plans for the
occupation of Kashmir by Indian troops were laid well in advance and the
excuse that India sent her troops because of the so-called invaders having
entered Kashmir territory, was only intended to deceive the world.” He
further said that “we made it clear that we had no control over the forces of
the Provisional Government of Kashmir or the tribesmen, engaged in fight.”

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

357

reached in this way then a war is inevitable. It is to avoid the
possibility of war that the Union Government has taken the step
it did. Whether they are right in doing so or not God alone knows.

Whatever might have been the attitude of Pakistan, if I
had my way I would have invited Pakistan’s representatives to
India and we could have met, discussed the matter and worked
out some settlement. They keep saying that they want an
amicable settlement but they do nothing to create the conditions
for such a settlement. I shall therefore humbly say to the
responsible leaders of Pakistan that though we are now two
countries — which is a thing I never wanted — we should at least
try to arrive at an agreement so that we could live as peace-
ful neighbours. Let us grant for the sake of argument that all
Indians are bad, but Pakistan at least is a new-born nation
which has moreover come into being in the name of religion
and it should at least keep itself clean. But they themselves
make no such claim. It is not their argument that Muslims
have committed no atrocities in Pakistan. I shall therefore sug-
gest that it is now their duty, as far as possible, to arrive at
an amicable understanding with India and live in harmony
with her. Mistakes were made on both sides. Of this I have
no doubt. But this does not mean that we should persist in
those mistakes, for then in the end we shall only destroy our-
selves in a war and the whole of the sub-continent will pass into
the hands of some third power. That will be the worst ima-
ginable fate for us. I shudder to think of it. Therefore the two
Dominions should come together with God as witness and find
a settlement. The matter is now before the U. N. O. It cannot
be withdrawn from there. But if India and Pakistan come to a
settlement the big powers in the U. N. O. will have to endorse
that settlement. They will not object to the settlement. They
themselves can only say that they will do their best to see that
the two countries arrive at an understanding through mutual
discussions. Let us pray to God that He may spare us the
threatened strife, but not at any price. All that we may pray
to God is to grant that we may either learn to live in amity
with each other or if we must fight to let us fight to the very
end. That may be folly, but sooner or later it will purify us.

Now a few words about Delhi. I came to know of the incidents
which took place last evening through Brijkishan. I had gone
to the Camp^ for the evening prayer. I came away after the

* Wavell Canteen Refugee Camp

358

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

prayer but he had stayed over to talk to the people in the Camp.
There are some Muslim houses at a little distance from the
Camp. About four or five hundred inmates of the Camp —
mostly women and children but also some men — issued out of the
Camp to take possession of the houses. I am told they did not
indulge in any kind of violence. Some of the houses were va-
cant. Some were occupied by the owners. They tried to take
possession even of the latter. The police were near at hand.
They immediately went to the spot and brought the situation
under control at about 9 O’clock according to the newspapers
but about 11 O’clock according to the information I have. The
police have stayed on there. I understand they had to use tear
gas. Tear gas does not kill but it can be pretty painful. I am
told that something has happened today again.

All I can say is that it is a matter of great shame for us.
Have not the refugees learnt even from their immense suffering
that they have to exercise some restraint? It is highly improper
to go and occupy other people’s houses. It is for the Govern-
ment to find them shelter or whatever else they need. Today
the Government is our own. But if we defy our own Govern-
ment and defy the police and forcibly occupy houses the Gov-
ernment is not likely to continue for long. It is still worse that
such things should happen in the capital city of India where
there are so many ambassadors from all over the world. Do
we want to show them the spectacle of people occupying what-
ever they can? It is all the more regrettable that women and
children were used as a shield. It is inhuman. It is like
Muslim rulers keeping a herd of cows in the vanguard of their
armies to make sure that the Hindus would not fight. It is
uncivilized, barbaric behaviour. It is still more barbaric to
put women and children in front to provide against the police
making a lathi charge. It is abuse of womanhood. I must
humbly ask all the refugees — women and children — not to behave
in this way. Let them settle down. If they don’t, then apart from
a war between India and Pakistan, we may kill ourselves in
mutual strife. We may lose Delhi and make ourselves the
laughing-stock of the world. If we want to keep India a free
country, we must stop the things that are at present going on.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy : All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 263-7

329. LETTER TO R. R. DIWAKAR

\January 4\5, 1 948~\ *

BHAI DIWAKAR^,

I wrote something about what you had written [to me].
Why is it not possible to follow my suggestion? Such things do
hold up the work.

Blessings from
Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

330. LETTER TO MAHMUD

[January 4j5, 1948]

BHAI MAHMUD,

What is this?

Do return to me the certificate I had given for that per-
son, if you have not already torn it up.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

* In the source this and the following two letters are placed between
those of January 4 and 5, 1948.

^ The addressee was a member of the Congress Constitution Committee
appointed by the A. I. C. C. for revising the constitution of the Congress. Vide
Appendix I (7).

359

331. LETTER TO RAMESHCHANDRA

YJanmry 4j5, 1948]

BHAI RAMESHCHANDRA,

I am sorry that I could not meet you. The answers to
your questions I am forwarding to Harijan Sevak and you will
find them there.’

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

332. LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI

January 5, 1948

CHI. JIVANJI,

What I have sent this time is worth thinking over. The
Gujarati items need not be translated into English there, nor the
English into Gujarati or Hindustani. Some of the Hindustani
items will have to be translated into Gujarati there. We try to
send reports of my daily speeches in Hindustani, in such lan-
guage as I actually use but with some revisions, and it is not,
therefore, necessary to translate the speeches from English into
Gujarati. It will do even if you give only summaries from the
Hindustani reports. This will mean that the editions of Hari-
jan in all the three languages will be self-contained and inde-
pendent of one another. It remains to be seen whether we can
attain this ideal. I cannot say how long I shall be able to cope
with the work involved. Let us try, however.

A good many Hindustani articles by Sundarlal have accu-
mulated. I think it is high time they are taken up. I exact
pretty hard work from him. His Hindustani seems to be the
real thing and of excellent quality. It is the speech of ordinary
people in North India.

’ Vide pp. 352-3.

360

LETTER TO NRISIMHAPRASAD K. BHATT 361

Please let me know if you have any comments to make on this.

Blessings from

Bapu

. .

Will it be all right if I send the final instalment on Wed-
nesday ?

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9991

333. LETTER TO VIJATA M. PANCHOLI

New Delhi,

January 5, 1948

CHI. vijaya',

Are both of you all right? If the mind is cheerful there
is no danger of the body getting ill.

It is now time for the prayer and, therefore, I must stop here.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 7153. Also C. W. 4645. Courtesy:
Vijaya M. Pancholi

334. LETTER TO NRISIMHAPRASAD K. BHATT

New Delhi,

January 5, 1948

CHI. NANABHAI,

I got today your letter dated the 1st. Your birthday falls
on the 7th. Now tell me how my blessings in writing can
reach you [in time]. Even a telegram may not. These days a
telegram takes four days. You of course have my blessings in
spirit, because it is my own work that you are doing. And my
blessings are always with any work that is mine.

You will certainly come personally when you can.

How is your health these days?

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

Wife of Manubhai Pancholi

335. NOTE TO MUSLIMS^

New Delhi,

January 5, 1948

It would be more helpful if you could supply some proof
in its support. Moreover I have been receiving complaints that
Muslims too have arms in plenty in their possession. Therefore,
first you should persuade the Muslim brothers and get the arms
from them and hand them over to me. And then if the Gov-
ernment fails to provide protection to them I will die first, be-
fore letting them die.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 323

336. NOTE TO SUBHADRA GUPTA^

New Delhi,

January 5, 1948

If a girl like you had not come to me with such a complaint
and instead if I were to hear that Subhadra had been killed,
while trying to save Muslims from Hindus, I would dance for
joy. I feel that only when Hindu men and women thus bravely
sacrifice their lives will this conflict end.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 233

* Who had come with the complaint that Hindus harassed Muslims
living in Hindu localities and that they were armed as well

^ The addressee had mentioned the harassment of the Muslims at the
hands of Hindus.

362

337. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

January 5, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I am being flooded with letters and telegrams congratu-
lating me on the lifting of controls on most things and pleading
that the controls which still remain should be lifted. I give
below the substance of an English letter, written by a successful
businessman. The letter says:

As desired by you I give below the comparative prices of white
sugar, jaggery, brown sugar and other articles of food before and after
lifting of controls.

Current rates Rates in November before

lifting of controls

Sugar

Rs.

37-8

a maund

Rs.

to 85

a maund

Jaggery

Rs.

13 to

5J >5

Rs.

to 32

Brown Sugar

Rs.

14 to

if ? 5

Rs.

to 45

5 5

Sugar Cubes

11 As. a

packet

Rs.

1-8 to Rs.

1-12 a packet

Sugar deshi

Rs.

30 to

a maund

Rs.

to 80

per

maund

It will be noticed that

prices of sugar have fallen by 50

p. c.

Wheat

Rs.

18 to 20

a maund

Rs.

to 50

a maund

Rice Basmati Rs.

5 5 5 5

Rs.

to 45

5 5

Maize

Rs.

15 to

5 5 5 5

Rs.

to 35

5 5

Gram

Rs.

16 to

5 5 5 5

Rs.

to 40

5 5

Mung

Rs.

5 5 5 5

Rs.

to 38

5 5

Urad

Rs.

5 5 5 5

Rs.

to 37

5 5

Arhar

Rs.

5 5 5 5

Rs.

5 5

Pulses :

Gram

Rs.

5 5 5 5

Rs.

5 5

Mung

Rs.

5 5 5 5

Rs.

5 5

Urad

Rs.

5 5 5 5

Rs.

5 5

Arhar

Rs.

5 5 5 5

Rs.

5 5

Oil :

Mustard

Rs.

5 5 5 5

Rs.

5 5

Following lifting of controls the market is inundated with woollen and silken
textiles. Their prices have fallen by 50 p. c. and at some places by 66 p. c.

* As Gandhiji was observing silence, this was read out after the prayer.

363

364

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

In the expectation that control on cotton textiles will be lifted their prices
are slowly falling. If the control is lifted then the prices are likely to
fall by 60 p. c. This will lead to competition among the various mills
and make cloth more easily available. But if control on cotton textile
is lifted the export of cloth from India should be banned for at least
three years. In Government offices they merely play mysterious games
with the figures of statistics. They should not hinder the implementation
of decontrol. Presumably petrol was controlled on account of the
exigencies of war and can now be decontrolled. The truth is that
control on petrol has benefited only a few transport companies which
have now a vested interest in keeping the control. It does not benefit
the masses. It need hardly be pointed out that a single bus or truck
which has a permit to ply on one particular stretch of road will be
able to make Rs. 15,000 a month. If the control on petrol is lifted one
cannot earn more than Rs. 300 a month out of one vehicle. Today
petrol permits are freely being sold. A petrol permit for one lorry can
easily be sold to a transport magnate for as much as Rs. 10,000. If
control is lifted the various problems before the country such as food,
housing and so on will be solved by themselves. Please try to have
the control on petrol lifted and help the masses who are suffering on
account of control. A free India should have no use for controls.

It seems to me that there is not much one can say when
faced with these figures. Maybe I am ignorant, those with more
knowledge should correct me.’ When people by and large want
a thing there is no room left for any hesitation in a democracy.

It is said that India consumes merely one per cent of the
amount of petrol produced in the world. There is no cause
for despair in this. After all our road transport does go on. But
does it mean that because we are not a warlike people we do not
need more petrol? Or if we need more, will there be shortage
for the rest of the world? Let not the learned laugh at my
ignorance. I seek light. If I hide the darkness I cannot get
light. The question is: If so little petrol falls to our share, how
is it that huge stocks of petrol are available in the black market?

If the situation described by the correspondent really pre-
vails it is shocking. It means that controls are a boon to the
rich and a bane for the poor. And yet it is in the name of the
poor that the controls are imposed. If that is how monopoly

’ Commenting on this, A. D. Gorawala, former President of Commodities
Prices Board, said in Bombay that the prices quoted before decontrol were black-
market prices and that “reports from various areas of Bombay showed that
after decontrol prices had risen from 50 to 100 per cent above the controlled
rates” for wheat and sugar.

KHADI CAN REMOVE CLOTH SHORTAGE 365

functions it should be done away with without a moment’s
thought.

As for cloth, if we have not forgotten khadi which has been
described as “the livery of freedom”’ there is no possible argu-
ment for continuing the control over it. We have enough cotton
and we have innumerable hands which can work the looms and
the wheels in the villages. We can thus produce without diffi-
culty enough cloth for ourselves. It needs neither the noise of
the cities nor motor transport. In former times the railways first
served the need of the army. Its second task was to carry cotton
to the ports and carry cloth into the interior from the ports. Now
our calico is khadi. It is made in villages and is consumed in
villages. There is therefore no need of centralization here. Let
us not ruin our villages out of our indolence or our ignorance.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy : All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 267-70

338. KHADI CAN REMOVE CLOTH SHORTAGE

A friend writes that khadi can help to remove the short-
age of cloth in a matter of six months. For this two conditions
will be necessary, viz., (1) that the Central and Provincial Gov-
ernments should adopt the policy of encouraging spinning and
weaving in every village, and (2) that provincial and all-India
leaders should put forth greater efforts to popularize khadi.

In my opinion it should be worth while and it is the duty
of the Congress to fulfil these conditions for the sake of remedy-
ing cloth shortage. Our undoubted indifference in this respect
shows that we have failed in our duty. The price of cloth having
risen so high, the present is the most opportune time to get over
this indifference. This can be done by the example and conduct
as well as the wisdom of those who have unshakable faith in
khadi. When the Government adopts the policy of promoting
the cause of khadi, control over cloth and other commodities will
automatically go. Meanwhile also, cloth should be decontrolled
in the interests of the poor.

New Delhi, January 6, 1948
Harijan, 11-1-1948

’ By Jawaharlal Nehru. Vide Vol. LXV, pp. 446 and 473.

339. CERTIFIED AND UNCERTIFIED KHADT

The same friend, who suggests that khadi can remove cloth
shortage, writes that India having attained independence, there
is little difference now between certified and uncertified khadi,
mill-cloth and foreign cloth. Khadi may have significance for
him who spins and weaves to clothe himself, but people are
unable to do so or even to spin the minimum quota of yarn
prescribed for the purchase of khadi from the bhandars. No
improvement is noticeable in the quality of pure khadi, while
many useful varieties of uncertified khadi are available. More-
over, it is difficult nowadays to give what can be termed a
living wage in the khadi industry. On these grounds the writer
observes that the purchase of uncertified khadi should be per-
mitted. He proceeds to argue that having regard to the acute
shortage of cloth all over the country and to the fact that the
Union Government itself imports foreign cloth, there should be
no objection to the purchase of such cloth either.

That such questions can be raised shows the change in the
times. My answer is that only “certified khadi” should be used.
Let me indicate the meaning of this term. Even the Charkha
Sangh’s definition is incomplete. The term really implies that
a reasonable wage is given to spinners and weavers and the price
of khadi fixed with an eye on public good and not with a profit
motive. Certification of such khadi by the Charkha Sangh
becomes necessary, as people have as a rule, to fall back upon
the purchase of khadi in addition to self-made khadi.

Any other khadi is uncertified and open to objection and should
not, therefore, be used. It is open to the public to suggest im-
provements in the conditions presented for the certification of
khadi, but it would be definitely wrong to abolish the distinction
between certified and uncertified khadi.

Again, how can one shut one’s eyes to the distinction be-
tween khadi, mill-cloth and foreign cloth, or justify the import
of foreign cloth because foreign rule has ended? We must re-
member that we opposed foreign rule because it involved the

^ A Hindi version of this appeared in Harijan Sevak under the date-line
“New Delhi, 5-1-1948”.

366

HARIJANS IN HOSTELS 367

economic ruin of the country. The first fruit of freedom should,
therefore, be to put an end to this curse.

In fine it follows that pure khadi alone has place in swaraj:
in it lies the well-being of the people as well as true equality.

New Delhi, January 6, 1948
Harijan, 11-1-1948

340. HARIJANS IN HOSTELS^^

Apropos the recent legislation enacted by the Government
of Bombay extending to the Harijans the right of admission to
temples, wells, dharmashalas, schools, hostels, etc., Shri Parikshit-
lal writes that though this automatically covers undenominational
hostels as well, school and college hostels have not in actual
practice been thrown open to the Harijan students. His experi-
ence has been that the school and college authorities have not
adapted themselves to the spirit of the times to the extent the
hostel students have. As the academic year will soon be over
and fresh admissions will be made shortly, he has advised the
authorities to do the needful before the Harijan students are
forced to assert their legal right in the matter and has also sug-
gested to me to recommend the throwing open of the hostels in
Bhavnagar and other Kathiawar States to the Harijan students.

I endorse his suggestion and would add that if the stu-
dents in the hostels are sincere, they are sure to succeed in the
matter. In the present age the autocratic will of the managing
committees cannot prevail, particularly when, as in this case,
they are in the wrong and the students are in the right. Be
that as it may, the Harijan students should unquestionably be
admitted to hostels with honour.

New Delhi, January 6, 1948
Harijan, 11-1-1948

* A Gujarati version of this appeared in Harijanbandhu, 11-1-1948 under
the date-line “New Delhi, 4-1-1948”.

341. LETTER TO SITA GANDHI

4.30 a. m., January 6, 1948

CHI. SITA,

I have your letter. The previous one was long and I could
not cope with it. I am writing this immediately after prayers.

It is good that you have decided to go to Phoenix. When
you go there you will be able to form your own ideas. Your
dream of helping Manilal will also materialize to some extent.
Who knows what is in store?

It is good news that Vasant and the baby boy are well.
Nowadays they look for names from novels or from the Sanskrit
plays. I would know nothing about it. What is in a name?
It seldom happens that a person comes to have qualities worthy
of his name. As the poet says, “Fondly was the infant given
the name of Hari but in infancy did it die.”

Pass on the accompanying [letters].

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

342. LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI

New Delhi,

4.30 a. m., January 6, 1948

CHI. SUSHILA,

I have had two letters from you, one of which is lying in the
heap. The one to which I am replying was received yesterday.

I am glad that Sita is going there. I should not be glad
but there is a reason for it.

Your duty seems clear. You must give all possible help to
Manilal in his work, forgetting everything else. Ordinarily I
would not give such advice, but in this case I have reason for
doing so. Since Manilal is engaged in public service, I feel that
it would be a great thing if you could identify yourself with him.
The statement that ordinarily I would not give such advice refers
to cases in which the husband tries to tempt his wife to pleasure.

368

LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI

369

I should like you to retain only one attachment, giving up all
others, and I have explained to you what that is. I am not
asking you to look after the children carefully because they are
yours, but since they are under your charge you ought to protect
them. That would have been your duty even if they had not
been your own children. I have tried to follow this rule from a
very young age. Manilal knows about it. For you service of the
country will be where Manilal lives.

You may do whatever you can to help the struggle there
without getting involved in it.

I am glad that you have succeeded in persuading Manilal to
take milk and curds. He must be free from all disease.

Blessings from
Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 5021

343. LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI

New Delhi,
5 a.m., January 6, 1948

CHI. MANILAL,

I could get no time at all before now to write to you. I
got the mail yesterday and so am writing this letter.

I am forced to the conclusion that your health has suffered
because of lack of curds and milk in your diet. In the wide
vegetable kingdom nothing has been discovered so far which can
serve as a substitute for milk. As long as one keeps fit, one does
not feel the need for animal foods, but once the health goes down
it cannot be rebuilt without such foods.

Now that Sita is going there, you will get all the help you
need. I agree that her studies will suffer there. But she will cer-
tainly learn what I believe she ought to learn, namely, whatever
she can while helping her parents in their work under their own
guidance. This is real economics. I have no time just now to
explain why. Probably you don’t even need an explanation.

Do what you can in connection with the struggle there which
is going to be a difficult one.

I have so far maintained my health in spite of the great
pressure of work. God will do as He wills. Sushila^ was to

’ Dr. Sushila Nayyar

90-24

370

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

proceed to America in a few days for further experience. But
now those people have on their own put off the visit. Let us see
what happens. According to me, what we cannot get in our own
country will be of no use to us. But I am not able to convince
anybody about this.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 5020

344. LETTER TO ILA GANDHI

5.15 a.m., January 6, 1948

CHI. ILA^,

I suppose you are too busy to spare time to write to me.

Do you still talk a lot? How nice it would be if you took
a vow of silence!

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 5019

345. LETTER TO ARUN GANDHI

5.30 a. m., January 6, 1948

CHI. ARUN^,

Yes, I think I did get a note from you.

Build up fine health. Your real education will be what you
learn from Manilal. To which school do you go? Do not for-
get your Gujarati.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 5018

^ ^ Daughter and son of Manilal Gandhi

346. LETTER TO ANAND T. HINGORANI

New Delhi,
January 6, 1948

CHI. ANAND,

I have your letter.

Losing money means being freed of a curse, as the poet sings
in the following bkajan:

He who has by good fortune found Rama
is blessed with three things:

First, he loses kine, kin, wife,
his wraps and shawls,
his elephants and horses
and is made destitute of all resources.

Second, he is humiliated by the world,
and loses all respect,

he counts for nothing among his kinsmen
and has no friend left.

Third, he suffers bodily affliction.

Day and night he is sickly.

His eyes cannot glimpse happiness.

His life is spent in pain.

In three ways thus he is a pauper.

But he thinks only of Him,

And is ever alight with the knowledge.

That all things are yoked to the Nameless God.

He who does not know these three things,
has really attained nothing.

It is only after suffering many a birth and old age.
That Tukdo has attained to that state.

Why grieve that you cannot hear? The advantages are clear.
You have seen my three preceptors — the three monkeys I keep
before me. One of them has his hands over his ears. What more
shall I say?

Your handwriting is good.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a microfilm of the Hindi,
and Anand T. Hingorani

Courtesy: National Archives of India

371

347. LETTER TO MAHADEV A. HINGORANI

New Delhi,

January 6, 1948

CHI. MAHADEV^,

I was glad to have your letter. To me you were only born
yesterday. It does not even occur to me that fifteen years have
passed since. Why do you want to meet me? We all meet in
thought, indeed. Live long and serve for a long time.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India
and Anand T. Hingorani

348. LETTER TO GANGI A. HINGORANI

New Delhi,

January 6, 1948

CHI. GANGI,

I have your letter and Anand’s also. What do you want
to do living alone with me? You must understand that your
duty is to live with Anand and living with him to do what service
you can.

It cannot be said that you are fully recovered. Get well soon.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India and
Anand T. Hingorani

' Son of Anand T. Hingorani by his first wife, Vidya

372

349. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 6, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I hear that even today people have been trying to get into
the Muslim houses. The police have been doing their duty and
trying to stop them. After all what can the police do? They can
only resort to tear gas. I am told that that was what they did.
There is plenty of room here. One cannot say that Delhi lacks
space. There is no doubt that refugees are in a bad plight. It is
not right that they should have to live under the open sky. When
it rains it is not enough that they should have only a cloth
between them and the sky. Therefore, in distress they resort to
anything. But it does not seem right that they should single out
only Muslim houses. I told one of them that this was a pretty
big house, a large number of men could be accommodated here.
They could throw me out and also throw out the ailing woman
with me and afterwards the owner. He said that it was easy
for me to find accommodation but who would give the refugees
any accommodation ? I would understand what they are doing if
every other recourse had failed and if the people of Delhi had
also failed them. But it is not good — it will do us no good to
occupy the houses of those we have scared away or driven out.

The police today offered the refugees a few houses which they
refused. Let them say clearly that they do not want any Mus-
lims here. It would not be decent but at least it would have the
virtue of being a straightforward course. They may say that
since the Muslims have killed Hindus in Pakistan they shall kill
the Muslims in India or that they do not trust them. But what
is happening today is sheer madness.

Our present misfortune is that people unthinkingly indulge
in meaningless rowdyism. The mentality seems to be that now
that we are a free country we can do what we like. A report
from Bombay says that the Government there is in a great
difficulty. Dock workers have gone on a strike.* Such strikes are

* The workers of the engineering department of the Bombay Port Trust
were demanding speedy implementation of the Pay Commission’s recommen-
dations.

373

374

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

going to be our undoing, to say nothing of the fact that they can
bring no benefit to the workers whichever the party behind the
strike may be, Congress or Socialist or Communist or any other.
Our country today is passing through a critical phase. Our effort
should be to tide over the present situation and survive.

I have a letter from the Maharaja of Aundh, a small State in
Maharashtra.’ He had even when the British rule was still strong
in India handed over the reins of the government to the people
of his State. He and his son felt that they should serve the people.
They devised a constitution, had a body elected and made it
responsible for the administration. The Maharaja writes that the
feeling among the other Rulers is that whatever he may do he
should only do along with the other Rulers and that he should
not act all by himself. He has almost decided to merge his
State with India but he still continues to be the Raja, though
only as a servant of his people. He will accept whatever is
sanctioned to him by his people. Sardar Saheb feels that the
Rulers should be given pensions, unconditionally, whether they
functioned as such or not. He has started the process with
Orissa.2 I do not consider it right that the Maharaja of Aundh
should be pensioned off. Only he should not interfere in the
administration because the State now has responsible Govern-
ment. But he has been told that the nature of administration in
his State cannot be different from what it is in other States that
have merged with India. It cannot have separate laws. But I
say there is no need for any laws. When the power has been
handed over to the people it does not mean that the adminis-
tration should be conducted from Delhi. If there is a represen-
tative government it will have villagers on it. Such a body
should run the administration. There should be no need to
interfere with its work. Nor can any law be made for inter-
fering with it. Otherwise it would not be popular rule. Popu-
lar rule cannot be established by the sword.

A friend writes that only a happy country can be said to
have Ramarajya, that we may import goods from outside, but
only as much as we can export, so that the trade is balanced.
He says this has not been the case with us. We have always
been debtors. Lately we have become creditors. But how long
can we remain creditors if we keep up the present rate of

’ Vide p. 355.

^ The administration of the 25 Orissa States was taken over by the Govern-
ment of India on January 1 and they were merged with the Orissa Province.

A LETTER

375

spending? What we should do is to have the very minimum
of imports and the very maximum of exports. Only then can we
have a surplus of foreign exchange.

The fact is that what we import from outside is only our
raw material converted into consumer goods. Our aim should
be that we should have no need for importing anything or if we
import anything it should only be to help other countries. If
some country needs money and asks us for it we should be able
to send the money. The correspondent is right in saying that
so far America alone is such a country. We do not want to be
like America but at least we can reduce our imports to match
our exports.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 271-4

350. A LETTER

January 7, 1948

The news from Sind causes anxiety.^ I of course want to go
to Sind but with what face can I go? To try to quench the
flames elsewhere while one’s own house is burning will only
make the flames rage more furiously. The better course would
be to try and extinguish the fire at home. If one succeeds in
that it will also help elsewhere.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 244

* On January 6, 184 Sikh refugees from upper Sind had arrived in
Karachi in the morning by train. While proceeding in open carriages to the
Gurdwara at Ratan Talao, they were followed by a Muslim mob and stoned
all the way. Nearly 8,000 Muslims surrounded the Gurdwara, scaled its walls
and pounced upon the refugees. The trouble spread through the city and
nearly 2,000 shops and tenements, mostly belonging to Hindus, were broken
open and property worth one crore was looted. Over 120 Hindus and Sikhs
were reported to have been killed.

The authorities, unable to control the situation, called in the troops at
2 p. m. and a curfew was imposed.

351. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 7, 1948

To entertain enmity against the shark while living in the sea
is not bravery but only folly. Therefore, if you are unable to
abide by the rules of the Ashram, you can by all means stay
outside and carry on various activities of public service. I have
no time to write more.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, p. 244

352. FRAGMENT OF A LETTERS

January 7, 1948

. . . Had to go without sleep today. For a while attended to
Manu and looked through the post. The pressure of work here
is so great that I can cope with the post to some extent only if
I attend to it early in the morning immediately after the prayer.
Afterwards the rush of visitors begins. I must achieve something or
die in the attempt. I cannot say what will happen. I seek light.
I can glimpse some rays in the darkness. Only when I attain
enlightenment in full, shall heart-unity in Delhi be enduring.

Well, I have managed to write this with great difficulty.
How are you all? How is your health? You must keep writing
to Manu. She will write the rest. I have not succeeded in
bringing her back to health. She wrecked her body in serving me
in Noakhali. If she can regain her strength I shall be immensely
relieved. If she could follow my advice and give herself rest
for a couple of months and be cheerful, I would see about the
outward treatment. Today this is not possible. I cannot give
her my full attention. If I can bring matters here to some con-
clusion, my next task will be to make Manu strong as a wrestler.
Or else she may well die. . . . This of course I write in jest.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — ^II, pp. 244-5

’ Omissions in the letter are as in the source.

376

353. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 7, 1 948

I am hoping that we shall be able to achieve something
here in a few days. Right now there is a conflagration raging
here. Today we have forgotten our humanity. God will show
the path He wills us to take. We must not give up the effort.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 244

354. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 7, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I have here several notes and I shall try to deal with as
many as I can within 15 minutes.

A friend writes that he has gone on an indefinite fast. All
that I can say is that it is not right for him to fast. To resort
to a fast thus is a sin. While I am alive I should be consulted
because I have much experience of fasting. I shall not go into
the matter further.

I am told that students are about to go on a strike. The

date set is the 9 th. I must say that it will be a wrong step.

As I pointed out yesterday, to resort to strikes to gain one’s end
is not a good thing. I have no doubt in my mind that it is not
non-violence. I have conducted many non-violent strikes. It
cannot be said that every strike is non-violent and every strike is
legitimate. Students should confine themselves to studies and keep
away from strikes. I hope they will listen to me. I may again
mention that I have had a long experience spanning some fifty
years of non-violent strikes. I carried it on successfully not in
India but in South Africa. I do not remember any instance when
it failed me in anything I had undertaken. It cannot fail.

If your cause is just and if what you are doing is the only

course open to you, you are bound to succeed.

Today I received visitors from the Punjab, Sind, the Frontier
Province and other places — all in Pakistan. They described to

377

378

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

me their sufferings and asked me why I was not doing anything
in the matter. How can they know all that I am trying to do?
The only reason I am staying on here is that I may be able to
get something done somehow for these people. Today I have
become weak. Time was when what I said went home. Today
it is not the case. Then I was the General of non-violence.
Now that time is past. Today mine is a cry in the wilderness.
But even if I am alone I must say what is right. People say
that the Government is manned by persons who are my co-
workers and that they will do whatever I say. It is true that they
are my co-workers, but why should they do whatever I say?
They will only do what seems right to them. I can plead with
them and argue with them. If they see the point, well and good;
if not, I am helpless. They might tell me that running a govern-
ment is full of complications and difficulties, and that if I were
in the Government I would find out that I could not do as I
pleased. If the Ministers who are my friends, their secretaries and
the police, for I am no one’s enemy, were all to go by what I said
all would be well. The Government can always say that they
have not the right type of officials and staff. They are the same
people who were there during the British rule. They cannot
be turned out either. Whatever the reasons, I cannot make the
Government today do all that I want. I am as helpless as any
one of you. I am not God. I do only what my strength permits.

But what are the people to do? They have to have shelter,
clothing and food. When I myself have all those things, why
should anyone be deprived of them? After all they have not
committed any crime like assault or murder. They have been
hounded out from their homes. They are our brothers and sis-
ters. They have been subjected to indignities and injustice and
if even on coming here they cannot live in peace they have the
right to turn round and demand why they should be deprived
of the necessities of life when they are freely available to others.
I admit this is unjust. But I have told them what they can do.
The way is not for them to get into anyone’s house and occupy
it. Their attack should be non-violent. I have also told them
which houses are thus to be attacked.

They must also agree to do any kind of work assigned to
them to the extent that they can. For instance you may not
assign writing work to a man who cannot write. But if you give
a pickaxe to a man he should not say that he can only wield
a pen. Similarly they should live in any shelter that is given
to them, be it a tent or a room. All that is necessary is that

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

379

there should be a roof overhead and it should not matter if it is
only a thatched roof. Similarly they do not need any cots.
One can sleep on straw very comfortably. I know from experi-
ence that straw can be as warm as any cotton mattress. Let us
accept as a blessing from God anything we can get. If people can
learn contentment the few lakhs of refugees can be made reason-
ably happy. There is plenty of room here. Only their hearts
should be clean. Unfortunately the case is the very reverse.

You saw what has happened in Karachi.' People used to
say that such things could not happen in Sind. I always said
that Hindus could not live in peace in Sind. And not only
Hindus, even others. That was proved yesterday. They had

assembled in a Gurdwara awaiting evacuation. The Gur-

dwara was attacked. A few were killed, some were injured. The
Government says that the situation was brought under control
as soon as possible. But in the first place such a thing should
not have happened at all. I must tell the Pakistan Government
to see that such things do not happen or else they should quit
the Government. Maybe if there is no government there will

be plunder and looting for a few days. But later the situa-

tion will improve. I have the same thing to say to the Govern-
ment in India. I shall not listen to the Government saying
that people cannot be persuaded. If the people cannot be
persuaded they must give up the pretext of governing. Both
the Governments are the same in my eyes. If the Pakistan
Government allows the people to be murdered in this way, the
Government will not last long. To you, brothers, I shall only
say, do not let yourselves become mad. You must swallow your
anger. You must not answer anger with anger and say, ‘We
will destroy the mosques, occupy them and kill the Muslims.’
This will not be just. Such personal vengeance will put an end
to the rule of law. Certainly we should provide all reasonable
facilities to the refugees. It will be shameful if we do not.
We should not be afraid or upset or angry over what has
happened in Karachi. In return we on our part should live
peacefully. If we can conduct ourselves decently, if we let the
Muslims stay on, and if the refugees behave with civility, we
shall soon overcome the present painful situation.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 275-9

* Vide footnote to “A Letter”, p. 375.

355. LETTER TO SHANTA NERULKAR

5.45 a. m., January 8, 1948

CHI. SHANTA^,

I have your letter and also the list sent by you.

I have signed the budget.

I would like the Talimi Sangh to take over everything.^ It
will be a test for you all. If you do not master the art of taking
work from other institutions it will be the end of all work. If
you are complacent and depend on my help you are likely to
repent it. How long can I live? If you have the grace of God
you have everything. And I have already defined the condition
for obtaining that grace.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

356. LETTER TO E. W. ARTANATAKUM

5.50 a. m., January 8, 1948

CHI. ARYAM,

I have your two letters. You should find some time and
improve your Hindustani and both the scripts. If Asha is not
there you should take the help of others who know Hindustani.
Why not Meetu’s^ help?

I would like the Talimi Sangh to take up the work of the
K. G. N. M. Trust as well. It may be said that I am running
a risk here. It is for you, it is your duty, to see whether you
can shoulder all the responsibility. The co-operation of all the
institutions and people depends upon your tact and friendliness.
I can but obtain it for you; it is for you to carry it through
and to develop it. Do you understand what I am saying?

* Member, Hindustani Talimi Sangh

2 The reference is to the unification and co-ordination of the four Sanghs
as suggested by Gandhiji. Vide pp. 222-3.

^ Addressee’s daughter

380

LETTER TO KRISHNADAS GANDHI 381

Ask me if you don’t. You could even have written to me in
Bengali.

I understand what you say about Ramachandran. I am
writing to him.'

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

357. LETTER TO AMINA G. QURESHI

January 8, 1948

CHI. AMINA,

I find your letter very sweet. I think it was no less than
your good luck that you could serve Totaram^. You are abso-
lutely right that after the late Imam Saheb he was the lone
elder in the Ashram. Parikshitbhai had sent me a telegram.
Wahid^ has indeed risen high. If he works hard he is sure to
forge ahead as you say. Take care of your health. If you make
the proper changes in your diet you will get rid of the redun-
dant fat. Which college does Hamid'* go to? What is Sultana^
doing ?

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

358. LETTER TO KRISHNADAS GANDHI

January 8, 1948

CHI. KRISHNADAS®,

It is quite correct that you should write in Hindustani. I
am, however, replying in Gujarati.

I am very glad that Manojna’' co-operates with you. Seek
more help from her if you can. She can speedily improve her
knowledge of Hindustani and of the two scripts. Then why can’t

' The letter is not traceable.

^ Totaram Sanadhya; vide pp. 404-5.

® Addressee’s children
® Son of Chhaganlal Gandhi
^ Addressee’s wife

382

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

we devote our entire attention to it? All our [dealings] needs
must be in Hindustani, not in Hindi or Urdu. Hence I would
not regard the expression nirvachit, which has been used in the
resolution that we have passed, as Hindustani. There must be
a simpler equivalent for it. If nirvachit means ‘one who has
been elected’ why can’t we say chuna hua? This is only by way
of an illustration. Why should the letter-heads be in English
any more? My point was that it never ought to have been.
Anyway now we surely cannot have it, so all such letter-heads
should be utilized in some other way. You can cut off the part
carrying the print and get a rubber-stamp for the name and
address, or have them reprinted. A third way is to score out
the printed portions. But that is a method I myself do not like.

Why should our constitution be in English? It should be
in beautiful Hindustani. Even now we should have it rendered
into Hindustani.'

Now about Khadi Pratishthan. An ordinary uncertified khadi
bhandar defies us and carries on its business. It competes
with us. What Khadi Pratishthan does is not with a view to
competing with us; rather, whatever policy it adopts should help
us to learn something. If we look at it from this point of view
I see a very great difference. Even then we don’t propose to
act in haste.

I am forwarding your letter to Hemprabhadevi.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

' A committee was later appointed to translate the Constitution into
Hindi. It consisted of Ghanshyam Singh Gupta (President), Raghuvira,
Kamalapati Tripathi and Haribhau Upadhyaya.

359. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 8, 1948

Kakasaheb has been here for the last two days. It was
with the greatest difficulty that I could find time to talk to
him about Hindustani and other things. If he had not himself
spoken he might have stayed on for weeks and I might not
have found time to talk to him. Innumerable people — men and
women — visit me during the day. There is a huge pile of letters
to be attended to. The work connected with Harijan has to be
done. There is not a moment to spare. Usually Manu shaves
me. But today I have taken away this work from her. I am
lying in the bath, plying the razor and dictating this letter to
Manu.

I am not as fit as I should be, which shows weakness of
my faith in Ramanama. . . .'should go to Rajkot. By staying
here he will only deceive himself and others. Man is his own
enemy. No one can be the enemy of another. Similarly, no
one in the world can harm anyone.

You should give up the craving to live in the Ashram. I
have told the few people who are still there to stay there only
if they can stand on their own feet.

I had never doubted that the removal of rationing would
bring the relief it has brought. The Government hesitated be-
cause they were afraid of hurting the vested interests. But can
a government be carried on in this way? Nothing is certain
about me. There is still much fire smouldering here. One can-
not say when it may not leap into flames.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 250-1

Omission as in the source

383

360. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 8, 1948

I had your letter written in English. First, I must apolo-
gize for the delay in answering it. I have not a moment’s
leisure. Even now I am lying in the bath shaving. Usually
Manu performs this service, but today I am doing it myself
and I am dictating this to Manu. Such is my plight.

The Bahawalpur situation has got out of hand.' Who will
mend matters? I am full of anxiety. Panditji^ comes at least
once a day. I shall speak to him. My going there will serve
no purpose. If I can achieve something here it will have an
impact on the whole of India. Running about from one place
to another will achieve nothing. I have to do or die here.
Even if I can die bravely it will do a lot of good. Let us see
what God wills. We are all in His hands.

You must not rush here, abandoning the people. Even if
you die there courageously, it will be well for Bahawalpur.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 251

361. LETTER TO GOVLND BALLABH PANT

January 8, 1948

BHAI GOVIND BALLABH PANT,

Read the enclosed and do whatever is proper.

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

' Vide pp. 288-9.

^ Jawaharlal Nehru

384

362. LETTER TO MANGAL SINGH

January 8, 1948

SARDARJI,

I got your letter written in English. Why did you write in
English instead of in Hindustani? It appears that you have sent
copies of the letter to others as well. As I had already replied
to it, you would not, I suppose, expect another reply from me.
I am already doing what I can with whatever strength I have.
I do not hold the reins of the Government.

Sardar Mangal Singh, ex-m.l.a. (Central)

Shiromani Akali Dal
Amritsar

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

363. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 8, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

A correspondent refers to what I had said about the Hari-
jans and drinking.’ As a matter of fact it was not only Hari-
jans I had mentioned but all others. He asks if only Harijans
should give up drinking, what about the soldiers and rich
people? It is a silly question. If the rich do not give up
drinking, does it mean that others too should not give it up?
Even if there is no prohibition drinking does not become a vir-
tue. Does it mean that if others sin we should also sin? Since
he has asked me I would tell him that all those who drink
should give up the habit. Since the Harijans and the labour
class cannot be persuaded the law must persuade them. They
take to drink because they are deprived of other comforts of
life. They want to drown their poverty in drink. But what rea-
son can there be for the rich and the soldiers to drink? It is
not that all the soldiers drink. Even among the English there

’ Vide p. 340.

385

90-25

386

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

are many who do not drink. Everyone should give up drinking.
The law will apply to all. It will not make any exception in
favour of the rich.

I shall speak now of the students’ strike. I understand that
students who are Congress supporters will not join the strike.
It seems the strike was organized by the Communist students.
There are all types of students — Communist, Socialist and Cong-
ress supporters. I am not concerned with that. I am address-
ing them all. If the Congress students are not taking part in the
strike they deserve to be complimented. I shall advise all the
students not to go on strike. It pains me that Communist stu-
dents are taking this step. Communists are clever people. They
too want to serve the country. But this is not the way to
serve the country. And why should the students support any
particular party? The students form a party themselves. Their
job is to study not merely for themselves but for the service of
the country. So long as one is a student one is not a Commu-
nist, or a Socialist, or a Congressman. One is merely a student
devoted wholly to studies. Strike for them will be fatal.

I have a question here. It is a good question. I am
asked why I who have been advising everyone to give up evil
things don’t offer the same advice to Pakistan, why I do not go
there and resort to satyagraha. I have answered the question
except for the satyagraha part. How can I go to Pakistan so
long as we are behaving here as they do in Pakistan? I can
only go to Pakistan after India has cleansed herself. I will do
or die here. Hindus and Sikhs of Delhi have gone mad. They
want all the Muslims here to be driven out. A large number
have already gone. They want the rest also to go. There are
Sikhs and Hindus in Pakistan who want to come away. But
what is the use of satyagraha today? There is no satyagraha
and no ahimsa left now. Everyone has become a votary of vio-
lence. They want the help of the army and can be happy only
when they have such help. Today armed force has replaced
God. Today even our newspapers are spreading filth. If people
would listen to me, the newspapers would present a very differ-
ent picture. The correspondent asks: “Since Hindus and Sikhs

in such large numbers have been thrown out of Pakistan, where
is the place for the Muslims to live ? And so long as the same
number of Muslims do not leave India, where is the place for
the refugees to occupy?” I think that the number of Muslims
who have already left equals the number of Hindu and Sikh
refugees from Pakistan. It is madness to demand that the rest

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

387

of them should also go because attempts are being made to drive
out from Pakistan the Hindus and Sikhs still left there. We still
have large numbers of Muslims in India. I am told that the
meeting called by Maulana Azad in Lucknow was attended by
70,000 Muslims. It was the largest number of Muslims who
attended a meeting in recent times. Must we kill all those
Muslims or send them away to Pakistan, and why? I shall
never give such shameful advice. There is no bravery in it.

A number of people from Bahawalpur came to see me to-
day. A few persons from Mirpur-Kashmir also came. They are
obviously in great difficulty. While they were still talking Pan-
ditji dropped in. I asked him to hear what the visitors had to
say. The representatives of Mirpur had a talk with Panditji
and I hope something will be done. I do not say that all that
they want will be done. Although it is not yet a formal war, it
is something very similar. In the circumstances it will be difficult
to find a way of bringing over all the people marooned there.
I am sure the Government will do what it can. But if there
are still some people left there who cannot be helped, there
is nothing much we can do about it. We do not have enough
trains and buses. The Kashmir road is not yet fit for transport-
ing millions of people. It is too narrow.

The Bahawalpur refugees told me that the other refugees
could have their names registered for jobs and send in appli-
cations, but that all the applications of those coming from Baha-
walpur were not being entertained. They asked why there
should be such discrimination. They were very polite and reason-
able. They said that people coming from the Frontier Province,
the Punjab and Sind could apply and were eligible for jobs. I
said this could not be true and if there was such discrimination
against the refugees from Bahawalpur it must be a mistake. The
Sardar has said that there would not be any discrimination.
However, I shall find out.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — ^II, pp. 279-83

364. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI

January 9, 1948

CHI. NARANDAS,

The Ashram and [I] are sorry for Chi. Navin’. I have to
be a mute spectator of whatever happens. Everyone follows
his own nature; how can Navin be an exception? I am totally
indifferent about this marriage. What could have been your idea
in writing to me? How can there be any blessings from me?
I am glad that you undertook the journey.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

365. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 9, 1948

Today this capital city is under a kind of siege. Although
India is free the capital of India is protected by the army and
the police and I can do nothing but sit here and watch.
Votaries of non-violence today have had to put their trust in the
weapons of violence. What a severe test it is going to be for
us. If this is God’s will, what strange design does it hide?
But I have to do or die. Those who believe that arms can
save Delhi are greatly mistaken. Whether it be Delhi or the
world only one thing can save us and that is heart amity.

I have no time at all. There is a heap of letters to be
answered. So only this much for today.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 257

Son of Vrajlal Gandhi

388

366. LETTER TO AMRITA LAL CHATTERJEE

New Delhi,

January 9 \^1948Y

CHI. AMRITA LAL,

I have your letter. I am glad that you wrote it in Hindu-
stani in the Bengali script.

I think Dhiren is committing a mistake. It is a good thing
that the marriage is still far away. He has a perfect right to
act as he wants. Blessings are unnecessary when the cause is
good; they become a curse when the cause is bad.

I have read your letter about Kanaiyo.^ I am writing to
him. My thoughts are firm and clear and I am conveying them
to him. It will be good if you read his letters.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: C. W. 10425. Courtesy: Amrita Lai
Chatterjee

367. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

January 9, 1 948

DAUGHTER AMTUL SALAAM,

Your letter is full of anger. Anger seems to be the food on
which you subsist. My simplest statement seems crooked to you.
Let it be. Gan one help one’s nature?

I have never felt that you are a Muslim and I am a Hindu.
The only feeling I have is that you are A. S. and I am Gandhi.
Where our atmans are concerned we are one.

1 hold that it is your duty to go to Borkamta. No other
question arises if you too believe the same. It is imperative
that you go to Borkamta soon. In my view you are the moving
spirit behind whatever has been achieved there. It was and still

* The source has “1947”, evidentiy a slip, for the addressee’s letter under
reply was dated December 27, 1947.

2 Kanu Gandhi and the addressee had expressed their disapproval of
Gandhiji’s experiment in brahmacharya and Abha Gandhi’s participation in it.

389

390

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

is your most significant work. Only you can sustain it. At
present no one but you can accomplish that work. If you do not
ask me for money, that too would be in your interest. Nothing
belongs to me; everything belongs to one or the other trust.
Wherever you stand you stand in the capacity of my daughter,
do you not?

What can be done if you hold a different view despite
Bari’s and my opinion that you should forget all about Patiala?

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

368. TRIBUTE TO BHAURAO PATH

New Delhi,

January 9, 1948

The services of Shri Bhaurao Patil are in themselves a true
tribute to him. Yet the activity taken up by the students is
worthy of praise. May Shri Bhaurao continue for long to render
service.

M. K. Gandhi

G. J. Salunke

President, Bhaurao Patil Felicitation Fund Committee
Satara

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

369. TALK WITH SAURASHTRA DELEGATION^

Birla House, New Delhi,

January 9, 1948

What I want is that you should have Nanabhai as your
counsellor, even as sage Vashishtha was in Ramarajya. He will not
shine more by being the Chief Minister. When there is friction

* Which included Manubhai Pancholi, Balwantrai Mehta, Mohanbhai
Motichand Gadhadawala and others. They expressed the view that Nrisinha-
prasad Kalidas Bhatt should be made Chief Minister in the popular government
at Bhavnagar.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

391

between the ruler and the subjects he can bring them together.
He should not transfer his institution' to the city. He should
continue it in Ambla. I do not feel that Nanabhai will say no.
He will not fit too well in the seat of power. His place can only
be in the field of education. If everyone becomes Chief Minis-
ter, who will make up the subjects? Just as the ministers should
be educated so also the people should be educated. Only if the
people are educated will they keep the ministers on their toes.
Only an educated people can discern the path to freedom. My
own view is that Balwantrai should be made Chief Minister. He
served the old Bhavnagar State for many years. The qualities
that Balwantrai has are not to be found in Nanabhai. And
Nanabhai’s qualities Balwantrai does not possess. Dhebar alone
cannot tackle the problems of Kathiawar. If the entire Kathia-
war has only these two I shall have no worry. We cannot
burden Dhebar alone with the responsibility of the whole of
Kathiawar. In the ceremony PattanP should be kept in the
forefront. This is my considered view. But if you invite him
only to censure him, then you should not invite him. If we start
with prejudices of any kind we shall only frustrate our purpose.
You must learn from him. There will be occasions when the
State will be able to find a way through difficulties through his
experience alone. I am giving my opinion unsought. If you do
not like it you can reject it. You should not think that you
have to accept it because I say it. If you do anything just to
please me, it will not please me but it will harm us both.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 259-60

370. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 9, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

1 want to say something about a Hindu temple in Bahawal-
pur. It is still there but is no more in the possession of the
Hindus. The chief priest of the temple came to see me today.
His name is Bhagwandas. He saw with his own eyes how the
temple was attacked and how the Hindus ran for their lives

' Gram Dakshinamurty

2 Anantrai Pattani

392

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

by the backdoor. The chief priest also ran away with them.
He described to me how he was able to save some women.
He could not save them all but quite a number were rescued.
He wants me to find a way of bringing over the Hindus still
stranded there. I told him that I was doing all that a single
individual could do. The Government was trying to do some-
thing but it was not easy because one Government should not
interfere in the affairs of another. I have said it before and
I say it again that what is required at the present juncture is
patience. We should not fear death. We must fear dishonour
and indignity. To save one’s honour one must lay down one’s
life. If someone is asked to embrace Islam or be prepared to
die, he must choose death. Death is inevitable and cannot be
avoided for ever. This of course does not mean that we should
not do what we can to save ourselves but our ultimate trust
should be in God.

A refugee came to see me today. He was not a beggar,
nor a poor man. He has known prosperity. He lives in a bun-
galow nearby. The bungalow belonged to a Muslim who ran
away. The refugee friend was a friend of that Muslim. He
comes from the place where the Muslim has gone to settle. He
told him to go and live in his bungalow. Now he says he has
received a notice from the Government asking him to vacate
the bungalow which is required for public purposes. I have no
doubt that the Government would requisition the house. There
are many people, ambassadors and others coming from out-
side and the Government would want to provide them proper
accommodation. After all the Government cannot put up new
houses by magic. It is said that sages had this power in for-
mer times. It is related in the Ramayana how the sage Bhara-
dwaja had made a whole city appear from nowhere with the
power of his mantra. Today I know of no such mantra. I therefore
can understand it if the Government requisitions houses when it
wants them but it should then provide alternative accommodation
to the people living there. If the Government just pushes out the
occupants, where are they to go ? I am sure the Government can-
not act thus. But if such a notice has been received I cannot
really hold out any assurance of help. I myself do not have a
house of my own. I am living in another’s house. The affected
person should approach the Government. I still think that what
he says is not correct but if it is, it is a painful matter. I know
that anyone lawfully residing in a house cannot be served with
such a notice.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

393

I have several other letters. A correspondent attributes to
me the statement that in Bombay everyone was allowed to draw
one seer of rice per day as his rationed quota. So far as I re-
member I never said this. In the present conditions of scarcity
one seer of rice per day per head would be too liberal an al-
lowance. Still I shall see what I had said.’ He says the quota is
a quarter seer per head, per day. This means one seer in four

days. This is not too bad. But in fact I recollect it was only

one seer in seven days. But if I had said that the allowance was
one seer per head per day it should be taken as incorrect.

There are so many notes and letters that I find it difficult
to decide which one to take up. One says that I am staying here
in Birla House where poor people cannot enter; formerly when
I was in Bhangi Colony poor people could approach me. What
he says is true and I like it. I think I had referred to this the

first time I came here.^ I came here at a time when Delhi

was in the grip of communal rioting. The town looked like a
graveyard. Bhangi Colony had also become crowded with refugees
and it was feared that anything might happen anywhere. So the
Sardar said that he would not allow me to live there. So they
moved me to Birla House. I did not object because after all I
cannot make do with a room. There had to be an office and
a kitchen, and moreover there are many people living with me.
Here I am also within easy reach of the ministers. They do not
send for me. They themselves come to me. It is their kindness.
It takes them only two minutes to come here. It took them 10
to 16 minutes to go to Bhangi Colony. The Muslim brethren
also find it easy to come here while they are scared of going to
Bhangi Colony. It will be a great thing if we can save such of
them as are left. Today goondaism rules the streets. Anyone
going on a bicycle is pulled down and his money or watch is
snatched away. Even those travelling in cars are stopped and
looted. Such is our present plight. It is a matter of great shame.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 283-5

’ Vide p. 328.

2 Vide Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 167-8.

371. LETTER TO VIJATA M. PANCHOLI

January 9, 1948

CHI. VIJAYA,

It is after a long time that you seem to have found occasion
to write to me. I often think of you.

The answer to your question is the verse which we sing
every day at the morning prayer. The prayer, in its entirety,
is meant not only to be recited but to be acted upon. This is
what the verse means; “Our misfortunes are not real misfortunes,
nor are our good fortunes so in fact. Real misfortune is the for-
getting of Vishnu, and the highest wealth consists in constantly
thinking of Him and trying to see Him in one’s heart.” Think
over this and shed your weakness. Why need one who feels
Rama in his heart, bemoan massacres or lose his reason because
of them? And, moreover, what about the inhuman conduct we
were guilty of on our side? Hence did Narasimha sing: “Let
not thy mind be affected by suffering or happiness, for they were
created with the body.” Think over this. I don’t like your
being weak. You should go to Panchgani. Accommodation is
available there now. Uruli also is a fine place. You should find
some time for rest.

Nanabhai must have received my letter.’

I have written this letter in great hurry, having put off go-
ing to bed for a while.

Look after the children with great care.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7154. Also C. W. 4646.
Courtesy: Vijaya M. Pancholi

’ Vide p. 361.

394

372. LETTER TO SHARDA H. KOTAK

January 10, 1948

CHI. SHARDA,

Harjivan having passed away, your highest good lies in
acknowledging your faults when they are pointed out by others. One
may only praise the departed for his good qualities. How can
Dada' realize that even when I was finding fault with you I was
only admiring your good qualities ? However, irrespective of what
I did or did not tell him let me tell you one thing, that I
greatly appreciate your strength of character, and as for Harjivan
he was simply devoted to you. He believed that whatever brahma-
charya he could observe he did with the help of your strength
of character. He did not look upon it as a great achievement
on his part. It was therefore you who succumbed to his en-
treaties. Thus you fell and brought him down with you. If
you never had any respect for brahmackarya, raising a family would
have been regarded as the normal thing for you as for anyone
else. Only he can fall who has risen high. I write all this so
that you can be strong in future and may not feel dejected. You
should now devote yourself cheerfully to your own work and
your own dharma, and conduct yourself as Dada advises.

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

373. LETTER TO GANGADHARRAO DESHPANDE

January 10, 1948

BHAI GANGADHARRAO,

1 have your letter. I have always believed in the unifica-
tion of Karnataka and have loved the idea. I interpret Panditji’s
statement^ only to mean that the Central Government cannot

* Lakshmidas Asar

2 Replying to a question on November 27, 1947, in the Parliament,
Jawaharlal Nehru said that “the creation of the provinces of Maharashtra and
Karnataka raised greater difficulties, as any marked change would probably
affect the structure and economy of the provinces concerned. It must be
remembered that creation of new provinces would require careful consideration
in all its bearings, so that any decision taken would be acceptable to the neigh-
bouring provinces concerned. Every decision must be considered from the
point of view of the country as a whole.”

395

396

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

take the initiative in determining the boundary. But if the con-
cerned provinces reach a mutual understanding and ask for the
Centre’s approval, there will be no harm in it. I am keeping
well.

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

374. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,
January 10, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

It is shocking to see how we have fallen today. Those who
pretend to be sadhus and boast of self-control and their recitation
of the Gita, show no self-control at all.' But generally these days
the prayer meetings are quiet and well-ordered, which is a good
thing.

I had been warned that the Bahawalpur refugees would
create a disturbance today and would keep on shouting through
the meeting.^ I said it could not be true. I know their sufferings.
I assure them that all the Hindus and Sikhs stranded there will
be brought over. The Nawab has given the assurance — although
I do not know how much one can depend on the assurances
of Rajas and Nawabs — that from now on Hindus and Sikhs
there will not be subjected to any harassment, that those who
want to leave will be allowed to leave under proper arrange-
ments and those remaining will not be asked to embrace Islam.
It may be that they are all safe there. The Government too
are seized of the matter. You may demand that they should
be brought over right now. But you must understand that,
though formerly we were one country, we are now two coun-
tries and enemies of each other. We try to do what we can.
There are seventy thousand Hindus and Sikhs there. In Sind
the number is much larger. They are not safe there. I have
a telegram from Karachi which says that the situation is

' A man wearing a saffron robe had got up and insisted on reading
out his letter to Gandhiji. It was with great difficulty that he was made to
sit down.

^ As Gandhiji walked to the prayer ground, the refugees from Bahawal-
pur staged a demonstration and shouted slogans asking for help for the
70,000 Hindus and Sikhs stranded there. They became perfectly peaceful
when Gandhiji sat down for prayers.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

397

much worse than it was described in the newspapers and that
the damage done was much greater. The times are such that
we must maintain the utmost self-possession and patience. If we
lose patience we shall lose the battle. Defeat is a word that
should find no place in our dictionary. For this it is necessary
not to be provoked into anger. We have to think calmly what
we must do.

Today the Iranian Ambassador came to see me. He is a
guest of the Government. He said, “Iran and India have
always been friends. Both Iranians and Indians come of Aryan
stock.” He is right. If we look at the Zfind Avesta, we shall find
many Sanskrit words in it. We have also had dealings with
each other. The Ambassador said that India was the largest
nation in Asia and that Iran sincerely wanted friendship with
India. Gurudev' had once paid a visit to Iran and he was very
satisfied with the visit. The Ambassador told me that the rela-
tions between Iran and India ought not to be allowed to de-
teriorate. I asked him how that could be. Then he referred to
an incident involving an Iranian in Bombay. There are many
Iranians in Bombay. They run tea-shops there, which are visit-
ed by large numbers of Hindus, Muslims, Parsis and Christians.
There seems to have been some rioting there. I do not know
anything about it. I am told some Iranians were killed. Iranians
are after all Muslims. So the rioters must have decided that it
was quite all right to kill them. I asked him if he had any
complaint to make about the way the Government handled the
situation. He said he had none and that the Government had
quickly brought the situation under control. He says the Govern-
ment here too is good, that it has posted armed guards for the
protection of the Muslims who are here. He says in Iran Hindu,
Sikh and Muslim traders lived together in amity. Exaggerated
reports from India are always going there. What may happen
in future nobody knows. But the Government in Iran is keeping
itself vigilant, and it does not want to weaken its friendship
with India for whatever cause.

I still have two minutes, so I take up a letter. The corres-
pondent says that, though some people are happy that the
controls on articles of food have been lifted, he would like to
warn me that lifting of controls has not been a very good thing
and that I have only been getting one-sided information. But
when I receive so many wires and letters congratulating me, what

' Rabindranath Tagore

398

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

am I to say? I cannot reject them saying that they present
only one view. I cannot know the opinions of all and I cannot
see everything that is happening in the world because I am not
gifted with divine sight. The millions of people in India are my
eyes and ears, hands and feet. I also want to know the other
side. Do not believe in anything simply because I say it. Be-
lieve only what your eyes see. You will learn from your mistakes.
Do what appears to you right. Only then will you be able to
keep your freedom and deserve it.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 285-7

375. “URDU HARIJAN^’

Two weeks ago I hinted in the Gujarati columns that the
Harijan printed in the Urdu script was likely to be stopped as its
sale was steadily dwindling. Apart even from financial consider-
ations, I saw no meaning in publishing it, if there was no
demand for it. The dwindle to me was a sign of resentment
against its publication. I would be foolish if I failed to profit
by it.

My view remains unalterable especially at this critical junc-
ture in our history. It is wrong to ruffle Muslim or any other
person’s feeling when there is no question of ethics. Those who
take the trouble of learning the Urdu script in addition to
the Nagari, will surely lose nothing. They will gain a know-
ledge of the Urdu script, which many of our countrymen
know. If it was not for cussedness, this proposition will be ad-
mitted without any argument. The limitations of this script in
terms of perfection are many. But for elegance and grace it will
equal any script in the world. It will not die so long at least
as Arabic and Persian live, though it has achieved a status all
its own without outside aid. With a little adaptation it can serve
the purpose of shorthand. As a national script, if it is set free
from the bondage of orthodoxy, it is capable of improvement
so as to enable one to transcribe Sanskrit verses without the
slightest difficulty.

Lastly, those who in anger boycott the Urdu script, put a
wanton affront upon the Muslims of the Union who, in the eyes
of many Hindus, have become aliens in their own land. This
is copying the bad manners of Pakistan with a vengeance. I
invite every inhabitant of India to join me in a stern refusal

HOW DEMOCRACY WORKS

399

to copy bad manners. If they will enter the heart of what I have
written, they will prevent the impending collapse of the Nagari and
Urdu editions of the Harijan. Will Muslim friends rise to the
occasion and do two things — subscribe to the Urdu edition and dili-
gently learn the Nagari script and enrich their intellectual capital ?

New Delhi, January 11, 1948
Harijan, 18-1-1948

376. HOW DEMOCRACY WORKS

A valued correspondent has written to me two letters, one
issuing a timely warning about the ill effects of hasty decontrol
and the other about the possibility of an outbreak of Hindu-
Muslim riots. I have dealt with both the letters in a letter
which has become unexpectedly argumentative and gives my
view of democracy which can only come out of non-violent mass
action. I, therefore, reproduce the letter below without giving
at the same time the letters to which it is in answer. There is
enough in the answer to enable the reader to know the purport
of the two letters. I have purposely refrained from giving the
name of my correspondent and the scene of action, not because
the letters are confidential, but because nothing is to be gained
from disclosing either:

You still write as if you had the slave mind, though
the slavery of us all is abolished. If decontrol has produced
the effect you attribute to it, you should raise your voice,
even though you may be alone in doing so and your voice
may be feeble. As a matter of fact you have many compa-
nions and your voice is by no means feeble unless intoxi-
cation of power has enfeebled it. Personally, the bogey of
the shooting up of prices by reason of decontrol does not
frighten me. If we have many sharks and we do not know
how to combat them, we shall deserve to be eaten up by
them. Then we shall know how to carry ourselves in the
teeth of adversity. Real democracy people learn not from
books, not from the government who are in name and in
reality their servants. Hard experience is the most efficient
teacher in democracy. The days of appeals to me are gone.
The cloak of non-violence which we had put on during the
British regime is no longer now necessary. Therefore, vio-
lence faces us in its terrible nakedness. Have you also suc-
cumbed or you too never had non-violence? This letter is

400

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

not to warn you against writing to me and giving me your
view of the picture, but it is intended to tell you why I
would swear by decontrol even if mine was a solitary voice.

Your second letter about Hindu-Muslim tension is more
to the point than the first. Here too you should raise your
voice openly against any soft handling of the situation or smug
satisfaction. I shall do my part but I am painfully conscious
of my limitations. Formerly I could afford to be the monarch
of all I surveyed. Today I have many fellow-monarchs, if I
may still count myself as such. If I can, I am the least among
them. The first days of democracy are discordant notes which
jar on the ear and give you many headaches. If democracy
is to live in spite of these killing notes, sweet concord has to
rise out of this seemingly discordant necessary lesson. How
I wish that you would be one of the masters who would
contribute to the production of concord out of discord!

You will not make the mistake of thinking that your
duty is finished when you have apprised me of the situation
in your part of the country.

New Delhi, January 11, 1948
Harijan, 18-1-1948

377. HOW TO INCREASE YIELDS?

Bhai Harilal Bawabhai Patel of Gram Dakshinamurty writes:*
There is nothing new in Bhai Harilal’s suggestion. Never-
theless, those who hold the reins of the country are no farmers.
So what has been said above can be of help. Let us find time
from political activities and engage ourselves in constructive work,
give proper importance to agricultural reforms, teach the farmers
as much as possible and learn from them what we can.

If we use farmyard manure or compost it is not necessary to keep
the fields fallow. This manure keeps the soil ever fresh. It also does
not have to be carried from place to place. After a little experience,
such manure can be produced in every village. But these things
cannot be done mechanically. Let us glean what knowledge we
can find in writings such as above and provide right education to the
farmers by carrying on original experiments, and thus benefit them.
New Delhi, January 11, 1948
[From Gujarati]

Harijanbandhu, 18-1-1948

* The letter is not translated here.

378. A NOTE

Sunday, January 11, 1948

All natural remedies, i. e., the use of water, air, light, earth
and the open sky are to he included. The book will tell people
how to keep well and be stronger by the adoption of the na-
tural laws.

From a photostat: G. N. 7833. Also C. W. 4197. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur

379. LETTER TO PRABHAKAR

January 11, 1948

CHI. PRABHAKAR,

I have your letter. What point have I not answered?

It was not good that the man died; but he was released
and it has been a test for us.

I do not like the idea of leaving out the Sanskrit shlokas.
I see no need for the reading to be done in English. Have . . .*
translated into Hindi and read it.

Blessings from
Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 9042. Also C. W. 9166. Courtesy :
Prabhakar

One word is illegible here.

90-26

401

380. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 11, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Only yesterday I complimented you on the calm you main-
tained in the meeting. But if boys and girls continue to whisper
or if women bring children who cry it is not good education for
them.* If they cannot keep the children quiet they should not
bring them to the meeting. I shall request all my brothers and
sisters to have the decency to keep quiet and also to keep the
children quiet. Continuous conversation during prayer obstructs
it. They should realize that God is omnipotent and omnipresent.
He hears everything. We must not abuse His silence and
mercy.

I have to refer to a painful matter. It concerns Andhra. I
have two letters from Andhra. One of them is from an elderly
gentleman^ whom I know and who does not write as a rule. The
other is from a young man whom I do not know. There is no
use telling you the names because you do not know them. Both
say that after August 15, all fear has vanished from people’s
minds. The British who were feared are gone. There is no fear
of punishment and also no fear of God. In Andhra people
are of robust health and when they feel that they are free
they lose all self-control. Now they do nothing but what will
further their self-interest. One of the correspondents bewails
the fact that all the sacrifices made by the Congress to see
India free has resulted in this. The Congress today is falling.
Everyone in the Congress today wants to become an M. L. A.
Those who succeed do not work for the country but only for
themselves. An M. L. A. gets quite a sizable salary — I do not
recollect how much — but it is quite adequate for one’s neces-
sities. The correspondent says that the M. L. A.s nevertheless are
corrupt and they harass civil servants and try to browbeat them
into doing their bidding. In this way both suffer morally —

* It being a Sunday, a large number of people attended the prayer
meeting.

^ Konda Venkatappayya; vide pp. 405 and 410-1.

402

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

403

civil servants as well as those who call themselves our repre-
sentatives. The elder correspondent suggests that I should go and
live in Andhra and see how things are. But I have lived not
only among Andhras but among all classes of people. To me
people of every province are Indians even if they speak different
languages. If someone says that he belongs to Andhra and has
nothing to do with the rest of the country, I too shall have
nothing to do with him. He says the rot is spreading amongst
us. The more people we return to the assemblies, the greater
the amount of filth. The fewer there are the less filth there will
be. He therefore suggests that we should reduce the number of
M. L. A.s because they do not in any case represent the people.
They go into the assemblies to serve their self-interest. They even
try to capture the Congress. Then there are others who call
themselves Communists or Socialists. They also feel all-important
and talk about capturing the whole of India. But who will
control India? Socialists and Communists and Congressmen are
all Indians. Let us not say that India is ours. Let us rather
say that we belong to India. If we make India our own, we
must do so not to further our self-interest, not to enrich our
relatives or to provide them jobs but to serve.

The women are talking. This is very bad. If you must
talk, then come to the dais and make a speech from here.
Maybe they do not hear a word of what I am saying. They
do not come here to listen. They come here because they have
nothing else to do.

A few Muslims came to see me today. They say they have
been and still are nationalist Muslims and Congressmen. They
say formerly Congressmen had great regard for them but now
they have fallen in their eyes. If the Congressmen think so little
of them, they should ask them to go and they will go. Let the
Government say so, too. In that way they will be spared the
assaults and the humiliation that are their lot. Those who met
me did not speak only for themselves. They represented all
the Muslims. I advised them to keep calm and assured them
that the Government was doing all it could. We would see
what to do if it failed. Today we must forget that we are Hin-
dus or Sikhs or Muslims or Parsis. If we want to conduct the
affairs of India properly we must be only Indians. It is of no
consequence by what name we call God in our homes. In the
work of the nation, all Indians of all faiths are one. If Hindus
say that they will kill Muslims or will not permit them to live
in India they will be committing suicide and the Muslims will

404

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

be spared the trouble of killing the Hindus. We cannot commit
suicide. We are Indians and we must lay down our lives in
protecting Hindus, Muslims, Parsis, Sikhs and all others.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 288-90

381. RACING AND BETTING

A correspondent from Madras writes a pathetic letter on the
subject of betting on the race-course and holds that the two go
together. If betting went, horse-racing probably would fall flat.
It is wholly unnecessary for the sake of the love of horse flesh
to have horse races and all their attendant excitement. They
pander to the vices of humanity and mean a waste of good
cultivable soil and good money. Who has not witnessed as I
have, the ruin of fine men caused by the gamble on the race-
courses? It is time to leave alone the vices of the West and to
strive to adopt the best that it has to give.

New Delhi, January 12, 1948
Harijan, 18-1-1948

382. THE LATE TOTARAM SANADHTA

Totaramji has passed away at a ripe old age without re-
quiring any nursing. He was a jewel of the Sabarmati Ashram.
Though not a scholar, he had wisdom. He had a treasure of
devotional songs and yet he was not an accomplished singer.
He used to delight the Ashram by his ektarT and his devotional
songs. His wife was exactly like him. She departed before
Totaramji.

Where people live in groups there are bound to be some
conflicts. I do not remember any occasion when this couple
might have been a party to any such conflict or the cause of
one. Totaramji loved the soil. Farming was his very life. He
came to the Ashram years ago and never left it. Men and
women, young and old, always sought his guidance. He brought
unfailing solace to them.

He was an orthodox Hindu. But, he held Hindus, Mus-
lims and people of other religions in equal regard. There was

* A one-stringed instrument

LETTER TO KONDA VENKATAPPAYYA 405

no trace of the feeling of untouchability in him. He had no
vices.

He never took part in politics, and yet his love for the
country was so great that it could be compared with the best
of its kind. Renunciation came to him naturally. He added
lustre to it.

This good man had gone to Fiji as an indentured labourer.
He was the discovery of Deenabandhu Andrews. The credit
for having brought him to the Ashram goes to Benarsidas
Chaturvedi.

Till the end of his life it was Amina, Ghulam Rasool
Qureshi’s wife and Imam Saheb’s daughter, who rendered him
what service she could.

“Great men live for others” was literally true in the case
of Totaramji.

New Delhi, January 12, 1948
[From Gujarati]

Harijanbandku, 18-1-1948

383. LETTER TO KONDA VENKATAPPATTA

New Delhi,
January 12, 1948

DEAR DESHABHAKTA,

It is refreshing to get a fairly long letter from you. I referred
to it yesterday in my prayer speech.* What you say is too
shocking for words. ^ I cannot move out of Delhi.

Love.

Bapu

From a photostat: G.N. 3233

* Vide pp. 402-3.
^ Vide pp. 410-1.

384. LETTER TO PARTHASARATHT

New Delhi,

January 12, 1948

DEAR PARTHASARATHY,

Go on as you are doing calmly, patiently and politely.

Tours,

M. K. Gandhi

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

385. LETTER TO SHARD A G. CHOKHAWALA

January 12, 1948

CHI. BABUDI,

I have your letter. I should like you not to lose your
peace of mind even when nearing death. He or she who has
Rama in his or her heart even while lying on sick-bed is in
fact serving the people. Goodwill for others is in itself a form
of service. To such a person life and death are the same thing.
I want you to cultivate such a state of mind.

The rest Sushila will write.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10083. Courtesy: Sharda G. Chokha-
wala

406

386. LETTER TO SARAITA

New Delhi,

January 12, 1948

BHAI SARAIYA,

In your article you seem to have missed the point alto-
gether or I have failed to understand it. If a single new coin
is offered in exchange for three rupees, don’t you think it shows
an utterly absurd situation?

What can we say about the innocent?

Blessings from

Bapu

SwASTiK Court
Queen’s Road
Band Stand
Bombay

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

387. LETTER TO KEDARNATH SAHNI

New Delhi,

January 12, 1948

BHAI KEDARNATH,

I got your letter. Your wife has departed in peace. Hence,
there can be no cause for grief. Anyway, the body is destined
to perish some day or the other, some now, some later.

It was almost impossible for me to go there yesterday, it
was sufficient that Dr. Sushila went.

Blessings from

M. K. Gandhi

Kedarnath Sahni

Magistrate

Karnal

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

407

388. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 12, 1948

One fasts for health’s sake under laws governing health or
fasts as a penance for a wrong done and felt as such. In these
fasts, the fasting one need not believe in ahimsa. There is, how-
ever, a fast which a votary of non-violence sometimes feels im-
pelled to undertake by way of protest against some wrong done
by society and this he does when he, as a votary of ahimsa, has
no other remedy left.

Such an occasion has come my way. When on September 9
I returned to Delhi from Calcutta, I was to proceed to West
Punjab. But that was not to be. Gay Delhi looked a city of
the dead. As I alighted from the train I observed gloom on
every face. I saw even the Sardar, whom humour and the joy
that humour gives never desert, was no exception this time.

The cause of it I did not know. He was on the platform
to receive me. He lost no time in giving me the sad news of
the disturbances that had taken place in the metropolis of the
Union. At once I saw that I had to be in Delhi and do or die.

There is apparent calm brought about by prompt military
and police action. But there is storm within the breast. It may
burst forth any day. This I count as no fulfilment of the vow
to “do” which alone can keep me from death, the incomparable
friend. I yearn for heart friendship between Hindus, Sikhs and
Muslims. It subsisted between them the other day. Today it is
non-existent. It is a state that no Indian patriot worthy of the
name can contemplate with equanimity.

Though the voice within has been beckoning for a long
time, I have been shutting my ears to it lest it might be the
voice of Satan, otherwise called my weakness. I never like to
feel resourceless; a satyagrahi never should. Fasting is his last
resort in the place of the sword — his or others.

I have no answer to return to the Muslim friends who see
me from day to day as to what they should do. My impotence
has been gnawing at me of late. It will go immediately the

’ As Gandhiji was observing silence, his speech written in English was
translated into Hindi and read out after the prayers.

408

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

409

fast is undertaken. I have been brooding over it for the last
three days. The final conclusion has flashed upon me and it
makes me happy.* No man, if he is pure, has anything more
precious to give than his life. I hope and pray that I have
that purity in me to justify the step. I ask you all to bless the
effort and to pray for me and with me.

The fast begins from the first meal tomorrow (Tuesday). The
period is indefinite and I may drink water with or without salts
and sour limes. It will end when and if I am satisfied that there
is a reunion of hearts of all communities brought about without
any outside pressure, but from an awakened sense of duty.

The reward will be the regaining of India’s dwindling pres-
tige and her fast-fading sovereignty over the heart of Asia and
therethrough the world. I flatter myself with the belief that
the loss of her soul by India will mean the loss of the hope of
the aching, storm-tossed and hungry world. Let no friend or
foe, if there be one, be angry with me. There are friends who
do not believe in the method of the fast for reclamation of the
human mind. They will bear with me and extend to me the
same liberty of action that they claim for themselves.

With God as my supreme and sole counsellor, I felt that
I must take the decision without any other adviser. If I have
made a mistake and discover it, I shall have no hesitation in
proclaiming it from the house-top and retracing my faulty step.
There is little chance of my making such a discovery. If there
is a clear indication, as I claim there is, of the Inner Voice, it

will not be gainsaid. I plead for all absence of argument and

inevitable endorsement of the step. If the whole of India re-
sponds or at least Delhi does, the fast might be soon ended.

But whether it ends soon or late or never, let there be no

softness in dealing with what may be termed as a crisis. Critics
have regarded some of my previous fasts as coercive and held
that on merits the verdict would have gone against my stand
but for the pressure exercised by the fasts.

What value can an adverse verdict have when the purpose

is demonstrably sound? A pure fast, like duty, is its own re-

ward. I do not embark upon it for the sake of the result it
may bring. I do so because I must. Hence I urge everybody
dispassionately to examine the purpose and let me die, if I must,

* Gandhiji had given no inkling of what was in his mind to his close

associates — not even to Vallabhbhai Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru who had

met him shortly before this announcement at the prayer meeting.

This was the fifteenth fast to be undertaken by Gandhiji.

410

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

in peace which I hope is ensured. Death for me would be a
glorious deliverance rather than that I should be a helpless wit-
ness of the destruction of India, Hinduism, Sikhism and Islam.
That destruction is certain if Pakistan does not ensure equality
of status and security of life and property for all professing the
various faiths of the world and if India copies her. Only then
Islam dies in the two Indias, not in the world. But Hinduism
and Sikhism have no world outside India. Those who differ
from me will be honoured by me for their resistance however
implacable. Let my fast quicken conscience, not deaden it.

Just contemplate the rot that has set in in beloved India
and you will rejoice to think that there is an humble son of
hers who is strong enough and possibly pure enough to take
the happy step. If he is neither, he is a burden on earth. The
sooner he disappears and clears the Indian atmosphere of the
burden, the better for him and all concerned.

I would beg of all friends not to rush to Birla House nor
try to dissuade me or be anxious for me. I am in God’s hands.
Rather they should turn the searchlight inwards, for this is es-
sentially a testing-time for all of us. Those who remain at their
post of duty and perform it diligently and well, now more so
than hitherto, will help me and the cause in every way. The
fast is a process of self-purification.

I told you yesterday of two letters from Andhra. One
was from the aged friend, no other than Deshabhakta Konda
Venkatappayyagaru. I give here extracts from it:

The one great problem, apart from many other political and eco-
nomic issues of a very complicated nature, is the moral degradation into
which the men in Congress circles have fallen. I cannot say much about
other provinces but in my province the conditions are very deplorable.
The taste of political power has turned their heads. Several of the
M. L. A.s and M. L. C.s are following the policy of making hay while the
sun shines, of making money by the use of influence, even to the extent
of obstructing the administration of justice in the criminal courts presided
over by magistrates. Even the District Collectors and other revenue offi-
cials do not feel free in the discharge of their duties on account of the
frequent interference by the M. L. A.s and M. L. C.s on behalf of their
partisans. A strict and honest officer cannot hold his position, for false
reports are carried against him to the Ministers who easily lend their
ears to these unprincipled self-seekers.

Swaraj was the only all-absorbing passion which goaded men and
women to follow your leadership. But now that the goal had been reached,

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

411

all moral restrictions have lost their power on most of the fighters in
the great struggle, who are joining hands even with those who were sworn
opponents of the national movement and who, now, for their personal
ends enlist themselves as Congress members. The situation is growing
intolerable every day with the result that the Congress as well as the
Congress Government have come into disrepute.

The recent municipal elections in Andhra have proved how far
and how fast the Congress is losing its hold upon the people. The
municipal elections in the town of Guntur were suddenly ordered to
be stopped by an urgent message from the Minister for Local Bodies
(Madras) after every preparation was made for carrying on election.
Only a nominated council was in power for, I believe, the last ten
years or more and for nearly a year now the municipal administration
has been in the hands of a commissioner. Now the talk prevails that
the Government would soon nominate councillors to take charge of the
municipal affairs of this town.

I, old, decrepit, with a broken leg, slowly limping on crutches
within the walls of my house, have no axe to grind. I no doubt enter-
tain certain strong views against some of the leading Congressmen in
the two parties into which the members of the Provincial and District
Congress Committees now stand divided. And I have made no secret
of my views.

The factions in the Congress circles, the money-making activities
of several of the M. L. A.s and M. L. C.s and the weakness of the
Ministers have been creating a rebellious spirit among the people at
large. The people have begun to say that the British Government was
much better and they are even cursing the Congress.

Let the people of Andhra and the other provinces measure
the words of this self-sacrificing servant of India. As he rightly
says the corruption described by him is no monopoly of Andhra.
He could only give first-hand evidence about Andhra. Let us
beware.

My Bahawalpur friends, I have to ask you to be patient.
Sardar Saheb saw me only at noon. Being silent and preoccu-
pied I could say or write nothing. Shri Shanker* from his office
was too busy to come so that I could not place your case be-
fore him and possibly save the Sardar’ s precious time.^

The Hindustan Times, 13-1-1948, and Harijan, 18-1-1948

* V. Shankar, Private Secretary to Vallabhbhai Patel
^ Gandhiji visited Lord Mountbatten after the prayers.

389. LETTER TO A PUBLISHERS

New Delhi,

January 13, 1948

Who am I to write a foreword for the autobiography of a
celebrity like sage Romain Rolland who, alas, is no more among
us? I consider myself unfit for the task. What is more, I have
not even had a moment to read the volume.

M. K. Gandhi

From a copy: C. W. 10590. Courtesy: Madeleine Rolland. Also Romain
Rolland and Gandhi Correspondence, p. 352

390. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL

January 13, 1948

CHI. MANI,

I had a talk with the Sardar today. Therefore not again
just now. I wish to see the men^ from Bahawalpur. I will send
for you after that. I can’t judge how I misunderstood the matter.
I will rectify the mistake.

Blessings from
Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Bapuna Patro-4: Manibehn Patelne, p. 145

S Who was planning to bring out Romain Rolland’s Voyage Intereur
2 Officials from Bahawalpur

412

391. TALK WITH A SIKH FRIEND'^

January 13, 1948

My fast is against no one party, group or individual
exclusively and yet it excludes nobody. It is addressed to the
conscience of all, even the majority community in the other
Dominion. If all or any one of the groups responds fully, I know
the miracle will be achieved. For instance, if the Sikhs respond
to my appeal as one man, I shall be wholly satisfied. I shall
go and live in their midst in the Punjab, for they are a brave
people and I know they can set an example in non-violence of
the brave which will serve as an object lesson to all the rest.

Harijan, 18-1-1948

392. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

January 13, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Today I may not finish my speech in 15 minutes as usual,
as I have much to say.

Today I have come to the prayer meeting because for the
first twenty-four hours after beginning a fast the body does not
feel it or should not feel it. I began eating at half past nine
this morning. People kept coming and talking to me.^ I finished
eating a little before eleven.'* So I have been able to come to
the meeting and this is not surprising. Today I can walk about
and sit up and I have also done some work. From tomorrow
there will be some change. Rather than coming here and not
speaking, I might as well sit in my room and think. If I have
to utter the name of God, I can do it there. I therefore feel that

* Reproduced from Pyarelal’s article “An All-in Fast”

2 The gathering at the prayer meeting was much larger than usual.

^ Vallabhbhai Patel was with Gandhiji for nearly 45 minutes. Promi-
nent among the callers were Abul Kalam Azad, Jairamdas Doulatram, H. S.
Suhrawardy and Dr. Jivraj Mehta.

“* Prayers were held at 11 a. m. as Gandhiji commenced his fast.

413

414

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

I shall not be coming to the prayer meeting from tomorrow. But
if you do wish to join in the prayer you may come if you feel
like it. The girls will come and sing the prayer. At least one
of them will come. I have told you my programme in case you
should feel disappointed at my not coming.

I had written down yesterday’s speech and it has been
published in the newspapers. Now that I have started my fast
many people cannot understand what I am doing, who are the
offenders — Hindus or Sikhs or Muslims. How long will the fast
last? I say I do not blame anyone. Who am I to accuse others?
I have said that we have all sinned. That does not mean that
any one particular man has sinned. Hindus in trying to drive
out the Muslims are not following Hinduism. And today it is
both Hindus and Sikhs who are trying to do so. But I do not
accuse all the Hindus and Sikhs because not all of them are
doing it. People should understand this. If they do not, my
purpose will not be realized and the fast too will not be termi-
nated. If I do not survive the fast, no one is to be blamed. If
I am proved unworthy, God will take me away. People ask me
if my fast is intended for the cause of the Muslims. I admit
that that is so. Why? Because Muslims here today have lost
everything in the world. Formerly they could depend on the
Government. There was also the Muslim League. Today the
Muslim League is no longer there. The League got the country
partitioned and even after the partition there are large numbers
of Muslims here. I have always held that those who have
been left behind in India should be given all help. It is only
humanity.

Mine is a fast of self-purification. Everyone should purify
himself. If not, the situation cannot be saved. If everyone is to
purify himself, Muslims will also purify themselves. Everyone
should cleanse his heart. No one should find fault with the
Muslims whatever they may do. If I confess before someone
that I have done wrong, then it is a kind of atonement.

I do not say this in order to appease the Muslims or any-
one else. I want to appease myself which means that I want
to appease God. I do not want to be a sinner against God.
Muslims also must become pure and live peacefully in India.
What happened was that for election purposes Hindus and Sikhs
recognized the Muslim League. I shall not go into that history.
Then followed the partition. But before partition became a fact
the hearts had already become divided. Muslims were also at
fault here, though we cannot say that they alone were at fault.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

415

Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims, all are to blame. Now all of them
have to become friends again. Let them look to God, not to
Satan. Among the Muslims too there are many who worship
Satan. Among the Hindus and the Sikhs many worship not
Nanak and other Gurus, but Satan. In the name of religion we
have become irreligious.

Since I have undertaken the fast in the cause of the Muslims,
a great responsibility has come to devolve on them. They must
understand that if they are to live with the Hindus as brothers
they must be loyal to the Indian Union, not to Pakistan. I shall
not ask them whether they are loyal or not. I shall judge them
by their conduct.

Then the name of the Sardar is being mentioned. The Muslims
say that I am good, but the Sardar is not and he must be
removed. They say that Jawaharlal too is good. They say if I
join the Government it will be a good thing. They object only
to the Sardar. I must tell the Muslims that their argument
serves no purpose, because the Government is the whole Cabinet,
neither the Sardar nor Jawahar by himself. They are your ser-
vants. You can remove them. Yes, Muslims alone cannot remove
them. But at least they can bring to the Sardar’s notice any
mistakes which in their opinion he commits. It will not do
merely to criticize him by quoting some statement or other he
might have made. You must say what he has done. You must
tell me. I meet him often and I shall bring it to his notice.
Jawaharlal can dismiss him and if he does not, there must be
some reason. He praises the Sardar.’ Then the Government is
responsible for whatever the Sardar does. You too are responsible
for he is your representative. That is how things go in a demo-
cracy. Therefore I shall say that the Muslims must become
brave and fearless. They should also become God-fearing. They
must think that for them there is no League, no Congress, no
Gandhi, no Jawaharlal but only God, that they are here in the
name of God. Let them not take offence at whatever Hindus
and Sikhs may do. I am with them. I want to live and die
with them. If I cannot keep you united, my life is worthless.
The Muslims thus carry a great responsibility. They must not
forget this.

The Sardar is blunt of speech. What he says sometimes
sounds bitter. The fault is in his tongue. I can testify that his

’ The report in The Hindustan Times here adds: “The Sardar had not
ceased to be his (Gandhiji’s) esteemed friend though he was no longer his
‘yes man’ as he was once popularly and affectionately nick-named.”

416

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

heart is not like his tongue. He has said in Lucknow' and in
Calcutta^ that all Muslims should live here and can live here.
He also told me that he could not trust those Muslims who till
the other day followed the League and considered themselves
enemies of Hindus and Sikhs and who could not have changed
overnight and suddenly become friends. If the League is still
there who will they obey, Pakistan or our Government? The
League’s persistence in its old attitude makes him suspect it,
and rightly so. He says that he no longer has faith in the bona
fides of the League Muslims and he cannot trust them. Let them
prove that they can be trusted. Then I have the right to tell
the Hindus and Sikhs what they should do.

The song^ these girls sang was composed by Gurudev. We
sang it during our tours in Noakhali. A man walking alone
calls to others to come and join him. But if no one comes
and it is dark, the Poet says, the man should walk alone be-
cause God is already with him. I asked the girls especially to
sing this song which is in Bengali. Otherwise they would have
sung only Hindustani songs. The Hindus and Sikhs should cul-
tivate this attitude if they are true to their religions. They
should not generate an atmosphere in which the Muslims should
be compelled to flee to Pakistan. Hindus and Sikhs should be-
come brave and show that even if all the Hindus and Sikhs in

Pakistan were to be killed there would be no retaliation in

India. I do not want to live to see our people copy Pakistan.
If I am to live I shall ask every Hindu and every Sikh not to
touch a single Muslim. It is cowardice to kill Muslims and we
must become brave and not cowards.

* Addressing a public meeting at Lucknow on January 6, Vallabhbhai
Patel had said: “I want to ask the Indian Muslims only one question. In
the recent All-India Muslim Conference why did you not open your mouths
on the Kashmir issue? Why did you not condemn the action of Pakistan?

These things create doubt in the minds of people. ... So I want to
say a word as a friend of Muslims. It is our duty now to sail in the same

boat and sink or swim. I want to tell you very clearly that you cannot

ride two horses. You select one horse, whichever you like better.”

^ Speaking at a mammoth gathering at Calcutta on January 3, Val-
labhbhai Patel had emphasized that there could be no serious talk of a
Hindu State. But one fact was indisputable. There were crores of Mus-
lims in India many of whom had helped the creation of Pakistan. How
could one believe that they would change overnight. “The Muslims said
they were loyal citizens, and therefore, why should anybody doubt their
bona fides ? To them we would say: ‘Why do you ask us? Search your own
conscience’.”

^ With the refrain Ekla chalo re — Walk thou alone

NOTE TO MANU GANDHI

417

I shall terminate the fast only when peace has returned to
Delhi. If peace is restored to Delhi it will have effect not
only on the whole of India but also on Pakistan and when
that happens, a Muslim can walk around in the city all by
himself. I shall then terminate the fast. Delhi is the capital of
India. It has always been the capital of India. So long as
things do not return to normal in Delhi, they will not be nor-
mal either in India or in Pakistan. Today I cannot bring Suhra-
wardy here because I fear someone may insult him. Today
he cannot walk about in the streets of Delhi. If he did he
would be assaulted. What I want is that he should be able to
move about here even in the dark. It is true that he made
efforts in Calcutta only when Muslims became involved. Still, he
could have made the situation worse, if he had wanted, but he
did not want to make things worse. He made the Muslims
evacuate the places they had forcibly occupied and said that
he being the Premier could do so. Although the places occu-
pied by the Muslims belonged to Hindus and Sikhs he did his
duty. Even if it takes a whole month to have real peace estab-
lished in Delhi it does not matter. People should not do any-
thing merely to have me terminate the fast.

So my wish is that Hindus, Sikhs, Parsis, Christians and
Muslims who are in India should continue to live in India
and India should become a country where everyone’s life and
property are safe. Only then will India progress.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 293-300

393. NOTE TO MANU GANDHT

New Delhi,

January 13, 1948

CHI. MANUDI,

If you were to have more courage, your entire bearing
would change. You have considerable capability in you but
that has not been developed fully because of your withdrawing
nature. Think over this.

Your timidity is killing you. You should have the courage
to tell anyone that it is your duty to eat where you do because

' Gandhiji gave this to the addressee before retiring to bed.

90-27

418

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

your parents like you to do so. You should admit that, since
you are lacking in firmness of mind, if you eat at somebody’s
place you will eat only what and as much as he permits. You
should say you will get used to it by and by. You should explain
this fearlessly to everybody. Only then will your latent capacity
come out and shine. You don’t know how much it pains me
to see you keep ill. Think what absolute trust Jaisukhlal has
put in me. If, therefore, you do not improve and become perfect
both physically and mentally, I would be deeply pained.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a microfilm of the Gujaratir M.M.U./III

394. NOTE TO BALVANTSINHA^

[After January 13, 1948Y

The improvement in the charkha has not gone beyond the
stage to which MaganlaP brought it. Its science is still imper-
fect. It is for the Ashram to perfect it. After I am gone the
whole country may give up the charkha but the Ashram will
not do so. You have been in the Ashram from its inception
and you have to die there.

Bapu

[From Hindi]

Bapuki Chhayamen, p. 333

395. TALK WITH A MUSLIM FRIEND

[After January 13, 1948~\

A Muslim friend entreated Gandhiji to give up the fast “for the sake of us
Muslims”. “You are our only hope and support,” he pleaded. “The Muslims
are not innocent. Have not the Hindus and Sikhs too suffered beyond words?”

I know that. That is the very reason why I am fasting. I
shall become a broken reed and be lost to both Hindus and
Muslims, like salt that hath lost its savour, if in this hour of
test, I fail to live up to my creed and their expectations.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, p. 706

*&^ This was in reply to the addressee’s letter written after the com-
mencement of Gandhiji’s fast on January 13.

3 Maganlal Gandhi; vide Vol. XXXVI, pp. 261-3.

396. TO GUJARATIS^

I am dictating this from my bed early on Wednesday morn-
ing. It is the second day of the fast though it is not yet twenty-
four hours since the fast commenced. It is the last day for
posting matter for this week’s Harijan. So I think it proper to
address a few words to the people of Gujarat.

I do not consider this an ordinary fast. I have under-
taken it after much reflection. Yet it is not reflection that has
impelled it; it is God who rules over reason. It is addressed to
no one or is addressed to all. There is no anger of any kind
behind it, nor the slightest tinge of impatience. There is a time
for everything. Of what use would any efforts be after the op-
portunity has slipped? What therefore remains to be considered
is whether there is something that each Indian can do. Guja-
ratis are Indians. And since I write this in Gujarati it is ad-
dressed to all Indians who know Gujarati.

Delhi is the capital of India. If we do not accept parti-
tion in our hearts, that is, if we do not consider Hindus and
Muslims separate peoples, we shall have to admit that Delhi
is no longer the capital of India as we have visualized it.
Delhi has always been the capital. It is this city which was
Indraprastha, which was Hastinapur. We see the ruins stand-
ing today. It is the heart of India. It would be the limit of
foolishness to regard it as belonging only to the Hindus or the
Sikhs. It may sound harsh but there is no exaggeration in it. It
is the literal truth. All Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Parsis, Chris-
tians and Jews who people this country from Kanyakumari to
Kashmir and from Karachi to Dibrugarh in Assam and who
have lovingly and in a spirit of service adopted it as their dear
motherland, have an equal right to it. No one can say that
it has place only for the majority and the minority should be
dishonoured. Whoever serves it with the purest devotion must
have the first right over it. Therefore, anyone who seeks to drive
out the Muslims is Delhi’s enemy number one and therefore
India’s enemy number one. We are heading towards that catas-
trophe. Every Indian must do his bit to ward it off.

* A translation of this appeared in Harijan, i8-i-i948.

419

420 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

What should we do then? If we would see Panchayat Raj,
i. e., democracy established, we would regard the humblest and the
lowliest Indian as being equally the ruler of India with the tal-
lest in the land. For this everyone should be pure. If they are not
they should become so. He who is pure will also be wise. He
will observe no distinctions between caste and caste, between
touchable and untouchable, but will consider everyone equal with
himself. He will bind others to himself with love. To him no
one would be an untouchable. He would treat the labourers
the same as he would the capitalists. He will, like the millions
of toilers, earn his living from service of others and will make no
distinction between intellectual and manual work. To hasten this
desirable consummation, we should voluntarily turn ourselves into
scavengers. He who is wise will never touch opium, liquor or any
intoxicants. He will observe the vow of swadeshi and regard
every woman who is not his wife as his mother, sister or daughter
according to her age, and never see anyone with eyes of lust.
He will concede to woman the same rights he claims for himself.
If need be he will, sacrifice his own life but never kill another.
If he is a Sikh, he will, as taught by the Gurus, be as heroic “as
one lakh and a quarter” of men and will not yield an inch.
Such an Indian will not ask what his duty in the present hour is.

New Delhi, January 14, 1948

[From Gujarati]

Harijanbandhu, 18-1-1948

397. LETTER TO DEVDAS GANDHI

Makar Sankranti, January 14, 1948

CHI. DEVDAS,

I have been through your letter early in the morning after
the prayer.’ I also understand the little talk we had yesterday.

' The addressee’s letter dated January 13, 1948 read: “Your statement
has been written in haste. Quite a few improvements could have been made
in it. I had wished to tell you my views about the propriety of your
fasting. But as I had no hint of the oncoming fast, I made no attempts
to tell you these. . . . My chief concern and my argument against your fast
is that you have surrendered to impatience, whereas your mission by its very
nature calls for infinite patience. You do not seem to have realized what
a tremendous success your patient labour has achieved. It has saved . . .
thousands of lives and may still save many more. ... By your death you
will not be able to accomplish what you can by living. I would, therefore,
beseech you to pay heed to my entreaty and give up your decision to fast.”

LETTER TO DEVDAS GANDHI

421

My statement was not issued in haste in your sense of the word.
In one sense it was, because I took less time in drafting it than
I normally would. The reason for it was the four days of reflection
and prayer that preceded it. That statement was the result of
reflection and prayer, and so it cannot be called a hasty one
either in my language or in the language of anyone who knows.

The statement certainly needed some polishing for improving
the expression and making the language more reflned and I
made the changes the moment you suggested them. I did not
want to hear either from you or from anyone about the pro-
priety of my fast. That I have listened to you so far is a sign of
my modesty and patience. You got the notice the moment I
thought about it. Your main anxiety and your reasoning are
meaningless. It is true you are my friend. It is true that you
have risen high. But you can never cease to be a son and so
your concern is only natural. However, your reasoning displays
shallowness of thought and impatience. I consider this act of
mine as the extreme limit to my patience. Is patience that kills
its very object patience or stupidity? I can’t claim credit for
what has been achieved since my arrival in Delhi. It would be
sheer conceit on my part to do so. That one or more lives were
saved through my efforts has no value for the world. Only the
All-knowing God can see its value. It is nothing but igno-
rance to say that “one who had been patient from the begin-
ning of September has ceased to be so all of a sudden.” It was
only when in terms of human effort I had exhausted all re-
sources and realized my utter helplessness that I laid my head on
God’s lap. That is the meaning of the fast. Read and think
over Gajendramokska which is considered the greatest epic. Per-
haps then you will be able to value my action. The last sen-
tence of your letter is a beautiful expression of your love. The
origin of that love is ignorance or attachment. That this at-
tachment is universal does not make it enlightenment. So long
as we are unable to leave aside the question of life and death
it is an illusion to think that we can do a particular thing only
if we are alive. Strive as long as you are alive is a beautiful
thing to say but bear in mind that striving has to be in a spirit
of detachment. Now perhaps you will understand why I cannot
comply with your request. Rama who has prompted me to go
on fast will bid me give it up if He wants me to do so. In
the mean time you, I and all of us should realize and have
faith that it is equally well whether Rama preserves my life or
ends it. I have only one prayer: ‘O Rama, give me strength

422 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

during the fast so that desire to live may not tempt me into
premature termination of my fast.’ Preserve this letter which
I have dictated to Manu after deep thought and read it from
time to time.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 297-9

398. TALK WITH MUSLIMS

New Delhi,

January 14, 1948^

When the Delhi Maulanas came to see him in the course of the day
Gandhiji greeted them with, “Are you now satisfied?” Then, turning to the
one who had said to him three days ago that he should get the Union
Government to send them to England, he remarked:

I had no answer to give you then. I can now face you.
Shall I ask the Government to arrange a passage for you to
England? I shall say to them: Here are the unfaithful Muslims
who want to desert India. Give them the facility they want.

The Maulana said he felt sorry if his words had hurt him. Gandhiji
retorted with urbane banter:

That would be like the Englishman who kicks you and at
the same time goes on saying, T beg your pardon’! Do you
not feel ashamed of asking to be sent to England? And then
you said that slavery under the British rule was better than inde-
pendence under the Union of India. How dare you, who claim
to be patriots and nationalists, utter such words? You have to
cleanse your hearts and learn to be cent per cent truthful. Other-
wise India will not tolerate you for long and even I shall not
be able to help you.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, p. 709

^ From Dilhiman Gandhiji

399. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 14, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Yesterday I said I might not be able to come to the meet-
ing today. But I have managed it. However, from tomorrow
or the day after I may not be in a condition to move about.
Doctors have advised me rest from today.’ I have placed myself
not in the hands of the doctors but in the hands of God. I have
no such attachment for life that I must live under any circum-
stances. Whether I die or live is wholly in the hands of God. I can
only pray that my faith may remain firm and no one may
interfere in my acting on that faith. Today man has become
weak. He asks: Where is God? I want everyone to become
strong. Only then can we escape misery. The few things
I wanted to say to you I had in fact dictated in English,
because I was not sure what my physical condition would
be. I thought if I could not speak to you, a translation of the
message could be read out. It was intended not only for
you but for the millions in the country who would hear it on the
radio and those who want to hear in my own voice what I
have to say. I am a prisoner of their love and I thought that
they had better hear my own voice today. I feel that a thirty-
six hours’ fast is very useful physically. It cleanses the body
and can cause no harm. True, I have to conserve my energy
for the future but God will see to that. I have been receiving
many telegrams from all quarters — a lot of them from Muslims.
I have also had cablegrams from outside India. I have told
Pyarelal to pick out the most relevant of them. Not all need
be published; only the few that can teach something to the
people should be published. There are others which say that I
should give up the fast and all will be well. But how can I give

’ Gandhiji spent the second day of his fast as per his normal routine
except for the morning and evening walks. He took hot water without
salt or lime, participated in two meetings with the Cabinet Ministers and
received a deputation of refugees from the N. W. F. P., besides a number
of visitors and friends.

Drs. Jivraj Mehta and Sushila Nayyar issued a health bulletin that each
day’s fast increased both immediate and future danger to Gandhiji’s life.

423

424

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

up the fast? God inspired the fast and He alone may terminate
it. I have a telephonic message from Mridulabehn. She is in
Lahore. She has a large number of friends among Muslims.
She is a Hindu girl. The fast has distressed her. I carried her
in my arms when she was a little girl. Now she has grown up.
She goes about everywhere all by herself. She says Muslims, even
officers in the Pakistan Government are asking her what they
can do for me, now that I am doing what I am doing for their
sake. This pleased me. I do not know whether my message

has reached them. By tomorrow it will certainly reach them.

My answer is that there is no need for them to ask. Although
this yajna is being performed in Delhi it is for the whole country.

The fast is for self-purification. You must have God en-
throned where today Satan sits enthroned. There must be some
indication of it. Everybody cannot undertake a fast. It has become
my proud privilege to do so. If everyone had this privilege they
would have lived in amity. Hindus say, ‘Kill the Muslims.’ Muslims
say, ‘Kill the Hindus.’ Sikhs say, ‘Kill the Muslims.’ If Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs fight in this way it helps no one. If you

want to participate in tht yajna, you must become brothers and

should have love instead of hate in your hearts. Let all Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs pledge that they will not touch liquor, they
will not touch opium. They will have nothing to do with adul-
terous men and adulterous women. Everyone will look upon
other women as mothers or sisters or daughters. Everyone must
exercise self-restraint and become clean. If they do all these
things and if even then I regard Pakistan as full of sin, I will
have to repent and say that Pakistan is not a land of sin
but a land of purity. But what is needed is action, not mere
words. If the Muslims of Pakistan become thus transformed, it
is bound to have an effect in India. I have never tried to hide
my view that Pakistan has committed crimes against Hindus.

What has happened in Karachi? Innocent Sikhs were mur-
dered and their properties looted. Now I understand the same
thing has happened in Gujrat.* There was a caravan coming from
Bannu or somewhere. They were all refugees running away to
save their lives. They were waylaid and cut down. I do not
want to relate this grim tale. I ask the Muslims if in their name

’ On January 13, a train carrying non-Muslim refugees from Bannu
was attacked at the Gujrat (West Punjab) Station by the tribesmen who
had assembled there on their way to Jammu. In spite of the heroic defence
put up by the troops escorting the train, hundreds of refugees were killed
or maimed and women and girls abducted by the tribesmen.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

425

this kind of thing continues in Pakistan, how long will the people
in India tolerate it. Even if a hundred men like me fasted
they would not be able to stop the tragedy that may follow. You
should all become good. Whether you are Muslims or tribals, you
must all say that you will have the Hindus and Sikhs back. The
poet says, “If there is paradise it is here, it is here.” He had
said it about a garden. I read it ages ago when I was a child.
But paradise is not so easily secured. If Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs
became decent, became brothers, then that verse could be inscribed
on every door. But that will be only when Pakistan has become pure.
But if you say one thing and do another, the place will become
another hell. Cleanse your hearts and install God there. If that
happens in Pakistan, we in India shall not be behind them. It
does not matter that the country is geographically divided, so long
as our hearts are one. There are so many different governments
in the world. What does it matter if there are fifty or five hundred?
There are seven hundred thousand villages in India. If each one
of them had a government of their own it would be a good thing.

They tell me that I am mad and have a habit of going
on fast on the slightest pretext. But I am made that way.
When I was young I never even read the newspapers. I could
read English with difficulty and my Gujarati was not satisfac-
tory. I have had the dream ever since then that if the Hindus,
Sikhs, Parsis, Christians and Muslims could live in amity not only
in Rajkot but in the whole of India, they would all have a very
happy life. If that dream could be realized even now when I am
an old man on the verge of death, my heart would dance. Children
would then frolic in joy to see that there is no strife any more.
I urge all of you to help me in this task. If we all persevere
in our respective religions and become good there can be harmony
between all religions. We must not fear whether a man is a Sikh
or a Pathan. We must fear God. This is what I want to see.

You can all try and become such men. What after all is society?
Society is made up of individuals. It is we that make society.
We are asleep and then say that we are helpless because society
is such. The same goes for the Government. It is we who are the
Government. If one man takes the initiative others will follow and
one can become many; if there is not even one there is nothing.

I am not sure that I shall be able to come here tomorrow.
But the prayers will be held and the girls will sing the bhajans.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan—\1, pp. 300-4

400. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING'^

New Delhi,

January 15, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

This is a new experience for me. I have never so far had

occasion to convey my word thus to the people. I cannot go

to the prayer ground and my voice from here cannot reach
you. Even so I thought that if you could hear my voice you
would feel reassured. I have already dictated what I have to
say. I do not know for how long this state will continue.^

My request to you is that none of you should think what
another is doing, but each of you should examine your own
self and purify yourself to the extent you can. I am convinced
that if people in large numbers purify themselves it will do
them a lot of good and it will also do me good. India then
will benefit and maybe I shall be able to give up my fast soon-
er. Let no one be concerned about me. Let everyone be con-

cerned for himself. You must give thought to the progress of
the country and the welfare of the people. In the end all men
have to die. He who is born cannot escape death. Why then
should we fear death or grieve over it? It is my belief that
death is a friend to whom we should be grateful, for it frees us
from the manifold ills which are our lot.

Newspapermen sent me a message two hours after my pra-
yer speech of last evening, asking to see me as they had some
doubts to be cleared. After a heavy day’s work I felt disin-
clined out of exhaustion to see them for discussion. I, there-
fore, told Pyarelal to inform them to excuse me and further

^ The opening two paragraphs were spoken by Gandhiji, as he lay in
bed, on the microphone in Hindi. The rest of the speech had been dictated
earlier in English to Pyarelal. Sushila Nayyar read out the speech in
Hindi at the prayer meeting.

The report in The Hindustan Times has been collated with the Hindi
version in Prarthana Pravachan.

^ The doctors who examined Gandhiji issued the following bulletin at
4.30 p. m. “Today is the third day of Gandhiji’s fast. He is naturally losing
weight. The weakness has considerably increased. He had to be carried out
of the bathroom in an arm-chair this morning. His voice is feeble. Ace-
tone bodies have appeared in the urine. . . .”

426

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 427

tell them that they should put down the questions in writing
and send them to me next morning. They have done so.

Q. You have undertaken the fast when there was no disturbance of any
kind in any part of the Indian Dominion.

What was it if it was not a disturbing disturbance for
a crowd to make an organized and a determined attempt to
take forcible possession of Muslim houses?^ The disturbance was
such that the military had to reluctantly resort to tear-gas and
even to a little shooting if only in the air, before the crowd dis-
persed.

It would have been foolish for me to wait till the last Mus-
lim had been turned out of Delhi by subtle undemonstrative me-
thods, which I would describe as killing by inches.

Q. You have stated that you could not give any reply to the Mus-
lims who came to you with their tale of fear and insecurity and who have
complained that Sardar Patel, who is in charge of the Home Affairs, is anti-
Muslim. You have also stated that Sardar Patel is no longer a “yes-man”
as he used to be.^

These factors create the impression that the fast is more intended to
bring about a change of heart in the Sardar and thereby amounts to a con-
demnation of the policy of the Home Ministry. It would be helpful if you
can clear the position.

As to this I feel that my reply was precise, not admit-
ting of more interpretations than one. The suggested interpre-
tation never crossed my mind. If I had known that my state-
ment could bear any such interpretation, I would have dispelled
the doubt in anticipation.

Many Muslim friends had complained of the Sardar’s so-
called anti-Muslim attitude. I had, with a degree of suppressed
pain, listened to them without giving any explanation. The fast
freed me from the self-imposed restraint and I was able to assure
the critics that they were wrong in isolating him from Pandit
Nehru and me, whom they gratuitously raise to the sky. This
isolation did them no good.

The Sardar has a bluntness of speech which sometimes
unintentionally hurts, though his heart is expansive enough to
accommodate all. Thus my statement was meant deliberately

• Vide pp. 357-8.
2 Vide pp. 415-6.

428

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

to free a lifelong and faithful comrade from any unworthy
reproachd

Lest my hearers should run away with the idea that my
compliment carried the meaning that I could treat the Sardar
as my “yes-man”, as he was affectionately described, I balanced
the compliment by adding the proviso that he was too master-
ful to be anybody’s “yes-man”.

When he was my “yes-man”, he permitted himself to be
so named, because whatever I said instinctively appealed to
him. Great as he was in his own field and a very able ad-
ministrator, he was humble enough to begin his political edu-
cation under me because, as he explained to me, he could not
take to the politics in vogue at the time I began my public
career in India. When power descended on him, he saw that
he could no longer successfully apply the method of non-
violence which he used to wield with signal success.

I have made the discovery that what I and the people with
me had termed non-violence was not the genuine article but a
weak copy known as passive resistance. Naturally, passive resistance
can avail nothing to a ruler. Imagine a weak ruler being able
to represent any people. He would only degrade his masters
who, for the time being, had placed themselves under his trust.
I know that the Sardar could never betray or degrade his trust.

I wonder if with a knowledge of this background to my
statement, anybody would dare call my fast a condemnation of
the policy of the Home Ministry. If there is any such person, I
can only tell him that he would degrade and hurt himself, never
the Sardar or me. Have I not before now said emphatically that
no outside power can really degrade a man? Only he can degrade
himself.

Though I know that this sentence is irrelevant here, it is
such a truth that it bears repetition on all occasions. My fast,
as I have stated in plain language, is undoubtedly on behalf of
the Muslim minority in the Union and, therefore, it is necessarily
against the Hindus and Sikhs of the Union and the Muslims of
Pakistan.

* Expressing his anguish, Vallabhbhai Patel had written to Gandhiji
on January 13, “ . . . you have again and again to take up cudgels on my
behalf. This ... is intolerable to me.”

Again on January 16 he said in Bombay that some Muslims went to
Gandhiji and complained about his Lucknow speech and “Gandhiji felt
compelled to defend me. That also pained me, for after all I am not a
weak person who should be defended by others.”

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

429

It is also on behalf of the minorities in Pakistan as in the
case of the Muslim minority in the Union. This is a clumsy
compression of the idea I have already explained. I cannot expect
the fast taken by a very imperfect and weak mortal, as I truly
confess I am, to have the potency to make its proteges proof
against all danger. The fast is a process of self-purification for
all. It would be wrong to make any insinuation against the purity
of the step.

(j. Your fast has been undertaken on the eve of the meeting of the
United Nations Security Council* and so soon after the Karachi riot and
Gujrat massacre. What publicity the latter incidents received in the foreign
Press is not known, but undoubtedly your fast has overshadowed all other
incidents and Pakistan representatives would not be worth their past repu-
tation if they do not seize the opportunity to declare that the Mahatma has
undertaken the fast to bring sanity among his Hindu followers, who have
been making the life of the Muslims in India impossible.

Truth takes a long time to reach the four corners of the globe. But
in the mean time your fast may have the unfortunate effect of prejudicing
our cause in the eyes of the United Nations.

This question does not demand or need any elaborate answer.

From all I have known of the powers and peoples outside
India, I make bold to say that the fast has created only a healthy
impression. Outsiders who are able to take an impartial and
unbiased view of what is happening in India cannot distort the
purpose of the fast, which is meant to bring sanity to all those
who inhabit both the Union and Pakistan.

It is impossible to save the Muslims in the Union if the
Muslim majority in Pakistan do not behave as decent men and
women. Happily for the cause, the Muslims of Pakistan, as
Mridulabehn’s inquiry of yesterday made clear, have become
wide awake to a sense of their duty. The United Nations know
that my fast aids them to come to a right decision and to give
the right guidance to the two newly-made Dominions.^

The Hindustan Times, 16-1-1948, Harijan, 25-1-1948 and Prarthana Pravachan —
II, pp. 304-5

’ Gopalaswami Ayyangar, leader of the Indian Delegation to U. N. O.,
opened the debate on the Kashmir issue in the United Nations Security
Council on January 15.

2 In response to popular demand Gandhiji’s cot was placed in the
verandah and as men and women filed past him, Gandhiji acknowledged their
greetings with folded hands.

401. LETTER TO MIRABEHN

Birla House, New Delhi,
January 16, 1948

CHI. MIRA,

I got your letter yesterday. Evidently when you wrote it,
you had no knowledge of this, my greatest fast. Whether it will
ultimately prove so or not is neither your concern nor mine.
Our concern is the act itself, not the result of the action. The
fast was commenced as usual with a service, part of which was
singing of “When I survey”'. It was well sung by Sushila.
There were some good friends at the service. The company was
impromptu. No one was invited. I am dictating this imme-
diately after the 3.30 a. m. prayer and while I am taking my
meal such as a fasting man with prescribed food can take. Don’t
be shocked. The food consists of 8 ozs. of hot water sipped with
difficulty. You sip it as poison, well knowing that in result it is
nectar. It revives me whenever I take it. Strange to say, this
time I am able to take about 8 meals of this poison-tasting but
nectar-like meal. Yet I claim to be fasting and credulous people
accept it. What a strange world !

I shall watch and see how you can keep two typists con-
stantly at their typewriters. If it is only self-deception and the
typists a fraud on you, you will succumb and fall ill in the
midst of attractive surroundings of your own choice. One man
claims that oil-cakes are easier to make, cheaper in the end,
and yet as effective as compost which requires a fair amount of
technical skill for a kisan.

Your description of Goswami’s Goshala is tragic, if true. It
is enough to make one despair of the cow, the mother of pros-
perity, receiving her due in a country accused of cow worship.
There is no swaraj in such a land.

Your describing the Ashram as “Pashulok” is a magnificent
idea. It is poetic. Don’t ever write Pashulok Ashram. Ashram-
Pashulok with a dash in between is good. Though now that I am
thinking over it a little more deeply, Pashulok Ashram perhaps
better represents your idea. Since, however, it is your excellent
idea that is to be carried out, your choice is to be final.

’ A hymn by Isaac Watts

430

TELEGRAM TO ANAND T. HINGORANI

431

I see that you are destined for serving the cow and no-
thing else. But I seem to see a vital defect in you. You are
unable to cling to anything finally. You are a gipsy, never
happy unless you are wandering. You will not become an ex-
pert in anything and your mother is also likely to perish in your
lap. The only person and that a woman who really loves the
cow will fail her. Shall I pity you, the cow or me, for I, the
originator of the real idea of serving and saving the cow for
humanity, have never cared or perhaps never had the time to
become even a moderate expert. Satis Babu is better than you
and me. He adopted the idea and has become a fair expert,
in fact the real source of milk among Muslims, not Hindus in
Bengal. It is he who has produced with amazing labour and
concentration the only classic we have on [the] cow. He is a
genius. I bow my head before him. Correspondence with him
will give you something.

Don’t rush here because I am fasting. The yajna, as I have
called it, demands that everyone, wherever he or she is, should
perform his or her duty. If an appreciable number do this, I
must survive the ordeal. Trust God and be where you are.
Pursue Goswami.'

From the original: C. W. 6532a. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 9927

402. TELEGRAM TO ANAND T. HINGORANI

New Delhi,
January 16, 1948

Anand Hingorani
Deccan Gymkhana
Poona

BAPU APPRECIATES YOUR OFFER BUT ASKS YOU TO DESIST.

WHEREVER HE GOES TODAY HE BECOMES A BURDEN ON THAT

PLACE. THERE IS NO ACCOMMODATION WHERE HE IS STAYING
NOR ANYWHERE ELSE. HIS MESSAGE IS DO YOUR DUTY

WHEREVER YOU ARE.

Pyarelal

From a microfilm. Courtesy: National Archives of India and Anand T.
Hingorani

' This letter remained undespatched due to oversight and was sent
hurriedly, when discovered, without being signed by Gandhiji, on January
19, 1948.

403. LETTER TO PREMA KANTAK

January 16, 1948

CHI. PREMA,

I got both your letters yesterday. I had received the tilgur^
on the SankrantE day itself. I saw that little bag on my desk.
The card pinned to it was on the other side. I looked at it and
read your name. I remembered that it was the Sankranti day
and understood. I then got the parcel opened by Abha and
asked her to distribute one piece as from you and the other one
as from me among all those present, since, because of the fast, I
myself could not partake of it. Immediately the tilgur grains
were distributed among all present. I read your poem describing
the significance of the tilgur, and was pleased. I would never
slight a religious celebration which was used to strengthen pure
sentiments. But celebrations which involve conspicuous enjoy-
ments displease me.

Shankarrao Deo told me yesterday that you had written
to him earnestly requesting him to inquire about my health
daily and write to you. If he has to do this, please consider
that he will not be able to attend to his duty. He has to go
and visit different localities; should he neglect that duty in
order to inquire after an old man? Why need you also come
running here to see how I am ? Please remember that there are
a great many people here engaged in service of one kind or an-
other. If I let all of them come and see me, my fast would
have to be indefinitely prolonged. For they would then labour
under the delusion that they were doing their all in looking
after me and so neglect their real duty. If you still feel that you
must come, you are free to do so.

Both your letters are like beautiful poems. I did not know
that you had such great command over the language.

About the Socialists, I believe that they are self-sacrificing,
studious and courageous men. I do not know what they have
been doing. If it is enough to know what appears in the news-
papers about them, then that much I know, though not in

* A preparation of sesame and gur

^ January 14

432

LETTER TO PREMA KANTAK

433

great detail. If they remain in the Congress and also serve on
the Working Committee, I think they will strengthen the or-
ganization. The reason is that such men would never seek to
strengthen their party at the expense of the Congress and, if
they did, they would only weaken it. If the converse also is
true, those who follow my line of thinking should bear love to-
wards the Socialists or other opponents and disarm their distrust
through love. Even the bitterest enemy could be won over
through love.' If we fail, we should know that the fault must
be ours. Our love in that case is imperfect.

The words attributed to me when I proposed Jayaprakash’s
name as President must have been uttered by me, for they
were true then.^ There is some change in the position now.
How it came about, we need not consider. It may be that in
my affection I may consider a person deserving to be President.
But his fitness to be President has nothing to do with my love.
Let me tell you that even I would not be able to describe the
context and the manner in which I had made the remark.

It is true that the Working Committee is selected from
among men belonging to the majority in the Congress, but it
does not always happen that the majority elects the President
from its own ranks. A wise Committee would certainly select a
capable and upright man from among the minority if they found
one. In this way alone would democracy succeed in the end.
A narrow-minded majority is bound to invite disaster.

As far as I know, Jayaprakash’s views and policies are not
harmful to the country’s interests, but his method is. If, how-
ever, he becomes President, he must follow the Congress policy.
Anyway, he was wise enough to decline to be President in the
prevailing atmosphere of opposition to him. When a person
who has opposed the official policies from outside becomes the
leader of the whole country, he would if he has any touch of
patriotism in him give up his opposition. This is not a rule
laid down by me, but the common rule in a democracy. I
am surprised how you failed to see this. I have explained above

* Vallabhbhai Patel, however, warned the Socialists in Bombay for pur-
suing their “obstructionist policy”. On January 21, the Bombay Provincial
Congress Committee expelled 17 Socialists from the Congress for “gross
indiscipline”.

^ At the Congress Working Committee which met to elect the new
President following Jawaharlal Nehru’s resignation, Nehru was reported to
have proposed the name of Acharya Narendra Dev. Gandhiji had reportedly
endorsed it and remarked: “You can have even Jayaprakash as President.”

90-28

434

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

how my mind was working. But this does not mean that any-
body should give up his views and act contrary to his own
convictions out of deference to me or to anybody even more
important than I.

2. In order to explain this^ fully? I would have to write
a treatise. I am sure you don’t expect me to do that on the
fourth day of my fast. I don’t remember what I wrote on the
subject earlier. But in any case I would attach no importance
to it. What matters to me, and should matter to you, is what
I believe today. It would be a suicidal policy to take every
decision by a majority vote. In matters involving no moral
principle, there is always room for give and take. My own view
is this, that if the provinces must be formally reorganized on a
linguistic basis from right now, why not confirm what the Con-
gress did in 1920?^ If that is done and if the boundaries of each
province are also determined through joint discussions among the
parties concerned, I think the problem of Maharashtra, Bombay
and Gujarat can be solved. But I think I must conclude the
letter now, for Deo is waiting to carry it away. I had sent
for him.

3. The Congress is still a political body and will remain
so in the future. When, however, it holds political power, it
becomes one of the parties, no matter how big. Those, there-
fore, who have perfect faith in ahimsa should not hold any
office in the Government.

You could not have expected such a detailed reply in the
present circumstances. But the fact that I am able to dictate
it shows that this fast is causing me the least pain.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10459. Also G. W. 6897. Cour-
tesy: Prema Kantak

1 The addressee had sought Gandhiji’s opinion regarding the claim of
Maharashtra over Bombay, firstly because of its geographical situation and
secondly because Maharashtrians constituted the majority there.

2 Vide Vol. XIX, p. 191.

404. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,
January 16, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

1 had not hoped to be able to speak to you today. But you
will be glad to know that today by God’s grace I feel my voice
is stronger than it was yesterday. During all my previous fasts
I never felt as strong as I am feeling today on the fourth day
of the fast. My hope is that if you will continue iht yajna of
self-purification my strength to address you can remain to the
end. I may say that I am in no hurry at all. Hurry will
not help our work. I feel ineffable peace. I do not want that
anyone should do anything incompletely and tell me that every-
thing is all right. When there is perfect peace in Delhi there will
be peace all over India. I have no wish to live if I cannot see
peace established all round me, in India as well as in Pakistan.
This is the meaning of this yajna.^

It is never a light matter for any responsible Cabinet to
alter a deliberate settled policy.^ Yet our Cabinet, responsible
in every sense of the term, has with equal deliberation yet
promptness unsettled their settled fact.^ They deserve the warm-
est thanks from the whole country, from Kashmir to Cape
Comorin and from Karachi to the Assam frontier. And I know
that all the nations of the earth will proclaim this gesture as one
which only a large-hearted Cabinet like ours could rise to. This
is no policy of appeasement of the Muslims. This is a policy,
if you like, of self-appeasement. No Cabinet worthy of being
representative of a large mass of mankind can afford to take
any step merely because it is likely to win the hasty applause

^ Lying in bed Gandhiji spoke this in Hindi on the microphone. What
follows had been dictated earlier in English and its translation in Hindi was
read out at the prayer meeting. The report in Harijan has been collated
with the Hindi version in Prarthana Pravachan.

2 For the Government’s earlier stand, regarding the payment of cash
balances to Pakistan as enunciated by Vallabhbhai Patel, vide Appendix
V(A).

2 For the Government communique regarding the latest decision, vide
Appendix V (B).

435

436

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

of an unthinking public. In the midst of insanity, should not
our best representatives retain sanity and bravely prevent a
wreck of the ship of State under their management ? What then
was the actuating motive? It was my fast. It changed the
whole outlook. Without the fast they could not go beyond what
the law permitted and required them to do. But the present
gesture on the part of the Government of India is one of un-
mixed goodwill. It has put the Pakistan Government on its
honour. It ought to lead to an honourable settlement not only
of the Kashmir question, but of all the differences between the
two Dominions. Friendship should replace the present enmity.
Demands of equity supersede the letter of the law. There is a
homely maxim of law which has been in practice for centuries
in England that when common law seems to fail, equity comes
to the rescue. Not long ago there were even separate courts for
the administration of law and of equity. Considered in this
setting, there is no room for questioning the utter justice of
this act of the Union Government. If we want a precedent,
there is a striking one at our disposal in the form of what is
popularly known as the MacDonald Award'. That Award was
really the unanimous judgment of not only the members of
the British Cabinet, but also of the majority of the members
of the Second Round Table Conference. It was undone over-
night as a result of the fast undertaken in the Yeravda prison.^

1 have been asked to end the fast because of this great
act of the Union Government. I wish I could persuade myself
to do so. I know that the medical friends who, of their own
volition and at considerable sacrifice, meticulously examine me
from day to day are getting more and more anxious as the
fast is prolonged. 3 Because of defective kidney function they
dread not so much my instantaneous collapse as permanent after-
effects of any further prolongation. I did not embark upon the
fast after consultation with medical men, be they however able.
My sole guide, even dictator, was God, the Infallible and
Omnipotent. If He has any further use for this frail body of
mine. He will keep it in spite of the prognostications of medical
men and women. I am in His hands. Therefore, I hope you will
believe me when I say that I dread neither death nor permanent

' The Communal Award which was published on August 8, 1932

2 Gandhiji had gone on fast on September 20, 1932, in protest against
the provision of separate electorates for the Depressed Classes. He broke his
fast on September 26, following the Poona Pact. Vide Vol. LI.

^ Vide also footnote 2, pp. 426 and 438.

TALK WITH RAJENDRA PRASAD

437

injury even if I survive. But I do feel that this warning of
medical friends should, if the country has any use for me,
hurry the people up to close their ranks. And like the brave men
and women that we ought to be under hard-earned freedom,
we should trust even those whom we may suspect as our ene-
mies. Brave people disdain distrust. The letter of my vow will
be satisfied if the Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs of Delhi bring
about a union, which not even a conflagration around them in
all the other parts of India or Pakistan will be strong enough
to break. Happily, the people in both the Dominions seem to
have instinctively realized that the fittest answer to the fast
should be a complete friendship between the two Dominions,
such that members of all communities should be able to go to
either Dominion without the slightest fear of molestation. Self-
purification demands nothing less. It will be wrong for the
two Dominions to put a heavy strain upon Delhi. After all, the
inhabitants of Delhi are not superhuman. In the name of the
people, our Government have taken a liberal step without
counting the cost. What will be Pakistan’s counter gesture?’
The ways are many if there is the will. Is it there?^

Harijan, 25-1-1948, and Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 309-12

405. TALK WITH RAJENDRA PRASAD

New Delhi,

January 17, 1948

Let all the representatives give [their assurances] under their
signatures. I shall publish them. I regard verbal assurances as
worthless, only the written ones carry weight with me. Suppose
the [Muslim] refugees return from there and are killed on the
way? Even if they are allowed to come to Delhi, are they not
supposed to go out? Today tickets are not being issued to

’ Ghulam Mohammad, Finance Minister of Pakistan, referring to Gov-
ernment of India’s decision, said: “I am glad that Mahatma Gandhi’s efforts

have been fruitful and that he has succeeded in making the Government of
India see the error of its ways and save it from a most untenable position.”

^ Men and women filed past Gandhiji as he lay on his cot.

As Gandhiji’s kidneys were not functioning properly Abul Kalam Azad
suggested that he should have some mosambi juice mixed with water. Gandhiji
refused to take anything but sour lime and said that he was aware of the
damage to his body and that the reason for it was lack of perfect faith in
Ramanama.

438

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Muslims, what more need I understand ? If madness is the order
of the day in Pakistan, should we also become mad? I shall
die if I have to. Doctors cannot peep into my heart — which is
above everything else. No one need worry about me. Our
only consideration should be whether or not our conduct is right
and whether we are purifying ourselves. The purpose of the fast
is that we should be awakened. No doubt. Dr. Bidhan [Chan-
dra Roy] has become anxious and he has conveyed it to Mau-
lana. But I do not want that anyone should persuade me to
terminate my fast under false assurances. If it happens it will
further worsen the situation.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 328

406. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

January 17, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

God’s mercy it is that on this fifth day of the fast I can
speak a few words without feeling exhausted.^ I have dictated
the message for today which Sushilabehn will read out to you.

Whatever you do words must be backed by your full mind
and heart, or it will avail nothing. You will be making the
greatest mistake if you think only of how I am to be kept
alive. It is not in any human hand to keep me alive or to kill
me. It is in God’s hands. I have not the least doubt about
it, and no one else should have the least doubt.

The meaning of this fast is that our hearts should be cleansed
and awakened. In that alone lies the good of all. Please do
nothing out of pity for me. I shall fast for as many days
as I can and if it is the will of God that I should die then I
shall die.

* Over four thousand men and women had assembled for the prayers.
The Hindi version in Prarthana Pravachan has been collated with the report
in Harijan.

2 The health bulletin issued on January 17 read: “Mahatma Gandhi
is definitely weaker and has begun to feel heavy in the head. This is signi-
ficant in view of the fact that the kidneys are not functioning well. In
our opinion it will be most undesirable to let the fast continue. Therefore
it is our duty to tell the people of all communities to take immediate steps
to produce the requisite conditions for ending the fast without delay.”

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

439

I know many of my friends are distressed and want me
to terminate the fast at once. Today I cannot do so. When the
occasion for it comes I shall not persist in the fast. Ahimsa re-
quires us to accept our limitations and not to feel proud. It
calls for humility. There is no pride in what I say. There is
only pure love in it.'

I repeat what I have said before — nothing is to be done
under pressure of the fast. I have observed before that things
done under pressure of a fast were undone after the fast was
over. If any such thing happens, it would be a tragedy of
the highest degree. There is no occasion for it at any time.
What a spiritual fast does expect is cleansing of the heart. The
cleansing, if it is honest, does not cease to be when the cause
which induced it ceases. The cleansing of a wall seen in the
form of a white-wash done to welcome a dear one does not
cease when the dear one has come and gone. This material
cleansing is bound to require renovation after some time.
Cleansing of the heart once achieved only dies with one’s
death. Apart from this legitimate and laudable pressure, the fast
has no other function which can be described as proper.

The number of telegrams coming from Rajas, Maharajas, and
common people continues to increase. There are telegrams from
Pakistan too. They are good as far as they go. But as a friend
and well-wisher I must say to all those who reside in Pakistan and
mould its fortunes that they will fail to make Pakistan permanent
if their conscience is not quickened and if they do not admit the
wrongs for which Pakistan is responsible.

This does not mean that I do not wish a voluntary reunion,
but I wish to remove and resist the idea that Pakistan should
be reunited by force of arms. I hope that this will not be
misunderstood as a note of discord, whilst I am lying on what is
truly a death-bed. I hope all Pakistanis will realize that I would
be untrue to them and to myself if out of weakness and for fear
of hurting their feelings, I failed to convey to them what I truth-
fully feel. If I am wrong in my estimate, I should be so told
and if I am convinced, I promise that I shall retract what I have
said here. So far as I know, the point is not open to question.

My fast should not be considered a political move in any
sense of the term. It is in obedience to the peremptory call of

* Gandhiji spoke the above in Hindi on the microphone for about
three minutes. What follows had been dictated earlier in English and its
translation in Hindi was read out at the meeting.

440

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

conscience and duty. It comes out of felt agony. I call to wit-
ness all my numerous Muslim friends in Delhi. Their repre-
sentatives meet me almost every day to report the day’s events.
Neither Rajas and Maharajas nor Hindus and Sikhs or any others
would serve themselves or India as a whole, if at this, what is
to me a sacred juncture, they mislead me with a view to ter-
minating my fast.* Let them know that I feel never so happy
as when I am fasting for the spirit. This fast has brought me
higher happiness than hitherto. No one need disturb this happy
state, unless he can honestly claim that in his journey he has
turned deliberately from Satan towards God.^

The Hindustan Times, 18-1-1948, Harijan, 25-1-1948, and Prarthana Pravachan
—II, pp. 312-3

* Addressing a gathering of three hundred thousand people in Delhi,
on January 17, Abul Kalam Azad said: “Before coming here I went to

Gandhiji again and asked him what we should do so that he may break
his fast. He gave me seven tests which should be fulfilled by the people.
Assurances on these points, he said, must come from responsible people
who can guarantee the proper fulfilment of these conditions. . . . No false
assurance should be given.” The conditions were as follows:

Complete freedom of worship to Muslims at the tomb of Khwaja
Qutub-ud-Din Bakhtiar and non-interference with the celebration of the
Urs which was due to be held there within a week.

Voluntary evacuation by non-Muslims of all the mosques in the city
which were being used for residential purposes or which had been converted
into temples.

Free movement of Muslims in areas where they used to stay before
the disturbances.

Full safety to Muslims while travelling by train.

No economic boycott of Muslims.

Full discretion to Muslims to invite non-Muslims to live in areas oc-
cupied by them and freedom to Muslim evacuees to come back to Delhi
if they so desired.

^ The congregation filed past Gandhiji’s room, but they could not
have a view of Gandhiji because of his extremely weak condition.

As the prayer meeting ended a mile-long procession of the citizens of
Delhi, shouting peace slogans entered the Birla House. Jawaharlal Nehru
addressed a few words to them.

407. NEITHER ANGER NOR INEATUATION
A correspondent writes:*

When what is really true is stated, it is an improper use of
the word to call it anger. In anger a man does strange things.
If I have to close down the Urdu Harijan it becomes necessary
for me to do the same with the Nagari Harijan. There is no
question of anger in doing the right thing. What I consider
proper, others such as the above correspondent, may not. How
am I concerned with that? It is good if what we think right
is considered so by the whole world but that does not happen.
Everything has at least two aspects.

Now it remains for me to tell you whether I should stop
one or both. It is true that when I started the Navajivan and
Harijan in Devanagari there was no idea of both the scripts be-
ing used. If there was any such idea I did not know about it.

In the meantime the Hindustani Prachar Sabha was set up
as desired by the late Jamnalal. It made the publication of the
Urdu edition necessary. In my opinion it will be very unjust if
the Nagari edition continues and the Urdu is stopped. Be-
cause according to the Hindustani Prachar Sabha Hindustani
can be written in the Urdu script as well as in the Nagari.

Therefore the journal should be continued to be published
in both the scripts. And that too at a time when people all
over India say that Hindi alone should be their national lan-
guage and it should be written only in the Nagari script. It is
my duty to tell them that this view is not right. If my argu-
ment is correct it becomes my duty to retain the Urdu script
along with the Nagari script, and if I don’t then I have to
sacrifice the Nagari Harijan Sevak along with the Urdu Harijan.

Among all the scripts I consider Nagari as the best. I
make no secret of it. So much so that I had started writing
Gujarati letters in the Nagari script even while in South
Africa. I have not been able to continue it because of lack of

* The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had said that
if any person other than Gandhiji had made a plea for discontinuing the
Nagari Harijan and Urdu Harijan he would have considered it an expression
of anger. He suggested closing down of the English Harijan and continua-
tion of other editions. Vide pp. 314-5.

441

442

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

time. There is scope for improvement in the Nagari script as
there is in almost all the scripts. However, that is a different
question. I have mentioned it only to show that I am not at
all opposed to the Nagari script. But when the protagonists of
the Nagari script oppose the Urdu script, I smell malice and
intolerance in their attitude. The opponents of the Urdu script
do not even have the confidence that ultimately the Nagari
script will have sway if it is more perfect than the other scripts.
Looked at thus, my decision must appear flawless as well as
necessary.

I am right in my preference for Hindustani. I do believe
that as between the Nagari script and the Urdu script, the
former will win. In the same way if we leave out the question
of the script and consider the language only, Hindustani will
certainly win. That is so because Sanskritized Hindi is wholly
artificial while Hindustani is entirely natural. In the same way
Persianized Urdu is unnatural and artificial. There are very
few Persian words in my Hindustani; even then my Muslim
friends and the Hindus of Punjab and the North say that they
have no difficulty in understanding my Hindustani. I can find
few arguments in favour of Hindi. Strange as it seems, when
I defined Hindi for the first time at the Hindi Sahitya Samme-
lan,' there was almost no opposition to it. How the opposition
started is a tragic story. I do not even want to remember it. I
even said that the name Hindi Sahitya Sammelan was not, and
even today is not, appropriate for the propagation of the na-
tional language.

But I had not become the president in order to propagate
Hindi literature. The late Jamnalal and other friends told me
that whatever might be the name they were interested only in
the national language and not in Hindi literature. And it was
for that reason alone that I started propagating Hindi in the
South with great vigour.

I am writing this after prayer in the morning of the sixth
day of my fast. Many painful memories come to my mind but
I do not like to recollect them.

I do not at all like this quarrel over the name. Whatever
may be the name, its activities should do good to the entire
country or the nation. We should not squabble over a name.

Is there any Indian whose heart will not exult after listen-
ing to Iqbal’s “Sare jakan se achchha Hindostan kamara” ? If there

I On March 29, 1918, at Indore. Vide Vol. XIV, p. 294.

NEITHER ANGER NOR INFATUATION

443

is any, I will consider him unlucky. Should I regard these lines
of Iqbal as Hindi or Hindustani or Urdu? Who can say that
it is not the national language or that it is not sweet or that it
does not express maturity of thought? It may well be that
today I am alone in my view but it is clear that neither San-
skritized Hindi nor Persianized Urdu will win. Victory will go
only to Hindustani. We shall forget this artificial quarrel and
feel ashamed of it only when we forget our internal jealousies.

Now remains the English Harijan. I consider it a very small
thing. I cannot discontinue the English Harijan. Englishmen
and Indian scholars of English believe that there is some-
thing special in my English. My contact with the West is also
widening. I was never opposed to the British or any Westerner
nor am I today. Their welfare is as dear to me as that of
my own country. So English will never be excluded from
my small store of knowledge. I do not want to forget that
language nor do I want the country to forget it or give it up.
My insistence has always been on not taking English beyond its
rightful place. It cannot become our national language or the
medium of instruction. In making it so, we have impoverished
our languages. We have put great burden on our students. As
far as my knowledge goes, such a sad spectacle is seen only
in India. Slavery to this language has deprived crores of our
people of considerable knowledge for years. We neither realize it
nor feel ashamed of it nor repent it. How strange it is!
Knowing all this pretty well, I cannot boycott English. Just
as Tamil and other languages are the regional languages and
Hindi is the national language, who can deny that similarly Eng-
lish is an international language? The rule of the British will
go because it was corrupt, but the prevalence of English will
never go.

I feel that whatever I write in Gujarati or English, the
English Harijan and the Gujarati Harijanband.hu will continue to
be self-supporting.

New Delhi, 5.45 a. m., January 18, 1948

[From Hindi]

Harijan Sevak, 25-1-1948

408. SPEECH BEEORE BREAKING EAST^

Birla House, New Delhi,

January 18, 1948

Dr. Rajendra Prasad opened the proceedings by narrating to Gandhiji
how they had all assembled on the previous night at the former’s
residence and after full discussion decided to sign the declaration^ then and
there. But as representatives of some organizations were not present in that
meeting, they felt that they should not go to Gandhiji immediately with the
signed document but wait till the remaining signatures were obtained. They
had accordingly met again in the morning when all those who were absent
during the previous night’s meeting came and gave their signatures. It was

* Over a hundred representatives of various groups and organizations in
Delhi, including Hindu Mahasabha, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Jamiat-
ul-Ulema and others who had assembled earlier at Rajendra Prasad’s
residence, called on Gandhiji at 11.30 a.m. Prominent among others were
Jawaharlal Nehru, Abul Kalam Azad, Rajendra Prasad, Shah Nawaz Khan,
Hifzur Rahman and Zaheed Hussain, Pakistan’s High Commissioner.

The report in Harijan has been collated with the Hindi version in
Dilhiman Gandhiji. Vide also pp. 450-3.

^ The seven-point declaration written in the Persian and the Devanagari
scripts at Gandhiji’s instance, read:

“We wish to announce that it is our heart-felt desire that the Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs and members of the other communities should once
again live in Delhi like brothers and in perfect amity and we take the pledge
that we shall protect the life, property and faith of Muslims and that the
incidents which have taken place in Delhi will not happen again.

“We want to assure Gandhiji that the annual fair at Khwaja Qutub-
ud-Din Mazar will be held this year as in the previous years.

“Muslims will be able to move about in Subzimandi, Karol Bagh,
Paharganj and other localities just as they could in the past.

“The mosques which have been left by Muslims and which now are
in the possession of Hindus and Sikhs will be returned. The areas which
have been set apart for Muslims will not be forcibly occupied.

“We shall not object to the return to Delhi of the Muslims who have
migrated from here if they choose to come back and Muslims shall be
able to carry on their business as before.

“We assure that all these things will be done by our personal effort
and not with the help of the police or military.

“We request Mahatmaji to believe us and to give up his fast and
continue to lead us as he has done hitherto.”

444

SPEECH BEFORE BREAKING FAST

445

found in the course of the morning meeting, Dr. Rajendra Prasad re-
ported, that even those who had some lingering doubts on the previous
night were now confident that they could ask Gandhiji with a full sense of
their responsibility to break the fast. As the President of the Congress, Dr.
Rajendra Prasad said that he had signed the document in view of the
guarantee which they had all jointly and severally given. Khurshid,
the Chief Commissioner and Randhawa, Deputy Commissioner of Delhi,
who were present had signed the document on behalf of the adminis-
tration. It had been decided to set up a number of committees to imple-
ment the pledge. Dr. Rajendra Prasad hoped that Gandhiji would now
terminate his fast.

Deshbandhu Gupta, speaking next, described some touching scenes
of fraternization between the Hindus and Muslims which he had witnessed
when a procession of about 150 Muslims was taken out that morning
in Subzimandi and was received with ovation and offered fruit and
refreshments by the Hindu inhabitants of that locality.

Gandhiji replying said;*

I am happy to hear what you have told me, but if you
have overlooked one point all this will be worth nothing. If this
declaration means that you will safeguard Delhi and whatever
happens outside Delhi will be no concern of yours, you will be
committing a grave error and it will be sheer foolishness on my
part to break my fast. You must have seen the Press reports of
the happenings in Allahabad, if not, look them up. I under-
stand that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Hindu
Mahasabha are among the signatories to this declaration. It
will amount to breach of faith on their part if they hold them-
selves responsible for peace in Delhi, but not in other places. I
have been observing that this sort of deception is being practised
in the country these days on a large scale.

Delhi is the heart — the capital of India. The leaders from
the whole of India have assembled here. Men had become
beasts. But if those who have assembled here, who constitute the
cream among men cannot make the whole of India understand
that Hindus, Muslims and followers of other religions are like bro-
thers, it bodes ill for both the Dominions. What will be the
fate of India if we continue to quarrel with one another?^

I could not finish what I was saying as I was overcome by
exhaustion. Let us take no step that may become a cause for

* Gandhiji was so weak that his voice was hardly audible. Pyarelal
and Sushila Nayyar repeated aloud his words.

^ Here Gandhiji broke down due to exhaustion.

446

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

repentance later on. The situation demands courage of the
highest order from us. We have to consider whether or not
we can accomplish what we are going to promise. If you are
not confident of fulfilling your pledge, do not ask me to give
up my fast. It is for you and the whole of India to translate
it into reality. It may not be possible to realize it in a day. I
do not possess the requisite strength for it. But I can assure you
that till today our face was turned towards Satan, we have now
resolved to turn towards God. If what I have told you fails to
find an echo in your hearts or if you are convinced that it is
beyond you, tell me so frankly.

What greater folly can there be than to claim that Hindus-
tan is only for Hindus and Pakistan is for Muslims alone? The
refugees here should realize that things in Pakistan will be set
right by the example set in Delhi.

I am not one to be afraid of fasting. Time and again I have
gone on fasts and if occasion arises I may again do so. What-
ever therefore you do, do after careful thought and consideration.

The Muslim friends frequently meet me and assure me that
peaceful atmosphere has been restored in Delhi and Hindus and
Muslims can live in amity here. If these friends have any mis-
givings in their hearts and feel that today they have perforce to
stay here — as they have nowhere else to go to — but ultimately
they will have to part company, let them admit it to me frankly.
To set things right in the whole of India and Pakistan is
no doubt a Herculean task. But I am an optimist. Once I
resolve to do something I refuse to accept defeat. Today you
assure me that Hindus and Muslims have become one but if
Hindus continue to regard Muslims as Tavans and asuras, incapa-
ble of realizing God, and Muslims regard Hindus likewise, it will
be the worst kind of blasphemy.

A Muslim friend presented me with a book in Patna. Its author
is an eminent Muslim. The book says: “God ordains that a kafir
— and a Hindu is a kafir — is worse than a poisonous creature.
He should be exterminated. It is one’s duty to be treacherous to
him. Why should one treat him with any courtesy?” If Muslims
still harbouring such thoughts assure Hindus about their good
behaviour, they will only be deceiving Hindus. If you betray one
you betray all.

If I truly worship a stone image I deceive no one. For
me God resides in that stone image. I feel that if the hearts of
both Hindus and Muslims are full of deceit and treachery,
why need I continue to live?

SPEECH BEFORE BREAKING FAST

447

The telegrams I have received today include some from
prominent Muslims. They have made me happy. It seems they
have realized that the method adopted by them so far was not
proper to run a government.

After listening to all that I have said, if you still ask me
to end my fast I shall end it. Afterwards you have to release
me. I had taken the vow to do or die in Delhi and now if I
am able to achieve success here I shall go to Pakistan and try
to make Muslims understand their folly. Whatever happens in
other places, people in Delhi should maintain peace. The refu-
gees here should realize that they have to welcome as brothers
the Muslims returning from Pakistan to Delhi. The Muslim
refugees in Pakistan are suffering acute hardships and so are the
Hindu refugees here. Hindus have not learnt all the crafts of
Muslim craftsmen. Therefore they had better return to India.
There are good men as well as bad men in all the communi-
ties. Taking into consideration all these implications, if you ask
me to break my fast I shall abide by your wish. India will
virtually become a prison if the present conditions continue. It
may be better that you allow me to continue my fast and if
God wills it He will call me.

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad remarked that the remarks to which Gandhiji
had referred were abhorrent to the teachings of Islam. They were only
indicative of the insanity that had of late seized some sections of the people.

He was followed by Maulana Hifzur Rahman^ who categorically re-
pudiated the allegation that his co-religionists did not regard India as
their country. They all wanted to remain in India as citizens of India with
self-respect and honour. . . .Describing next the change that had come over
the city as a result of Gandhiji’s fast, he said that they regarded it as a
happy augury and a presage of things to come. He joined Dr. Rajendra
Prasad in his appeal that Gandhiji should break the fast.

After Ganesh Datt had on behalf of the Hindu Mahasabha and the
R. S. S. reiterated that appeal. . . . Zaheed Hussain addressed a few words to
Gandhiji. He was there, he said, to convey to Gandhiji how deeply con-
cerned the people in Pakistan were about him and how they were daily
inundating him with anxious inquiries about his (Gandhiji’s) health. It
was their hearts’ desire that circumstances might soon prevail which would
enable him to break the fast. If there was anything that he could fittingly
do towards that end he was ready and so were the people of Pakistan.

^ Who along with Ahmed Saeed and Habib-ur-Rahman represented the
Muslims of Delhi

448

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Zaheed Hussain was followed by Khurshid and Randhawa who on
behalf of the administration reiterated the assurance that all the conditions
mentioned in the citizens’ pledge would be duly implemented, and no
effort would be spared to restore to the Indian capital its glorious old tradi-
tion of communal harmony and peace.

Sardar Harbans Singh endorsed the appeal on behalf of the Sikhs.

Rajendra Prasad again appealed saying: “I have signed on behalf of

the people, please break your fast.” Gandhiji said:

I shall break my fast. Let God’s will prevail. You all be
witness today.’

Harijan, 25-1-1948, and Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 337-42

409. MESSAGE TO SIKHS^

January 18, 1948

The Sikhs have shown courage in that they have eschewed
anger. This in truth is real courage. This is the true teaching
of Guru Maharaj. That one Sikh is equal to one and a half
lakhs of people has this very meaning. Victory to Sikhs!

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 344

’ This was followed by recitations from the Hindu, Buddhist, Islamic
and Parsi scriptures, and singing of a Christian hymn, a bhajan and Ram-
dhun. Abul Kalam Azad offered a glass of juice to Gandhiji who broke
his fast at 12.15 p. m.

^ It being Guru Govind Singh’s birthday, Gandhiji dictated a special
message for the Sikhs.

lit

410. TALK WITH MUSLIM WOMEN^

New Delhi,

January 18, 1948

No one can observe purdah with me. I am your brother,
your father, then why this purdah before me ? Purdah should be
of the heart. ^

No Hindu or Sikh harasses you, I hope? If I have the
blessings of all of you sisters, I shall regain my health. Your
blessings will be blessed by God.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 344

411. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL KEHRW

January 18, 1948

CHI. JAWAHARLAL,

Give up your fast.

I am sending herewith a copy of the telegram received from
the Speaker of West Punjab. Zaheed Hussain had said exactly
what I had told you.

May you live long and continue to be the jewel of India.

Blessings from
Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 2210

* About a hundred burqa-cX&d Muslim women had called on Gandhiji.
^ The women then removed their burqas.

^ After breaking his fast, when Gandhiji came to know that Jawahar-
lal Nehru was also fasting, he promptly wrote the letter in his own hand
in spite of his extreme weakness.

90-29

449

412. TALK WITH MAJ.-GEN. K. M. CARIAPPA^

New Delhi,

January 18, 1948

“I am going to Kashmir in a few days’ time,” the General said.
Gandhiji replied;

I hope you will succeed in solving the Kashmir problem
non-violently. Come and see me after your return from Kashmir.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 524-5

413. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

January 18, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I have dictated a short message for today which Sushila
will read out to you.

This is an auspicious day for me and it should be auspi-
cious for you too. This is also the birthday of Guru Govind
Singh. On this happy day I terminated the fast. The kindness
I have received from the people of Delhi, including the refugees,
and from the Government, I shall never forget. I experienced
the same love in Calcutta. How can I at this moment forget
the great work Shaheed Saheb did in Calcutta?^ Had he not been
there I could not have stood up there for long. We had quite
a few suspicions concerning Shaheed Saheb and we still suspect
him. But that should not concern us here. We must learn that
however bad a man may be we must treat him as a friend and
work with him. We must never under any circumstances treat

* Who had come to Delhi to take over charge of the Delhi and East
Punjab Command under which operations in Jammu and Kashmir were
conducted

^ In spite of a drizzle a huge gathering had assembled at the prayer
meeting. Gandhiji, lying in bed, spoke in Hindi for about twenty minutes
on the microphone.

The Hindi version in Prarthana Pravachan has been collated with the
report in Harijan.

3 Vide p. 23.

450

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

451

anyone as an enemy. There is Shaheed Saheb and there are
four crores of other Muslims. They are not all angels just as
all the Hindus and Sikhs are not angels. There are amongst
us good men as well as bad men. Only, bad men are fewer.
We also have in our country what are called criminal tribes.
We also have aborigines. We have to live with them in har-
mony. Muslims are a large community. They are not confined
to this land but are spread all over the world. If we hope
to be friends with the whole world, there is no reason why we
should be enemies of the Muslims who are here. I am not a
prophet but God has granted me the power of reason and a
heart. My reason and my heart tell me that if for some reason
or other we are unable to forge friendship between Hindus and
Muslims, not only here but also in Pakistan and in the whole
world, we shall not be able to keep India for long. It will pass
into the hands of others and become a slave country again.
Pakistan too will become a slave country and the freedom we
have gained will be lost again.

Many people have showered blessings on me today. They
have assured me that from now on Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims
will live as brothers and under no conditions and on no provo-
cation will the residents of Delhi, including the refugees, become
enemies of each other. This is not a small thing. It means that
from now on our endeavour will be to see that the people of
Pakistan and India remain friends. Although India has been
partitioned because of our weakness we must unite our hearts.
If this is not the meaning of my breaking the fast, then I shall
humbly say that you have not done a good thing in making
me break the fast. The spirit behind the fast must be preserved.
What happens in Delhi will happen in the whole of India.
And what happens in India will happen in Pakistan. Have no
doubt about it. Let no one be afraid, not even a child. So long,
in my view, we were heading towards Satan. From now on I
hope we shall begin to move towards God. But we must pledge
that once we have turned our face towards God we shall never
turn away. When that happens India and Pakistan will unitedly
be able to serve the world and make the world nobler. I do not
wish to live for any other purpose. A man lives only to raise
humanity. The only duty of man is to move towards God. One
may call Him by any name — God, Khuda or Satshri Akal, but
if He is not enthroned in one’s heart it is all delusion. He is one
though called by different names. Then why should we forget
Him and become one another’s enemies?

452

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

I do not want to make a long speech. Let the Hindus take
a pledge that they will not give themselves up to strife. I wish that
Hindus should read the Koran as they read the Bhagavadgita.
Let the Sikhs also do the same. I wish too that Muslim brothers
and sisters should keep the Granthsaheb in their homes and try
to follow its meaning. Let us uphold another’s religion as we
uphold our own. A good thing remains a good thing in whatever
language it may be written. The Koran is the same to me as
the Gita or the Granthsaheb. This has been my principle and
whether you believe it or not I have been following it. I tell you
clearly that I do not offer worship to a stone, but I am a sanatani
Hindu. I do not hate those who worship a stone. God lives even
in the stone. He who worships stone sees in it not stone but
God. If you do not see God in stone, how can you say that
the Koran is a divine scripture? Is this not idol worship? If you
learn this we will also learn that there is no difference between
Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims. All are brothers and must live to-
gether. Then the barbarities that are perpetrated today, like men
and women being thrown out of trains, will cease. All will be
able to live safely anywhere without fear. I shall never have
peace so long as the refugees who have come here from Pakistan
do not return to their homes and so long as the Muslims whom
we have driven out and who want to return cannot come back
and live here in peace.

That is all I have to say. May God grant good sense to us
and to all everywhere in the world. May He awaken and draw
us all to Him so that India and the world may be happy.'

I embarked on the fast in the name of Truth whose fami-
liar name is God. Without a living Truth God is nowhere. In
the name of God we have indulged in lies, massacres of people,
without caring whether they were innocent or guilty, men or
women, children or infants. We have indulged in abductions,
forcible conversions and we have done all this shamelessly. I
am not aware if anybody has done these things in the name of
Truth. With that same name on my lips I have broken the fast.
The agony of our people was unbearable. Rashtrapati Dr.
Rajendra Babu brought over a hundred people representing
the Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, representatives of the Hindu
Mahasabha, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and representatives
of refugees from the Punjab, the Frontier Province and Sind. In
this very representative company were present Zaheed Hussain, the

* What follows was read out by Sushila Nayyar.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

453

High Commissioner for Pakistan, the Chief Commissioner of
Delhi and the Deputy Commissioner, Gen. Shah Nawaz Khan,
representing the Azad Hind Fauj (I. N. A.). Pandit Nehru, sitting
like a statue, was of course there, as also Maulana Saheb. Dr.
Rajendra Babu read out a document in Hindustani signed by these
representatives, asking me not to put any further strain on them
and to end the agony by breaking the fast. Telegrams after tele-
grams have come from Pakistan and the Indian Union urging me
to do the same. I could not resist the counsel of all these friends.
I could not disbelieve their pledge that, come what may, there
would be complete friendship between the Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs,
Christians, Parsis and Jews, a friendship not to be broken. To
break that friendship would be to break the nation.

As I write, comforting telegrams are deluging me. How I
wish that God will keep me lit enough and sane enough to
render the service to humanity that lies in front of me! If the
solemn pledge made today is fulfilled, I assure you that it will
revive with redoubled force my intense wish and prayer before
God that I should be enabled to live the full span of life doing
service of humanity till the last moment. That span according
to learned opinion is at least one hundred and twenty-five years,
some say one hundred and thirty-three. The letter of my vow
has been fulfilled beyond expectation through the great good-
will of all the citizens of Delhi, including leaders of the Hindu
Mahasabha and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The result
could not be otherwise when I find that thousands of refugees and
others have been fasting since yesterday. Signed assurances of
heart-friendship have been pouring in upon me from thousands.
Telegraphic blessings have come from all over the world. Can
there be a better sign of God’s hand in this act of mine? But
beyond the letter of fulfilment of my solemn vow lies its spirit
without which the letter killeth. The spirit of the vow is sincere
friendship between the Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs of the Union
and a similar friendship in Pakistan. If the first is assured, the
second must follow, as sure as day follows night. If there is
darkness in the Union, it would be folly to expect light in Pakis-
tan. But if the night in the Union is dispelled beyond a shadow
of doubt, it cannot be otherwise in Pakistan, nor are signs
wanting in that direction. Numerous messages have come from
Pakistan, not one of dissent. May God, who is Truth, guide
us as He visibly guided us during all these six days.

Harijan, 25-1-1948, and Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 314-20

414. LETTER TO NARAHARI D. P ARIKH

New Delhi,

January 18, 1948

CHI. NARAHARI,

So now you are able to write yourself. I regard it as a
great improvement indeed. I expected it all along. I don’t
understand at all how you got the stroke. How straightforward,
truthful and pure your life has been. Those qualities of your
character have cured you in an incredibly short time. But let not
this happy outcome make you complacent. Take as much rest as
possible. If you do, your asthma also may disappear now. There
is no need at all for you to run about.

As I was dictating the above lines in the morning before I
broke the fast, I dozed off and the letter remained unposted.
The fast has now become a mere dream. The physical effect
remains, but it will probably disappear in about fifteen days’
time. I will not write more today. There is plenty of work
lying in front of me.

I will not write to Vanudi now. I had meant to. But now
that from calm I have entered storm, how can I get time?

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 9149

415. LETTER TO KONDA VENKATAPPATTA

New Delhi,

January 19, 1948

MY DEAR DESHABHAKTA,

Your letter. What do we care what others say ?

I forgot to mention your fracture. Are you permanently cured ?
As you know the fast was broken yesterday.

Tours,

Konda Venkatappayya Bapu

Guntur

From a photostat: G. N. 3234. Also Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

454

416. LETTER TO MIRABEHN

New Delhi,

January 19, 1948

CHI. MIRA,

Your note. All anxiety is over. I hope you got my letter
dictated during the fast.' I was working top speed. Your note
for Harijan will receive attention.^

Love.

Bapu

Shri Mirabehn
P. O. Rishikesh
Dist. Dehra Dun

From the original: C. W. 6533. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 9928

417. LETTER TO ABDUL HALLM GAZNAVL

New Delhi,

January 19, 1948

dear sir ABDUL HALIM,

Many thanks for your letter and the newspaper cuttings. As
you know my fast was broken yesterday as a result of world-
wide co-operation. . . . ^ is the effect of heartfelt prayer.

Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi

Sir Abdul Halim Gaznavi
18 Canning Street
Calcutta

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

' Vide pp. 430-1.

^ The addressee’s note entitled “The New Family Member” regarding
compost manure appeared in Harijan, 1-2-1948.

^ Omission as in the source

455

418. LETTER TO MANU MASHRUWALA

New Delhi,

January 19, 1948

CHI. MANU*,

I had your letter. Now there is no more reason for worry.
Ramdas was so worried that he came running here yesterday,
but by that time the fast was over. All of you will be well.
Do not worry about me.

Blessings from

Bapu

From Gujarati: C. W. 2683. Courtesy: Kanubhai Nanalal Mashruwala

419. LETTER TO B. D. KALELKAR

New Delhi,

January 19, 1948

CHI. BAL,

Your letter. I did think of you during the fast. My pledge
has been kept. How is your mental state? Keep writing to me.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 2175

420. LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH

January 19, 1948

CHI. MUNNALAL,

Why did you use khadi paper? For such purposes one
should use only waste paper, which costs nothing. Wait and
see what happens here.

I should be very happy to have you with me. I know your
worth. But just now this place is overcrowded, and I shall not
be able to give you work which will do you justice. When I go
out, I need only a few persons to accompany me.

* Daughter of Harilal Gandhi, married to Surendra Mashruwala

456

LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH

457

Learn to read and write Urdu as soon as possible.

If living together Kanchan and you cannot free yourselves
from passion you are not likely to do so living apart either. You
should be able to do so. Only it requires mental self-control of
the highest order. Being alone together has to be avoided.
Likewise all touch with impure thoughts must be avoided. What-
ever you do must have her fullest co-operation. She is right in
believing you to be weak.

My intention ultimately is to keep you with me. And I
seem to be free, too. I may, therefore, reach Sevagram even
earlier than expected.

It is perfectly true that khadi, to which we had dedicated
ourselves from the beginning, seems dead today. The fault is
entirely ours. We have not mastered its science. The science
died with Maganlal. We made ourselves, and remained, mere
labourers. Nayee Talim played some part in making the produc-
tion of khadi a science, but we have still much distance to cover.
That is why I say that the most important work for the Ashram
is to develop khadi into a science. One must learn to do the
spinning with perfect concentration. Merely drawing yarn is
not enough. What this means, I will explain to you some time
if you ask me, or will write. But I don’t want to have you
here just for this purpose.

Regarding Nayakum’ the solution is clear. Let him have
whatever he wants for the Nayee Talim work. There is no
question of money at all. If this means that you have to give
up the land and the building in Sevagram, you may do even that.
Ask me what to do when such a situation arises. I will guide
you then. There is, therefore, no reason for worry. You must
not lose your sleep because of the noise of any celebrations. Pay
no attention to it at all. If, however, it becomes unbearable,
draw Nayakum’s attention to it.

If Prabhakar has got the entire area paved with stones, he
must have had some reason for doing so. Discuss the matter with
Sushila. No notice need be taken of the foundation work
having been wasted.

I have sent the reply to Prabhakar’ s letter through Sushila.
Pass it on to him. If you tell me what it is in the hospital
which you don’t approve of, I will think over the matter.

You may unhesitatingly write to me whenever and whatever
you wish to. Learn to write briefly but fully. If I stay away.

* E. W. Aryanayakum

458 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

by all means free yourself from Sevagram for some time and
come and stay with me for a week or two. I shall like it.

Go and see Ramdas Gulati.

I have already written about Kanchan. If you want me
to write in greater detail, please let me know. If you want me
to give you a letter for her, I will do even that.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 8386. Also C. W. 7208. Cour-
tesy: Munnalal G. Shah

421. LETTER TO PIROJ WADI A

New Delhi,

January 19, 1948

DEAR SISTER,

Did you do your Gujarati? Can you read this? I read
your letter to Sushila. God has seen us through this penance.
It remains to be seen how the people behave now. You should
both do there what you can.

Blessings from

Bapu

PiRoj Wadia
Bombay

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

422. LETTER TO JUGATRAM DAVE

New Delhi,

January 19, 1948

CHI. JUGATRAM,

How could I write to you during the fast? Yet I used to
dictate for Harijan and attend to some very important matters too.
Right now everything seems to be very fine; God knows what
happens in the end. The whole world has turned topsyturvy.
Everyone has to stand face to face with God, else there is perdition.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

423. LETTER TO DEV PEAK ASH N ATTAR

New Delhi,

January 19, 1948

CHI. DEV,

I have your two letters. You are observing restraint very
well. Write to me when you are well and truly free from work at
Patna. The caste problem in Bihar is extremely tough. Do whatever
you can. Look at everything from the view-point of Nayee
Talim. Cattle wealth and welfare too must be in the same mould.

Chand is getting on well. I am referring to her physical health
only. Her mother came yesterday. She is going to Bhilsa to
give evidence. On her return Chand might accompany her to
Amritsar. All the books you have there must be listed. If no list
exists prepare one and send me a copy.

Pyarelal is now trying to go to Noakhali. He would like to
take you for a short while. You should agree only if you can
be conveniently spared from there.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Hindi original: Documents relating to Gandhiji. Courtesy:
National Archives of India

424. LETTER TO ANAND AND GANGI HINGORANI

New Delhi,

January 19, 1948

chi. ANAND AND GANGI,

I have your letter.

How good it was that you did not come! How can they
allow me a long fast? God is merciful. Stay on there and do
whatever service you can.

To you both.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India
and Anand T. Hingorani

459

425. LETTER TO M. S. ANET

New Delhi,

January 19, 1948

BHAI BAPUJI ANEY^,

I have your beautiful letter. Keep up the practice of writing
in Hindi.

God is always present in all good work. All success to you!
There is a lot of work to do in Bihar. ^

My fast is now a thing of the past. Who knows what God
wills us to do!

Do keep writing to me whenever you feel like it.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

426. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

January 19, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

My thanks go out to the senders of the numerous wires from
all over the world, from Indians and non-Indians, expressing their
goodwill and anxiety. These show the correctness of the step I had
taken. Not that I had the slightest doubt about it. I had none
about this, as I never have had about the reality that God is
and that His most graphic name is Truth. Now has begun a
stream of wires of congratulations expressing relief. These friends

’ (1880-1968); President of Vidharbha Congress Committee; member
of Congress Working Committee, 1924-25 and 1931-34; India’s High Com-
missioner in Ceylon, 1943-47; member, Constituent Assembly; Governor of
Bihar, 1948; member Lok Sabha, 1959-66; wrote a biography of Bal Gangadhar
Tilak in Sanskrit verse

^ The addressee was sworn in as Governor of Bihar on January 12.

^ Gandhiji was carried in a chair to the prayer ground. It being his
silence day, his written speech was read out by Sushila Nayyar after the
prayer.

460

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

461

will forgive me for not sending personal acknowledgments. It is
physically impossible to do so. I hope too that no such acknowl-
edgment is expected by the senders. I feel constrained to single
out two — one from the Premier of West Punjab and the other
from the Nawab of Bhopal. They are today labouring under
grave distrust. Let the extracted passages speak for themselves.
If the senders were not sincere, they would have spared them-
selves and me on the solemn occasion that the fast was.

Here is the message from the Nawab of Bhopal:

Your appeal for a reunion of hearts of all communities cannot fail
to find support from all people of goodwill in both Dominions as will
also any appeal for an understanding and friendly relations between
India and Pakistan. We, in Bhopal, have been able happily to face our
troubles during the past year in a spirit of concord, amity and good-
will between all communities with the result that not a single unto-
ward incident has occurred to mar the peace of the State. We assure
you that we shall strive to further this friendly spirit with all the
strength at our command.

I give the full text of the wire from the Premier of West
Punjab:

West Punjab Ministry expresses deep admiration and sincere ap-
preciation for your great gesture for furtherance of a noble cause.
This Ministry has always stood for the principle of doing everything
possible to protect the lives, honour and property of minorities, and
giving them equal rights of citizenship. We assure you that this Minis-
try will follow this policy with redoubled vigour. We are anxious to
see an immediate improvement in the situation throughout the Indian
sub-continent which may enable you to break your fast. No efforts
will be spared in this province to help in saving a life as precious as
yours.

In this age of senseless imitation, my warning is that it
would be foolish for anybody to embark on such a fast expecting
identical results in an identically short space of time. If anyone
does, he will face severe disappointment and will discredit what
is a hoary and infallible institution. Two severe qualifications
are necessary — a living faith in God and a peremptory call from
Him. I am tempted to add a third, but it is superfluous. A
peremptory call from God within presupposes the rightness, time-
liness and propriety of the cause for which the fast is undertaken.
It follows that a long previous preparation is required. Let no
one, therefore, lightly embark on such a fast.

462

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

The citizens of Delhi and the refugees have a heavy task
before them. Let them seek occasions for meeting together as
often as possible in perfect mutual trust. It was a soul-stirring
sight for me to meet Muslim sisters in large numbers yesterday.^
Girls in my party told me the sisters were sitting in Birla
House uncertain whether they could come to me. They were in
purdah, most of them. I asked them to be brought in and
they came. I suggested that they would not have the purdah
before their fathers or brothers. Why should they think me
less? And off went the purdah without exception. This is not
the first time that the purdah has disappeared before me. I men-
tion the incident to illustrate what genuine love, as I claim mine
to be, is able to do.

Hindu and Sikh women should go to the Muslim sisters and
establish friendship with them. They should invite them on cere-
monial occasions and be invited. Muslim girls and boys should
be attracted to common schools, not communal. They should mix
in sports. Not only should there be no boycott of Muslims but
they should be induced to resume their previous occupations.

Delhi is poorer for the disappearance of the exquisite work-
manship of the Muslims. It is a miserable and miserly thing for
Hindus and Sikhs to wish to take away from them their means
of livelihood. On the one hand, there should be no monopoly and,
on the other, there should be no attempt at deprivation.

In this great country of ours, there is room for all. The
peace committees^ that have been formed must not go to sleep as
many committees unfortunately do in all countries. The condition
of keeping me in your midst is that all communities in India live
at peace with one another, not by force of arms but that of love
than which there is no better cement to be found in the world.

Harijan, 25-1-1948, and The Hindustan Times, 20-1-1948

* Vide p. 449.

2 A Central Peace Committee was formed to take effective steps to
implement the terms of the written pledge submitted to Gandhiji.

427. KASTURBA FORTNIGHT

With a view to enlarging the activities of the Kasturba Trust
its Working Committee, on the advice of its Provincial represen-
tatives, has decided to celebrate the fortnight from February 22
to March 9 as the Kasturba Fortnight. During the fortnight we
should:

(1) explain the aims and activities of the Trust in the villages;

(2) provide information about our activities so far;

(3) make special efforts to enlist women from rural areas for
training in midwifery, basic education and as gram sevikas^; and

(4) collect the required portion of the expenditure from the
local sources in the districts and provinces in addition to the
actual Trust fund sanctioned according to the budget for the
year 1948.

According to the Gregorian calendar Kasturba died on
February 22, 1944. According to the Vikram calendar this date
falls around March 9 [this year]. It has been seen that its acti-
vities are neither given any publicity, nor has any publicity booklet
been or is being printed. I do not care for such things. Moreover
work in rural areas cannot be done in that way. Those who are
interested in this work can know about it from the annual report.
However, the difficulties of its representatives deserve to be con-
sidered sympathetically. The programme chalked out for the
Kasturba Fortnight is quite good. The most important thing for
its implementation is that the workers who are selected for the
purpose should be interested in the work and should be familiar
with rural life. Such workers will find out if, in addition to the
work done today, there is anything else they can do and they
will consult the men and women in the villages about this. It is
possible that the villagers are not bothered about improving their
lot. Even if it is so the women volunteers will make a note of it
in their reports. So far we have organized a few camps, started
a few maternity homes and a few kindergarten schools. As this
work is entirely new we have to proceed slowly. What occupations
can we introduce for rural women and children which will aug-
ment their income, increase their knowledge and improve their
health? As a matter of fact we know what has to be done.

* Women workers for villages

463

464

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

The question here is, will the village women do anything in this
direction or not?

New Delhi, January 20, 1948

[From Hindi]

Harijan Sevak, 1-2-1948

428. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,
January 20, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

The first thing I would say to you is that I hope that those
who have signed the document have signed it with God as witness.
There are still voices being raised in Calcutta expressing the fear
that what has happened here may all be a show. If the people
of Delhi and the refugees who have come here stand firm, then
whatever may happen outside I am certain they will be able to
save India as well as Pakistan. Delhi after all is an ancient city
and what is achieved in Delhi is bound to have an impact on
the whole of India and Pakistan.

If you read carefully what the Sardar has said in Bombay you
will realize there is no rift between Pandit Nehru and the Sardar.
They may talk in different ways but they do the same thing.
They cannot be enemies of the Muslims. I have no doubt that
one who is an enemy of the Muslims is also an enemy of India.
Let us realize the truth of this. Elsewhere in the world they have
already realized this except perhaps in America where Negroes
are still lynched. There are a good many white men there who
do not consider this repugnant. They have no shame in their
hearts. But elsewhere people do not approve of it. They consider
it barbaric. Our own newspapers have described the acts of
American whites as barbaric. Though Americans are so much
given to reform, they still indulge in such behaviour. We assume
we are better people and cannot do such things. And yet, think
of what happens here. I would therefore ask your categorical
assurance that irrespective of any injustice perpetrated here or
elsewhere, you are not going to seek revenge privately, but will

^ Gandhiji was carried in a chair to the prayer meeting. As the micro-
phone was not working and Gandhiji’s voice was feeble the substance of
his speech was repeated aloud by Sushila Nayyar.

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING 465

leave it to the Government to deal with. If this at least is
agreed to, people can move about freely.'

I told you it was possible I might go to Pakistan. But I
shall go to Pakistan only when the Government invites me as a
friend of the Muslims as well as Hindus and the Sikhs. Of course
the doctors insist that I must first recoup from the effects of
the fast which may take another 15 days and that during the
next 15 days I cannot go anywhere or eat anything solid. I
can only take liquid diet which may be milk or fruit juice. Milk
can of course sustain a man all his life.

I may tell you that Panditji is a man who will do everything
for the refugees. If there is only one dry bed available he will

offer it to a refugee to sleep on and himself go without sleep.

He says there is no room left in his house and still people keep
coming. He is our Prime Minister. He has visitors, some of them
Englishmen. Is he to turn them out? And still he says that he
will spare for the refugees one or two rooms or whatever he
can. If other ministers as well as the army officers follow his
example no one will be left unhappy. I congratulate Jawahar
and I congratulate you on possessing such a jewel. I am told that
wealthy people such as Birla will also do something in this di-
rection. After all when the Prime Minister can do such a thing,

why cannot the others? Thus vigorous efforts are being made to
alleviate the distress of the refugees. Let us learn from this that
we shall not treat Muslims as enemies.

I have a letter. In fact it arrived on January 16 when my
fast was in progress. I am told some wicked people forged a great
quantity of currency notes and started selling them to the poor.
I humbly request the forgers not to indulge in such activities.

* At this stage there was a loud explosion. Gandhiji remained un-
ruffled and said to Manu Gandhi, who was visibly shaken: “Why did you
get so scared? Some military personnel must have been taking training
in shooting. What will you do if someone really comes to kill us?” He
tried to pacify the people and resumed his speech when order was restored.

It was later discovered that a guncotton slab had exploded about 75 feet
away from where Gandhiji was sitting and that it was part of a conspiracy
to assassinate him. The conspirators had planned to divert the attention
of the people by the explosion. Their original plan to throw a hand-grenade
from a servant’s room behind the dais having failed, they mixed with
the crowd. After the explosion Digambar Badge was to dash to the dais and
throw a hand-grenade at Gandhiji, but his courage failed at the last
moment. Six of the conspirators, viz., Nathuram Godse, Narayana Apte,
Vishnu Karkare, Gopal Godse, Digambar Badge and Shankar Kistayya,
escaped in a waiting taxi but Madanlal Pahwa was apprehended.

90-30

466 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Can they not find some honest livelihood? I must at the same
time warn the poor not to be taken in. They must not for
ever remain simple and gullible.

I have a wire from Lahore, from the President of the
Kashmir Freedom League. He says:

Highly appreciate your magnanimous gesture for Hindu-Muslim
unity. Kashmir is the root cause of the present tension and a stum-
bling-block in the way of any rapprochement. Must receive top prio-
rity if peace actually desired. Withdrawal of aggressive Indian troops
from Kashmir and handing it over to whom it rightfully belongs to
is the only satisfactory solution of the problem.

The wire distresses me. If there is no settlement over
Kashmir, does it mean that things must continue in their present
state? Must Muslims be enemies of Hindus and Sikhs and must
Hindus and Sikhs be enemies of Muslims simply on account of
Kashmir? Besides, I do not agree that the armed force our Gov-
ernment has dispatched to Kashmir has committed aggression there.
The armed force was sent in response to the appeals of Sheikh
Abdullah, the Premier of Kashmir, and the Maharaja. It is true
that Kashmir should go to whom it belongs. In that case
all those who have gone there from outside, be they Afridis
or any other, should get out of Kashmir. I cannot object to
people in Poonch revolting but I object to their rebelling in order
to grab the whole of Kashmir. I can understand it if every
outsider leaves Kashmir and no one interferes from outside or
sends help or complains. But I cannot understand it if they say
that they themselves will remain in Kashmir but that others should
get out. And to whom does Kashmir belong? Right now I
shall say it belongs to the Maharaja because the Maharaja still
exists. In the eyes of the Government the Maharaja is still the
legitimate ruler. Of course if the Maharaja is a wicked man, if
he does nothing for the people, I think it is for the Government
to displace him. But so far no such eventuality has arisen. If
the Muslims of Kashmir say that they do not want the Maharaja,
that they want to accede either to India or to Pakistan, no
one can complain. I have just emerged from a fast. I am
enemy of none. So how can I be an enemy of Muslims? Let
them come and convince me of my error. A Muslim gentleman
of Gwalior has sent me a telegram from Ratlam. In it he says:

We Muslim inhabitants Jahangirpur, District Ujjain, Gwalior
inform your honour that on 15th and 16th instant our village was
surrounded by a Hindu party who beat us severely. Several injured,

LETTER TO H. S. SUHRAWARDY

467

one died. Our crops and houses destroyed. Officer of State not
taking any action. We are in danger. Kindly arrange urgently.

It was sent on the 15th or the 16th of January when my
fast was going on. If this is true I must tell the Gwalior Hin-
dus that they are going to undo the achievement of Delhi. The
correspondent says that those running the administration were of
no help to them. But how can this be? If this happens in any
part of India, then it is a matter of shame for the Government
and for all of us. I hope matters in Gwalior will be put right.

I see from the papers that all the Rajas of Kathiawar —
there are more than two hundred of them — have met together and
decided to merge all their States to form one large State which will
have an assembly of its own.' If this is true, it is a great thing.
I must congratulate all the Rajas of Kathiawar on this step.

In Bhavnagar the Maharaja has handed over all power to
the people and has himself become a servant of the people.
I congratulate him on this great step.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 323-7

429. LETTER TO H. S. SUHRAWARDY

New Delhi,

Early morning, January 21, 1948

MY DEAR SHAHEED,

I was much concerned about your financial obligations. This
letter is the measure of my concern. I have seen many Muslim
friends go under because of their extravagant habits. Do not say
you are no better than Hindus, etc. The remedies you suggest are
worse than the disease. I would like you to do what I have induced
my Muslim clients to do to their credit. Thereby they gained in
self-esteem and in the esteem of their friends. Honourable insol-
vency is the straight line. Of this more when you return from
Sind and if you would then discuss the thing with me. In politics
you have much to correct, if I am right. The Sardar is not bad.

Love.

Yours,

Bapu

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, p. 485

' The Kathiawar Rulers signed a covenant on January 23 at Nawanagar,
approving the creation of Saurashtra Province, a united State of Kathiawar.

430. LETTER TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI

New Delhi,

January 21, 1948

MY DEAR C. R.,

Of course you were right in speaking to me through your
silence. You might not have broken it as you did through yours
of 16th instant.* From calm I have entered storm. Thank God I
have fairly learnt to face either with some amount of indiffer-
ence. I hope you are faring well in every respect. I observe
that you have lighted upon the fittest job for you.^

Love.

Bapu

From a photostat: G. N. 2194

431. LETTER TO KHURSHED NAOROJEE

New Delhi,

January 21, 1948

DEAR SISTER^,

So your hope has been fulfilled. I am drinking not merely
water which I was [taking]'* when on fast, [but also] sweet
fruit juices, clear vegetable soup and milk. Though or because

* In response to an appeal issued by the addressee, special prayers
were held in places of worship in Calcutta on January 16 for the fulfilment
of Gandhiji’s mission. Addressing one of these functions, C. Rajagopalachari
said that Gandhiji had become insolvent because he had taken upon
himself the debts of all other people. His sorrows had accumulated like the
interest of a money-lender and he had gone to a great banker, namely,
God, in order to repay all debts. He expressed the hope that God would
“help us in spite of the dilRculties which appear to be insurmountable”.

At another meeting Rajagopalachari exhorted the Hindus to treat
Muslims as their own kith and kin.

2 Presumably the reference is to the addressee’s efforts to restore com-
munal harmony in the strife-ridden Calcutta.

^ The superscription is in Gujarati.

■* The source has “eating”.

468

TALK WITH G. D. BIRLA 469

I am taking substantial things, the zone of calm has been left
for that of storm.

I hope now you have got the work for which you are most
fitted.

Love.

Bapu

Khurshedbehn Naorojee
Kanya Mahavidyalaya
Jullunder

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

432. LETTER TO REPRESENTATIVE,

REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA

New Delhi,

January 21, 1948

DEAR friend.

Many thanks for the kind message from the President. Please
accept them for yourself too, for your own good wishes.

I hope the Republic of Indonesia will flourish.

Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi

Representative
Republic of Indonesia

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

433. TALK WITH G. D. BIRLA

New Delhi,

January 21, 1948

I do not find this as shocking as you do.' Because if I say
no, the Sardar and Jawaharlal, who are hemmed in by so many
worries, will be haunted by the added worry concerning my
safety. These friends are shouldering a great responsibility today.
I personally believe that I am in the keeping of Rama. If He
wants to take me away, even a hundred thousand men cannot
save me. But those in the Government do not share my faith in

' The addressee had expressed his fear that Gandhiji might not allow
so many police personnel to be posted in the Birla House.

470

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

ahimsa and if they believe that I can be protected by these police
guards, so be it. Today perhaps I am the only one left who has
faith in ahimsa. I pray to God that He may grant me the strength
to demonstrate this ahimsa even if it be in my own person.
So it is all the same to me whether there are or there are not
all these police and military personnel posted here for my protec-
tion. Because it is Rama who protects me and I become more
and more convinced that everything else is futile.^

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 364

434. TALK WITH SIKH DEPUTATION

New Delhi,
January 21, 1948

gandhiji: I know what is happening there.^ But nothing is

to be gained by our showing cowardice. Someone tells me that
in U. P. Hindus have started growing beards with the notion that
thereby they will become brave. But that is no way to become
brave. I read your Granthsaheb. But I do not do so to please
you. Nor shall I seek your permission to do so. But the Guru
has not said anywhere that you must grow beards, carry kirpans
and so on. If the Muslims treat the Hindus as poison you should
not have persuaded me to give up the fast. If that be so, food
to me will be like poison. If I know that it is all deception then
all effort is futile. I had told the Muslims so very clearly.

* After the bomb explosion on January 20 and on receiving informa-
tion from the Bombay Government about a conspiracy to assassinate Gan-
dhiji, Vallabhbhai Patel tightened the security measures at Birla House by
posting army and police personnel along with plainclothes men. As a pre-
cautionary measure the police wanted to search everyone entering the com-
pound. According to a statement made by Vallabhbhai Patel in Parlia-
ment on February 6 “the D. I. G. met Gandhiji and represented to him
that there was danger and they should be allowed the facilities asked for,
otherwise they would be discredited if anything untoward happened, but
Gandhiji would not agree. He said that his life was in the hands of God,
that if he had to die, no precautions could save him and that he would
not agree to anybody being restricted from coming to prayer meetings or
anybody being allowed to come between his audience and himself. I my-
self pleaded with Gandhiji for allowing the police to do their duty in regard
to his protection, but without success.”

^ Giani Kartar Singh had described the excesses perpetrated on Sikhs
in Pakistan.

TALK WITH SIKH DEPUTATION

471

The spectacle today is one of supreme bravery. From now
on we will not seek revenge for enmity but we will return it with
friendship. I have given in to your pleading. It is good you have
told me everything. At present there is peace all over Delhi. What
security can I need? But if there is betrayal this cup of orange
juice shall be as poison to me. It is only the third day today.
When I am a little bit stronger you may tell me what you want.

KARTAR SINGH : Afflicted men cannot be balanced men. Everybody cannot
be a Mahatma Gandhi.

GANDHiji: Mahatma Gandhi is neither an angel nor a devil.

He is a man like you. . . .The slaughter that took place at Shekhu-
pura was reminiscent of the outrage of Nadirshah*. The Wah
camp at Rawalpindi presented the same spectacle. It can do no
good to dwell on who has killed more people and where. The
Sikhs have shown great bravery today for which I am grateful.
In spite of their terrible sufferings they have accepted all my
conditions for breaking the fast. This is not a small matter. I am
doing all that any individual can do.

I had three Par si visitors^ who had come after meeting Mr.
Jinnah and other Pakistani leaders. They told me that [non-Mus-
lims] no doubt had suffered immense hardships in Karachi but the
people there were also ashamed [of their deeds]. Nobody says that
they are not at fault. Now Mr. Jinnah has proclaimed that anyone
found guilty of criminal actions will be severely punished. A lot
of plundered goods have been seized from the homes of officials. I
assure you that I shall do as much as I can. For I have to do or
die. You will have seen what happened yesterday, but I know
that if there is work that God wants me to do I must do it.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 365-7

* Shah of Persia who invaded India in 1739, defeated Muhammad
Shah and ordered a massacre in Delhi

^ Jamshedji Mehta, Jehangir Patel and Dinshaw Mehta

435. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,
January 21, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

First of all I must ask you to forgive me for being late by
ten minutes. I am not well and so could not be punctual. Let
me first deal with the bomb incident of yesterday. People have
been sending me wires congratulating me and praising me. In fact
I deserve no congratulations. I displayed no bravery. I thought it
was part of army practice somewhere. I only came to know later
that it was a bomb and that it might have killed me if God had
not willed it that I should live. But if a bomb explodes in front
of me and if I am not scared and succumb, then you will be
able to say that I died with a smile on my face. Today I do
not yet deserve to be so praised. You should not have any kind
of hate against the person who was responsible for this. He had
taken it for granted that I am an enemy of Hinduism. Is it not
said in chapter IV‘ of the Gita that whenever the wicked become
too powerful and harm dharma God sends someone to destroy
them? The man who exploded the bomb obviously thinks that
he has been sent by God to destroy me. I have not seen him.
But I am told that is what he said when questioned by the police.
He was well dressed too. But I am sure God is not out of His
mind to continue sending such men. If we do not like a man,
does it mean that he is wicked? Even if I become wicked in the
eyes of everyone I shall not be considered such in the court of
God. If then someone kills me, taking me for a wicked man, will
he not have to answer before God? Let us pray that God may
grant him good sense. It seems he had lodged himself in a mosque.
In this he had offended against India, against God and against
Hinduism. If everyone thus takes to occupying mosques and, when
stopped, assails police officers it will never do. This is not the
sort of thing that God will prompt anyone to do. When he says
he was doing the bidding of God he is only making God an
accomplice in a wicked deed. But it cannot be so. Therefore
those who are behind him or whose tool he is, should know that

’ Verse 8

472

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

473

this sort of thing will not save Hinduism. If Hinduism has to be
saved it will be saved through such work as I am doing. I have
been imbibing Hindu dharma right from my childhood. My
nurse, who literally brought me up, taught me to invoke Rama
whenever I had any fears. With God’s grace, later in life I came
in contact with noble and good persons — who were Hindus. I
had the good company of Christian and Muslim friends as well,
who too could not influence me otherwise. Therefore having
passed all the tests I am as staunch a Hindu today as intuitively
I was at the age of five or six. If God deems it fit to make any-
one the instrument for saving Hindu dharma, it could be none
but me. Do you want to annihilate Hindu dharma by killing a
devout Hindu like me?

Some Sikhs came to me and asked me if I suspected that a
Sikh was implicated in the deed. I know he was not a Sikh.
But what even if he was? What does it matter if he was a
Hindu or a Muslim? May God bless him with good sense. I
have told the Inspector-General of Police not to harass the man.
They should try to win him over. I cannot ask that he should
be released because that is not my function. If he can realize
that he has committed a crime against Hinduism, against India,
against the Muslims and against the whole world, we should not
be severe with him. We should pity him. If you all think that
my fast was worthless and at the same time you would not let
me die because you would not want to take the blame for it,
then I think you have deceived me as well as yourselves and what
the man did was only right and no sin. If you whole-heartedly
disapprove of his action his heart will change of itself, because
in this world sin cannot stand by itself. It always wants support.
Only God and his devotees are self-sustained. This is the premise
from which our non-co-operation is derived. I pray to God to
give us enough strength that we may maintain our self-possession
and continue the prayer and not budge from our places, even if
a bomb should be thrown in our midst, and even if a police party
should come and try to make us leave. Only then shall I deserve
to be congratulated. I want to go on uttering Ramanama even
if there should be shooting taking place all around me.

Yesterday an illiterate woman^ displayed courage in having
the culprit arrested. I admire her courage. It is my belief that
however illiterate or uneducated one may be, it does not matter
so long as one has a stout heart.

’ Sulochana Devi

474 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Bahawalpur people have written urging that we should hurry
and get them out or they will all be killed. I must ask them not
to become panicky. I have another wire from the Nawab Saheb
only today in which he says that he is doing his utmost for these
people. I have also not forgotten them.

I have also a telegram from Bombay sent by Sindhi Sikhs
there. They say there are still some fifteen thousand Sikhs in
Sind. Some have already been slaughtered. Their lives and their
faith are in peril. They request that some arrangement should
be made to get them out of Sind, if possible by plane. What I
say here will reach them. Even a telegram takes longer. I shall
not tolerate it if these 15,000 Sikhs are cut down or their faith
or dignity attacked. I will do what a single individual can do.
Panditji himself thinks of everybody. I shall request the Pakistan
and Sind Governments to reassure the Sikhs that so long as they
are there they are not in any kind of danger. If they cannot
give such an assurance they should collect them in one place or
send them to India under escort. Sikhs are a brave people. Who
can dare to attack their faith ? Let the Sikh brethren be reassured.
I have sent some Parsee friends to see their condition.

A correspondent writes that when I was in jail in 1942
people had indulged in acts which were sometimes violent. If I
should die while fasting there would be such a wave of violence
in the country that even my God would cry out. My fast there-
fore would be violent and I should give it up. There is love
as well as ignorance behind what the correspondent says. It is
true that there was violence in the country following my im-
prisonment. The present situation is a consequence of that. Had
the country then remained wholly non-violent, we would not
have been in the plight that we are in today. I have also
thought over the possibility that after I am no more there may
be further strife. If God wants to save me He will do so. The
death of a non-violent man will always have desirable conse-
quences. But when Krishna was no more the Yadavas did not
become better and purer. They destroyed themselves in fratricidal
strife. I shall not weep over it. But I am a poor lowly individual.
Why should anyone take to fighting after I am gone? But
God sometimes makes the very lowly His instrument. I am told
Hindus and Muslims will not fight here any more. Muslim women
too have begun to come out of their houses. This makes me
happy. I must ask all to make their hearts the temple of God.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 328-30

436. CABLE TO ARENA ASAF ALT

[Before January 22, 1948^

YOUR PLACE IS IN INDIA.

The Hindustan Times, 23-1-1948

437. LETTER TO ISMAT IFTIKHAR-UD-DIN

New Delhi,
5 a. m., January 22, 1948

MY DEAR ISMAT,

You had no business to get ill again. You discredit your
doctor. I was disappointed when Iftikhar appeared without you
and was sorry when I learnt that the cause was your illness.
Your services are required much more than ever before. There-
fore be up and doing. I assure you I am eager to go to Lahore
as soon as my convalescence is finished and the way is open for
me to go to Lahore or better still to Pakistan.

Love.

Bapu

Begum Ismat Iftikhar-ud-Din
Lahore

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

^ The addressee had cabled from Washington to inquire if she could
be of help in India.

^ The report of the cable appeared under the date-line “Washington,
January 22”.

475

438. LETTER TO DR. CHARLES MOORE

New Delhi,

January 22, 1948

DEAR DR. MOORE,

Many thanks for your good wishes. I was glad to meet you.

Tours sincerely,

M. K. Gandhi

Dr. Charles Moore

B. H. U.

Benares

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

439. LETTER TO AMBASSADOR OF NETHERLANDS

New Delhi,

January 22, 1948

dear friend,

I have to thank you for your good wishes. Our meeting
was a pleasure.

Tours sincerely,

M. K. Gandhi

Ambassador of Netherlands

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

476

440. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 22, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

By the grace of God, I am as you see slowly recovering
my strength.* I hope very soon I shall be as strong as ever.
But it is in the hands of God. A friend writes saying that
Jawaharlal may spare a room or two in his large house for
the refugees, and other ministers, army officers and Government
executives may also similarly spare some accommodation in
their houses, but then, he asks, how many refugees can we house
in this way? There are many who give verbal assurance but
only a few act on them.

I agree that only a few thousand refugees can be housed
in this way. But that is not important. What is important is
that leading men and officers will have set an example. In Eng-
land if the King makes the smallest sacrifice, like giving up a
glass of wine, the gesture is greatly appreciated. Every civilized
country appreciates such gestures. It also creates a good im-
pression among the refugees who feel that people are doing the
best for them and they too should try and face difficulties bravely.
But if this leads to people rushing to Delhi in the belief that
they will be better looked after here it will spoil things.

Another difficulty has been placed before me. People say
that formerly the Gongress could collect even a lakh of rupees
only with the greatest difficulty. Today it can disburse crores of
rupees. This is the power which it had been fighting for. But
they are following in the footsteps of the British Government
in the matter of spending lavishly. Some say that since we are
now running the Government we must spend lavishly and live
in style, otherwise our prestige outside India will suffer. But if
we want to compete with the British in the lavishness they show
in maintaining their dignity, we shall have to be as well off
as they are. But our per capita income is nowhere near that of
England. We are an extremely poor country. If, therefore, we

* For the first time after his fast, Gandhiji was able to walk up to the
prayer ground.

477

478

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

compete with others in the matter of spending we shall be
destroyed. I hope our representatives abroad will realize this.
They should not try to compete with America in throwing din-
ners, banquets and parties. That even our self-sacrificing Con-
gressmen should fall into such erroneous ways is something that
should make us sit up and think. People also object to minis-
ters getting higher salaries than other people. If Sardar Patel
is paid Rs. 1,500 a month, then they say they should at least
be paid Rs. 500. This is not the way of living in India. When
we are all trying to purify ourselves why should we think along
such lines? We do not judge people by the money they have.

I have read out to you the wire describing the plight of
certain Muslims in Gwalior.' A worker from there came to me
saying that he had good news. He says that the Maharaja of
Gwalior has handed over all power to the people. ^ But if the
Praja Mandal people show discrimination and drive out Muslims,
how can I be happy over it? I shall be happy if you tell me
that there will be no discrimination and that no ill will would
be shown against anyone, be he a Hindu or Muslim or Parsi
or Christian. Then I shall congratulate you and bless you. The
Maharaja has become the servant of the people. In this jajna
of self-purification everyone, including the ruler and the ruled,
should participate. Only then shall we be able to stand before
the world. If we want to carry the world on the right path and
save it there is no other way before us.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 331-2

* Vide pp. 466-7.

2 The Maharaja of Gwalior had announced his decision to form an
interim government having the support of the majority party in the
legislature.

441. WORTHY OF REFLECTION^

A young man^ writes^:

Today at noon I learnt that you had commenced fasting. I re-
sisted the temptation of writing to you during the fast. But I can do
so no longer.

1. It is idle to think that a fast of five or seven days on your
part can establish heart-unity between the Hindus and Muslims. . . .
What your fast will do will be to make the Hindus suppress their
anger . . . And I think it should be enough to induce you to end your
fast.

2. By your penance you have gained a unique place in the
hearts and affection of the people. . . .They will, therefore, suppress
their anger and hatred in order to save your life. But this pent-up
anger is sure to burst out at the first opportunity. .. .

3. If anger and hatred are to be purged out of the hearts of the
people, the Government ought to teach them to base their lives on
constructive work. . . .In America, they are tending more and more
to revert to natural manures. We seem to be going in for the produc-
tion of chemical fertilizers.

4. I can say from my experience that the Indian Muslims are
not so innocent as they might appear. . . .a large majority of them
are simply biding their time and waiting for an opportunity to play
the fifth-columnists when Pakistan invades India. . . .

5. In view of the foregoing, I feel that your fast was not meant
to achieve anything more than making the Hindus restrain their
passions.

6. I hold that the Hindu-Muslim trouble can be resolved only
in two ways. First, by the Hindus completely cleansing their hearts.
That expectation may be said to have been belied long ago. As you
have observed, the Congress struggle has so far been based on the pas-
sive resistance of the weak. Therefore, now that power has come to it,
it will rush towards himsa with redoubled speed. . . .The other way is
for the Indian Government to handle the situation with firmness.
This, it seems to me, it has failed to do so far and to that extent —
thanks to your influence — the interest of the country has suffered.

' The Gujarati original of this appeared in Harijanbandhu, 1-2-1948.

2 Kanti Gandhi; vide p. 483.

^ Only excerpts from the letter are reproduced here.

479

480

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

The foregoing letter deserves careful attention. Contrary
to what the correspondent holds, instances can be adduced of
instantaneous change of heart. It would have been more apt to
say that such heart change is transitory. Now that my fast is
over, it remains to be seen what result it produces. I say

this not to deprecate or detract from what the writer of the

foregoing letter has said. Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs — all may learn
something from it. The ideal of communal unity is not a

new one. It has always been before the country as one of the
pillars of national independence. Without it independence can-
not last. This has been regarded as more or less axiomatic. The
transition period, which I hope is now over, reflected our dis-
temper. We may, therefore, expect that the unity that has been
established in Delhi will prove enduring.

That the edifice of unity can rest on constructive work

alone is a maxim which everybody should remember. The ques-
tion is how to realize it. It is up to every worker who believes

in it to live it in his life and to bring it home to his neigh-
bours. By explaining the scientific basis of the constructive pro-

gramme, it can be made interesting. Our daily experience shows
that this programme cannot be advanced by mechanical or
unintelligent work.

That tractors and chemical fertilizers will spell our ruin, I
have not a shadow of a doubt.

I do not regard all the Muslims of India to be innocent.
What is obvious is that after the birth of Pakistan the Muslims
in the Indian Union have been placed in a very difficult
situation and it is up to the majority community to mete out

exact justice to them. It would spell the ruin of both the
Hindu religion and the majority community if the latter, in
the intoxication of power, entertains the belief that it can crush
the minority community and establish a purely Hindu Raj. I
consider the present occasion to be particularly auspicious for
purging out the dross from the hearts of both the communities
by a strenuous effort at self-purification.

The meaning of the fifth paragraph is not quite clear. In
any case, my fast being for the purification of all, I expected
and still expect all — be they Hindu, Muslim or others — to turn
the searchlight inward and to cast out all hidden impurity.

In the sixth paragraph I find only dry logic. It ignores
the heart. No one has a right to say that what could not be
achieved during the struggle for independence is unachievable at
all times. On the contrary, today there is a real opportunity to

LETTER TO MANU GANDHI

481

demonstrate the supremacy of ahimsa. True, our people have been
sucked into the whirlpool of universal militarization. If even a
few can keep out of it, it will be their privilege to set an example
of ahimsa of the brave and be reckoned as the first servants of
India. This cannot be demonstrated by intellect. Therefore,
till it can be realized through experience, it must be accepted
on faith.

The Swaraj Government is bound to proceed with firmness
and courage. A government which is weak or which allows itself
to be led into courses which its reason does not approve of, is not
fit to rule. It ought to step aside and make way for a better one.
To say or to believe that Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel
have weakened under my influence is to betray gross ignorance
of their character. And if my influence has really the enervating
effect imputed to it by my correspondent, it is a thing for me to
be ashamed of and for the country to deplore as detrimental to
its very existence.

New Delhi, January 23, 1948
Harijan, 1-2-1948

442. LETTER TO MANU GANDHI

Birla House, New Delhi,
After prayer, 6 a. m., January 23, 1948

chi. manudi,

I have been looking into your diary for quite a few days.
I am very pleased. You have passed the test. You have shown
great devotion in serving me. Whether in the family or outside
I have not met a girl of your purity. That is why I became a
mother to no one but you. Why is it that though your diary
shows your mental anguish you have not expressed it to me ? Why
should you be concerned about . . or anyone else? That girl
has been deceiving me but in reality those who seek to deceive me
are themselves deceived. The service you have rendered in this
great yajna is of inestimable value to me. Your only offence is
that you have let your body be ruined in the process, not so
much from physical work as from your native reticence. Who
knows but that there may be another bomb explosion and with
Ramanama on my lips I may be taken away from you? If that

* The name is omitted in the source.

90-31

482

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

happens you will have won a total victory, only I shall not be
there to watch it. But these scribbled words will remain and so
will you. As for me, I shall think I have won a victory only
when you transform yourself from an old woman of seventy which
you look like today, into a blooming maiden of seventeen. You
see how God is helping us. Everyone is appearing in his true
colours. In the Congress too there is so much confusion.

Today I have written you a long letter. Please send a copy
to Jaisukhlal.

May your service bear fruit.'

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 376

443. FRAGMENT OF LETTER TO
NAWAB OF BAHAWALPUR^

January 23, 1948

The latest is to the effect that about 500 people have died
of illness brought about by exposure and partial starvation and
1,100 were lying ill. . . .^ I have decided, therefore, to send to your
State Mr. Leslie Gross of the Friends’ Service Unit to be assisted
by Dr. Sushila Nayyar . . who, when she was yet a child . .
came under my care and has been with me ever since and is now,
among other things, serving Muslim evacuees. . . .® They are going
to your State in the hope of meeting you and meeting such non-
Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs, whom they may be permitted to see
and bring me first-hand information. . .

Nothing would please me better than to be able to testify
personally that things are as happy as they are described in your
letter under reply and that I can advise the refugees from your
State to return with perfect confidence as to the safety of their
lives, honour and faith. I am not inclined to favour the view
suggested by you that all these people left under a plot to discredit

* Gandhiji dictated the above to Manu Gandhi and added this sen-
tence before signing.

^ The addressee had written to the effect that non-Muslims were all
right where they were, if only “communalist busy-bodies” would let them
alone.

^ Omissions as in the source

LETTER TO KANTI GANDHI

483

the State. If you are not confident that these unhappy refugees
can return to their homes and resume their former avocations, I
know you will not hesitate to say so and in that case I would
suggest your sending away, at least for the present, all your Hindu
and Sikh subjects including Harijans, to the Union under proper
escort. The chief question to consider is whether the Muslims of
the State and the Muslim refugees have come under the purifica-
tory influence of the recent fast, so as to welcome back their Hindu
and Sikh brothers and sisters.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 756-7

444. LETTER TO KANTI GANDHI

New Delhi,
January 23, 1948

CHI. KANTI,

Your letter is beautiful. I am sending it for publication in
Harijartl omitting the name and other particulars. I am not send-
ing the original, however, only a copy (edited). See the note I
have written on it. Ask me if you do not follow it. The fast
seems to have done some harm to the body.^ To that extent I
may be said to be deficient in regard to Ramanama. It requires
ceaseless practice, which I have not been able to manage. If
God wants my faith to bear fruit. He will give me the experi-
ence. Even if I do not get the experience in this life, I think
my faith will remain unshaken. I hope all three of you are well.
Ask Saru^ to write to me.

Blessings from
Bapu

From the Gujarati original: C. W. 7387. Courtesy: Kanti Gandhi

' Vide “Worthy of Reflection”, pp. 479-81.

2 Gandhiji’s kidneys and liver had been affected.
^ Saraswati, addressee’s wife

445. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 23, 1948

My giving up the fast has not lessened my responsibility;
it has added to it. I am slowly regaining strength. It will
count for something if I can show some achievement in Delhi.
On the 20th I might have died. But Rama saved me because
He had to take some more work from me. But if I can die
with a smile on my lips it will be a great mercy. Do I deserve
such grace? It is my endeavour to make myself fit for such
death. The endeavour becomes more earnest with each passing
day. This morning I had a long frank talk with Manu. I am a
servant of Rama. I shall work as long as He commands me to
work; I shall go when He commands me to go. I am prepared
for both. My only prayer is that I may realize non-violence and
make others realize it. You should join me in that prayer.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 377

446. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 23, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I have many things to say today. I shall try to deal with
as many as I can. Today is Subhas Babu’s birthday. I have
told you I cannot remember anyone’s Birthday or death anni-
versary. Someone reminded me of Subhas Babu’s birthday.
Subhas Babu was a votary of violence while I am a devotee
of ahimsa. But what does it matter? I know that the most
important thing is that we should learn from other people’s
virtues. As Tulsidas says;

The Lord has created this world full of lifeless and living things
and virtues and vices. The wise like the swan take the milk of virtue
and leave out the waste of water.

484

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

485

We should be like the swan and take the milk of virtue.
Man has virtues as well as vices. We should emulate him in
his virtues and forget his deficiencies. Subhas was a great pa-
triot. He laid down his life for the country. He was not by
nature a fighter but he became commander of an army and
took up arms against a great empire. The soldiers of that army
included Hindus, Muslims, Parsis and Christians. He never con-
sidered himself only a Bengali. He had no use for parochialism
or caste distinctions. In his eyes all were Indians and servants
of India. He treated all alike. It never occurred to him that
since he was the commander he deserved more and others less.
Let us therefore in remembering Subhas think of his great vir-
tues and purge our hearts of malice.

Once a friend who was an eminent advocate asked me to
define Hinduism. I told him I was neither a lawyer like him
nor a religious leader and was really unable to dehne Hinduism,
but I would suggest that a Hindu was one who had equal re-
spect for all religions. Subhas had equal respect for all religions
and he easily won every heart. It is good to remember such
things on this occasion.

I told you some time ago of the tragic happenings in a
village of Gwalior in which some Muslims were killed.' I have
been making inquiries and I have a letter in this regard. The
correspondent has given his name. He says I was wrong in say-
ing that the place where murder, arson and looting are said
to have occurred was Ratlam. It was really Jahangirpur which
is in Gwalior State. He says that the report was not quite accu-
rate. No doubt there was some disturbance but it was a pri-
vate quarrel involving some Hindus and some Muslims. He
says that it was not right to give the incident a communal
colour and that no one was killed. I must place before you
whatever reaches me. If people fabricate stories in this way, it
must lead to widespread misunderstanding. If you must exag-
gerate, you should exaggerate your own shortcomings. Only then
can it be said that we are following the path of self-purification.

I have a telegram from Mysore, saying that although what
I have achieved in Delhi is quite creditable, one cannot say
that it has had any effect in Mysore for there has been rioting
there. There is also news to this effect in the newspapers. I
know the Hindus and Muslims of Mysore. I have stayed there
many times. I also know the people running the Government

* Vide “Speech at Prayer Meeting”, pp. 466-7.

486

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

there and I have asked them to explain to the world everything
that has happened. There is no doubt that some tragic events
have taken place in Mysore.

I also have a telegram from some Muslims in Junagadh. It
is a lengthy one but it is good. They say that ever since the
Sardar took over the administration of Junagadh and a Regional
Commissioner was appointed, they have been treated with justice
and fairness. They assure me that no one can create a rift
between Hindus and Muslims there. A referendum is soon to
take place in Junagadh* and when that happens Muslims will
vote for the continuation of the present arrangement.

There is also a wire from Meerut from the local Hindus.
They say that the fast has created a very good effect. They have
no malice against the nationalist Muslims but if I think that the
Muslim Leaguers have become good or will ever become good,
I shall have to repent. They praise my ahimsa but say that it
cannot be effective in politics, that it should be confined only to
spiritual matters. Then they express their approval of the present
Government consisting of Panditji, the Sardar and others and say
that it should not be changed. I have not so far heard anything
suggesting that a change is impending. I cannot imagine who
can change them or dismiss them. But still people talk and
exaggerate. The Meerut Hindus have participated fully in the
struggle for freedom. But they are in error in what they say.
In politics we cannot say that we shall trust some people and
not trust others. The people who are in the Government today
have got to be trusted. We shall also have to trust the Muslims.
If we have decided to live as brothers with Muslims we cannot
distrust any Muslim even if he is a Muslim Leaguer. Similarly,
if Muslims say that all Hindus and Sikhs are wicked it will be
nonsense. All that we can do is to bring it to the notice of the
Government that such and such a person is bad and then it will
be for the Government to punish him in any way. We must
not take the law into our own hands. It will be barbarism.

I continue to receive numerous wires. I cannot answer all
the senders individually. I thank all of them through this
meeting. May their blessings bear fruit.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 333-5

* The Government of India had decided to hold a referendum in
Junagadh, Babariawad, Mangrol, Manavadar, Bantwa and Sardargarh in
the third week of February.

447. HIS MAJESTY'S OPPOSITION

.. . Great Britain prides itself on possessing the “Mother of Par-
liaments”. The method prevailing there is to maintain at Government
cost “His Majesty’s Opposition” to keep the Ministers within bounds
by directing the flood-light of public criticism on the steps taken or
proposed to be taken by the Government. . . .

Our country has taken up the reins of government. If we desire
to pursue non-violence, what shall be the form of our government?
Our Government also will need a corrective force to perform the
functions of an “Opposition”. . . . What we should aim at is not to
replace the ministers, but to hold up models that they should follow.
The constructive workers should direct them into proper channels by
the beacon light of their example. This is a great responsibility
that would devolve upon the constructive workers in a non-violent
economy.

A well-organized body of constructive workers will be needed to
provide this directive force. Their service to the people will be their
sanction and the merit of their work will be their charter. The
ministers will draw their inspiration from such a body which will advise
and guide the secular government.

To be able to discharge this function the constructive workers
forming such a body will have to be drawn from men of renuncia-
tion, whose one aim and ambition is the service of the people.

In a political structure of this nature the body of constructive
workers will form the bulwark of safety for the people against exploi-
tation. A government run on this basis will give the needed emphasis
to the affairs of the people and ensure their welfare, bringing in
swaraj to the masses.

This is very attractive.* But it has to be confessed that we
have not the requisite number of selfless workers capable of
giving a good account of themselves.

New Delhi, January 24, 1948
Harijan, 1-2-1948

* Only extracts from J. C. Kumarappa’s article are reproduced above.

487

448. LETTER TO JAISUKHLAL GANDHI

January 24, 1948

CHI. JAISUKHLAL,

I am writing to you after a long time. But Manu does
write to you and you write to her, so both you and I have
news of each other.

One may say that something has been achieved in Delhi.
How long it is going to last remains to be seen. The weakness
following the fast persists. But God is slowly giving me back
my strength. The kidneys and the liver are not functioning as
satisfactorily as they should.

I write this about Manu, whom a year ago you offered
as a sacrifice in this great yajna. It will not be wrong to say
that occasionally I have been harsh in testing her. But the
more brutal my treatment the more it was a blessing to her.
She unflinchingly went through the ordeal and satisfactorily
came out unscathed. As I had said at Srirampore, in this yajna
we have to do or die. Here both these will be encompassed.
On the 20th when the bomb exploded Manu was sitting be-
side me along with others. So we might both have died. But
who can harm one whom Rama protects! Yesterday I had a
long talk with Manu. I told her to write to you that if you
could free yourself from there, you should come to Sevagram
or Delhi. It is possible that I may have to go to Wardha for
Jamnalal’s death anniversary'. But it is not certain. It does
not seem likely that I can get away from Delhi. Manu told me
that since it was I who had laid down terms for participation
in this yajna I myself should write to you. The best thing would
be for you to see my programme in the newspapers and then
come wherever I may be. You will see that I have settled the
debt I owed. She has sent you her diaries. She has made
great progress in writing the diary. She takes great interest in
writing notes and when I see them Mahadev’s face appears before
my eyes.

I am dictating this immediately after the prayer. There is
a heap of letters to be attended to. If God wills we shall be

'Which fell on February 11

488

FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

489

meeting in a few days and then we can talk about the
rest.

Manu is enjoying herself. If you have some magic for
making her fat you should let me know. The girls will be well
with their in-laws.

Blessings from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 380-2

449. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 24, 1948

Things are well here but elsewhere there is certainly dis-
order. In Sind and the N. W. F. P. the situation is deteriorating.
I have sent Jehangir Patel and Dinshaw Mehta to have talks
with Jinnah, Liaquat Ali and others. I am hoping that I shall
get considerable help from Suhrawardy in my projected visit to
Pakistan. But all this is day-dreaming.

By God’s grace I am slowly regaining strength. I am a
servant of Rama. I will do His work so long as He wills. I
shall have won if I am granted a death whereby I can demon-
strate the strength of truth and non-violence. I did not display
any courage in what happened on the 20th. I thought it was
part of some army exercise. Had I known that it was an inti-
mation of my death I cannot tell how I might have reacted.
So I am not yet a mahatma. What does it matter if people
describe me as one? I am only an ordinary mortal. Yes, if I
have been sincere in my pursuit of truth, non-violence, non-
stealing, brahmacharya and so on and if I have done all this
with God as my witness, I shall certainly be granted the kind
of death that I seek. I have expressed the wish at the prayer
meeting^ also that should someone kill me I may have no anger
against the killer in my heart and I may die with Ramanama
on my lips.

Today after the prayer I wrote a letter to Manu’s father.
This is the next. There is a whole pile of letters to answer.
The Working Gommittee will also start meeting from today. There-
fore the post can be attended to only after the morning prayer.

* On January 21; vide p. 473.

490

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

You should keep me informed of things there. Nothing has
been decided about my going to Sevagram.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 382-3

450. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 24, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

I requested you to maintain silence during the prayer
meeting. For some time you were quiet, but later when the
prayer was going on some women carried on a conversation and
children were screaming. I have repeatedly said that when
children cry they should be taken out of the meeting. Good
manners demand that women should not keep their crying
children in the meeting.

Today I will deal with a lengthy telegram, which I had
no time to take up yesterday. It says that the agreement that
had been signed between the two Governments for expatriation of
the prisoners and abducted girls was a good one but that it only
lasted for a short while and has now been broken. The reason
for this seems to have been the condition laid down by the West
Punjab Government that it would implement the agreement only
after all the States in East Punjab had undertaken to return all
the Muslim girls held anywhere under their jurisdiction.

I can see no difficulty in this if the same should apply to
the States in West Punjab even if there are fewer States there
than in East Punjab. It is true that difficulties crop up in im-
plementing such an agreement. When the agreement was signed
no difficulties were raised. What does it matter? All the girls
whether on this side or that side should be restored. It does not
seem to me to be right that if ten girls are returned by the
West Punjab Government East Punjab should also return only
that number and no more. All the girls held in East Punjab,
all the women and men who are prisoners should be returned
unconditionally. But today this does not happen because there
is ill feeling. What does it matter that there are more girls held
in West Punjab than in East Punjab? I say that we should not
think on these lines. It is all a mistake. To carry away one
person is as much a mistake as to carry away a hundred. If more

LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

491

were not carried away it is only because the ruffians were not
able to — not because they did not intend to — carry away so
many girls or imprison so many men. A process that has been
once set in motion should not be hampered. In fact the agree-
ment should have been extended to cover other things too. If
the two Governments meet in a spirit of amity and fully resolve
that they will not go to war, the way will become clear. I
shall therefore humbly ask the two Governments to forget what
has happened and to correct themselves. We must cleanse our
hearts. But even if our hearts have not been cleansed we can
still do what is clearly our duty. Self-purification means that
we purge our hearts.

I have been receiving complaints that not all the girls
abducted are returned from West Punjab. I have the same
complaint concerning girls held in East Punjab. I have not
conducted any investigation and cannot say who is lying and
who is telling the truth. But if the complaint is true with regard
to West Punjab it is a matter of shame. The same holds good
for East Punjab. But there is yet another complaint against
West Punjab. It is said they say one thing and do the opposite
of it. All I can say is that this should be put right or else the
purpose for which I fasted has been fulfilled in letter but not
in spirit.*

[ From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 335-7

451. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

Birla House, New Delhi,

January 25, 1948

DAUGHTER AMTUL SALAAM,

I have your two letters. It is as you say. God is very
merciful. Of all my fasts this was the biggest. What the result
will be God alone knows.

I am dictating this letter, because after prayer in the morn-
ing it is more convenient to dictate than to write.

* At this stage the chatter had become so loud that Gandhiji said
he could not proceed with what he wanted to say and brought the meeting
to a close. He stressed the importance of the women observing complete
silence at the prayers and suggested that those with children should stand
at the fringe so as not to disturb the meeting.

492 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

I am in a dilemma about your coming here. At first I
had thought of sending you a telegram, then I gave up the
idea. If the work at Borkamta can go on well in your absence
and you can be conveniently relieved from there, you can come
to me.

I am regaining strength. Do not worry about me.

About Kanu too I am in a dilemma. He can come if he
wants to. If I get the time I will write to him.

I am sending Rashid’s wife’s’ letter to you. I could not
decipher her signature. What is her name? I wrote to her that
she could come whenever she wanted. She will stay with me.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 594

452. LETTER TO PRABHUDATAL VIDTARTHI

Birla House, New Delhi,

January 25, 1948

CHI. PRABHUDAYAL,

I have your letter. You are doing good work. Keep work-
ing in the same way. We have never done any work in the
villages and therefore the difficulties arise. You have to pro-
duce there milk, fruit and vegetables. Leafy vegetables take
very little time to grow. Do you not have any cow at all in
your village? Meet the zamindars and try to soften their hearts
with love. So far we have not seen the true strength of ahimsa.
Now is the time.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 11666

’ Hosa Rashid

453. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 25, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

People say that we have achieved heart-unity. I question
both Muslims and Hindus and they all say that they have real-
ized the futility of going on fighting with each other. I will
not ask how many Muslims there are at this meeting. But I
shall ask everyone to treat them as their brothers. If you meet
any Muslim treat him as a brother and offer him a place to
sit. For the last two days more people have been coming to
the prayer. If each one of them brings a Muslim with him it
will be a great thing.

The Urs* will start from tomorrow at the Mehrauli shrine.
This fair is an annual feature but this year we had destroyed
the shrine. Even the stone lattice work was demolished. Now
it has been repaired somewhat and the Urs will take place as
usual. I do not know how many Muslims will go there but
I know that formerly a large number of them visited the
Urs and so did a large number of Hindus. I hope that this
time too Hindus will go there with peaceful intent and reve-
rent hearts. Let them not mock or malign the Muslims who
will be going to the fair. The police of course will be there
but these should be as few as possible, you should all act as
policemen yourselves and make sure that everything functions
smoothly. At any rate you have earned a good name. The
newspapers feature it and I continue to receive letters and tele-
grams from all over the world. I am receiving communications
from China and other parts of Asia and from America and
Europe as well. All of them say that we have achieved here
something very great, that they had been fearing that with the
British having left the country we Indians being stupid and
inexperienced in the ways of governing would destroy ourselves
in a civil war.

I shall be leaving for Wardha on February 2. Rajendra
Babu will accompany me. But I shall try to return to Delhi as

* A religious fair held annually at the shrine of Khwaja Syed
Kutub-ud-Din Bakhtiar

493

494

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

soon as I can. The newspaper report that I shall be staying
there for a month is not correct. I shall go to Wardha only
if you will all bless me and assure me that you will not start
fighting as soon as I leave. I shall later go to Pakistan also,
but for that to be possible the Pakistan Government has to tell
me that I can go and carry on my work there. Even if any
one of the Provincial Governments of Pakistan invites me I
shall go.

Whenever there is a meeting of the Congress Working
Committee at which I am present I give you some idea of
what is transacted there. Today there was a second meeting
of the Congress Working Committee and many matters were
discussed there. You may not be interested in everything that
was taken up for discussion but one thing I may tell you. The
Congress had decided some twenty years ago that there should
be as many provinces in the country as there are major lan-
guages. The Congress had also said that as soon as power came
into its hands such linguistic provinces would be formed. For
that matter we have nine or ten provinces even today — all under
a central authority. If new provinces are formed and they are
all placed under the authority of Delhi there is no harm in
it. But it will be very bad if they all want to be free and re-
fuse to accept central authority. It should not be that Bombay
then will have nothing to do with Maharashtra and Maha-
rashtra with Karnataka and Karnataka with Andhra. Let all live
as brothers. Moreover if linguistic provinces are formed it will
also give a fillip to the regional languages. It would be ab-
surd to make Hindustani the medium of instruction in all the
regions and it is still more absurd to use English for this
purpose.

[From Hindi]

Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 338-40

454. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

January 26, 1948

This day, 26th January, is Independence Day. This ob-
servance was quite appropriate when we were fighting for
independence we had not seen nor handled. Now we have
handled it and we seem to be disillusioned. At least I am,
even if you are not.

What are we celebrating today? Surely not our disillu-
sionment. We are entitled to celebrate the hope that the worst
is over and that we are on the road to showing the lowliest of
the villager that it means his freedom from serfdom and that he
is no longer a serf born to serve the cities and towns of India
but that he is destined to exploit the city-dwellers for the
advertisement of the finished fruits of well-thought-out labours,
that he is the salt of the Indian earth and that it means also
equality of all classes and creeds, never the domination and
superiority of the major community over a minor, however in-
significant it may be in numbers or influence. Let us not defer
the hope and make the heart sick. Yet, what are the strikes and
a variety of lawlessnesses but a deferring of the hope? These
are symptoms of our sickness and weakness. Let labour realize
its dignity and strength. Capital has neither dignity nor strength
compared to labour. These the man in the street also has. In
a well-ordered democratic society there is no room, no occasion,
for lawlessness or strikes. In such a society there are ample lawful
means for vindicating justice. Violence veiled or unveiled must be
taboo. Strikes in Kanpur, coal mines or elsewhere mean material
loss to the whole society not excluding the strikers themselves.
I need not be reminded that this declamation does not lie well
in the mouth of one like me who has been responsible for so
many successful strikes. If there be such critics they ought not to
forget that then there was neither independence nor the kind of
legislation we now have. I wonder if we can remain free from
the fever of power politics or the bid for power which afflicts the
political world, the East and the West. Before leaving this topic

’ It being Gandhiji’s silence day, Pyarelal translated the written speech
into Hindustani and read it out after the prayers.

495

496

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

of the day, let us permit ourselves to hope that though geogra-
phically and politically India is divided into two, at heart we
shall ever be friends and brothers helping and respecting one
another and be one for the outside world.

Decontrol of cloth* has been welcomed in all quarters.
There never was a scarcity of cloth. How can it be when
there is enough cotton and enough hands in the land for spin-
ning and weaving? Equally welcome is the removal of control
on firewood and coal. It is remarkable that there is now a glut
in the market of gur, the poor man’s supply for caloric deficiency.
There would be no remedy for glut nor for reaching places out-
side the boundary of production unless there is quick locomotion.
Let a correspondent in the know speak on this subject:

Needless to say that efficiency of the rail and road transport is
the chief factor for the success of the decontrol policy. If there is no
improvement in the railway transport there is a danger of country-
wide famine and the entire collapse of the decontrols. The present
working of the railway transport is a living danger to these decontrols
and controls alike. The terrible contrast of different prices prevalent
in different parts of India for the same commodity is chiefly due to
this transport bottleneck. If gur is sold at Rs. 8 per maund at Roh-
tak and at Rs. 50 in Bombay, we must say there is something wrong
with the working of the railways. Thousands of wagons in the length
and breadth of the country are not kept moving. Wagons are not
even unloaded for months and months together. Corruption is rampant
in a most virulent form in the booking of these wagons, in the garb
of ‘scarcity of wagons and coal’ and ‘priority for different commodi-
ties’. For the booking of one wagonload one has to spend hundreds
of rupees and spend days together in the railway yards. Even the best
efforts of the worthy Transport Minister^ have cut no ice in so far
as the supply of these wagons and their constant moving is concerned.

The entire rail and road transport requires a complete overhaul-
ing by the Transport Minister to make the decontrols a thorough
success. Then only decontrols shall prove a blessing to the poor for
the benefit of whom they are being pursued. Millions of villagers,
farmers and labourers are hit owing to the defective system in this
rail and road transport as their produce seldom reaches the market.

As stated in my previous letter, the rationing of petrol ought
to be removed and monopoly and permit system of the road trans-
port may be abolished altogether. This monopoly system is benefiting

* The Government had decided to decontrol cloth from January 19.
^John Matthai

CONGRESS POSITION

497

a few transport companies only but has rendered the lives of millions
and millions of our countrymen difficult.

Ninety-five per cent of the success in decontrols solely depends
upon the efficient working of the railways and vehicles, i. e., in keep-
ing the wagons moving, and abolishing the rationing of petrol and
the permit and monopoly system of the lorries. This shall bring from
the remotest corners of the country lakhs of tons of foodstuffs and all
other produce profusely to the entire markets of the land.

The subject of corruption referred to by the correspondent
is not new. Only it has become much worse than before. Re-
straint from without has practically gone. Corruption will go
when the large number of persons given to the unworthy practice
realize that the nation does not exist for them but that they
do for the nation. It requires a high code of morals, extreme
vigilance on the part of those who are free from the corrupt
practice and who have influence over corrupt servants. Indiffer-
ence in such matters is criminal. If our evening prayers are
genuine, they must play no mean part in removing from our
midst the demon of corruption.

The Hindustan Times, 27-1-1948, and Harijan, 1-2-1948

455. CONGRESS POSITION

Indian National Congress which is the oldest national poli-
tical organization and which has after many battles fought her
non-violent way to freedom cannot be allowed to die. It can
only die with the nation. A living organism ever grows or it
dies. The Congress has won political freedom, but it has yet to
win economic freedom, social and moral freedom. These freedoms
are harder than the political, if only because they are construc-
tive, less exciting and not spectacular. All-embracing constructive
work evokes the energy of all the units of the millions.

The Congress has got the preliminary and necessary part of
her freedom. The hardest has yet to come. In its difficult ascent
to democracy, it has inevitably created rotten boroughs leading to
corruption and creation of institutions popular and democratic
only in name. How to get out of the weedy and unwieldy
growth ?

The Congress must do away with its special register of mem-
bers, at no time exceeding one crore, not even then easily
identifiable. It had an unknown register of millions who could
never be wanted. Its register should now be co-extensive with

90-32

498

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

all the men and women on the voters’ rolls in the country.
The Congress business should be to see that no faked name
gets in and no legitimate name is left out. On its own register
it will have a body of servants of the nation who would be
workers doing the work allotted to them from time to time.

Unfortunately for the country they will be drawn chiefly
for the time being from the city-dwellers, most of whom
would be required to work for and in the villages of India.
The ranks must be filled in increasing numbers from the
villagers.

These servants will be expected to operate upon and serve
the voters registered according to law, in their own surround-
ings. Many persons and parties will woo them. The very best
will win. Thus and in no other way can the Congress regain
its fast-ebbing unique position in the country. But yesterday
the Congress was unwittingly the servant of the nation, it was
khudai khidmatgar — God’s servant. Let it now proclaim to itself
and the world that it is only God’s servant — nothing more, no-
thing less. If it engages in the ungainly skirmish for power, it
will find one fine morning that it is no more. Thank God, it is
now no longer in sole possession of the field.

I have only opened to view the distant scene. If I have the
time and health, I hope to discuss in these columns what the
servants of the nation can do to raise themselves in the estimation
of their masters, the whole of the adult population, male and
female.

New Delhi, January 27, 1948
Harijan, 1-2-1948

456. HARIJANS AND TEMPLE-ENTRT

A friend from Wadhawan writes:^

The second letter is from Ahmedabad. It is unsigned, with
a subscription “Yours oppressed”. The handwriting is well
formed. The language and the writing are not of any Harijan
I know. I reproduce below its relevant portion.^

The distinction drawn by the writer of the first letter has
in my opinion no meaning. Hindus can and do visit Swami-
narayan and Jain temples. Harijans should also visit them. For
years there has been a movement going on to prove that Brahmins
and Harijans have equal rights. It has met with considerable
success. Now that the Bombay Government have passed a law
to that effect there seems to be no occasion for satyagraha. If
the law is in conformity with public opinion it should command
respect. If it is against public opinion, its enforcement will be
rather slow. In a democracy a law cannot be enforced through
coercion. It always calls for discerning circumspection. It will
succeed if a reformer takes recourse to it with clear understanding.
If he is impatient the law will prove a failure.

Trustees are not the owners of the temples. Even those who
get the temples built are not the owners if they are built for
public use. The real owners of the temples are the devotees.
Devotees are those who visit the temples either for worship or
to feign worship. Regarded in this light all Jain and Swami-
narayan temples are Hindu temples. I have myself visited these
temples. No one even cared to ask me or hundreds like me to
which sect we belonged. It was enough that I looked a Hindu.
So where Hindus go Harijans can also go. Harijans are not a
separate community. Enlightened public opinion and the law
which embodies that opinion say that they are one of the varnas,

' The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had written
that Harijans were admitted into temples anyhow with or without the
consent of the trustees and questioned the insistence on getting Harijans
admitted into Swaminarayan or Jain temples in which they had no faith.

2 Not translated here. The correspondent had written that on Makar
Sankranti day some Harijans had gone to the local Swaminarayan temple
but the doors of the temple were closed to them and that they had been
offering satyagraha for having the temple opened without any change in
the attitude of the management.

499

500

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

be they four or eighteen, comprising Hindu society. Therefore
the contrary view cannot prevail. It is the devotees who make
of God a living entity. If they are good, the God is good.

Now the second letter. I fail to appreciate the impatience
of the Harijans notwithstanding my firm views as stated above.
Those who insist on going into the temple are not true devo-
tees. They do not care for deva-darshan, they are running only
after their right and away from religion. They write anonymous
letters or allow others to write for them. True devotees will not
do such things; they will do what Nandanar' did. He had no
one except God. A Brahmin who regards himself as belonging
to a higher class gladly worships that Nandanar today. I want
to see among the Harijans a Nandanar who has become a man
of God by his own choice and those who are born Harijans should
also wish for the same. If non-Harijan Hindus want, let them
take Harijans to their temples with due respect. As long as
that does not happen, let the Harijans stay at their homes and
sanctify themselves with the purifying Ganga of their devotion.
There is no need for them to fast before a temple. I believe that
it is adharma to do so. Such fasts are called dharnas in Hindi. In
Gujarati it is langhan or tragu. There is no merit in it. It is cer-
tainly sinful and everyone should keep miles away from such sins.

New Delhi, January 27, 1948

[From Gujarati]

Harijanbandhu, 1-2-1948

457. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 27, 1948

“I know what is dharma but I do not pursue it; I know
what is adharma but I do not abjure it.”^

If I can prove that this is not true in my case, I shall think
that I have done enough. But this can only be if I can joyfully
take a volley of bullets. I do not think that I deserve to be
congratulated on what happened on the 20th. It was only God’s
blessing. But I am fully prepared to go when the summons

* An “untouchable” devotee, who became one of the sixty-three Saiv
saints of South India. Vide also Vol. XXVII, pp. 72-3 and Vol. XXXIV,
pp. 516-20.

^ ^n^ifii 'ijf' ^1 ^ siffh:

sntnrqvqjf ^ ^

SPEECH AT URS

501

comes. For the rest, I am pursuing the idea of going to Wardha
but it does not seem likely to me that I shall be able to go.
Who knows what tomorrow will bring?

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 392-3

458. FRAGMENT OF A LETTERS

January 27, 1948

Only today I have written on the policy of the Congress.
You will see iC. I am trying to persuade . . . says that he can-
not do without . . . and . . . says he cannot do without ... If
one talks of resigning ... is already ready to resign^. About
Kashmir I feel that there is no need for us to go to Lake Success"*.
Still we shall see what comes about.

I had resolved to do or die here. It looks like something has
been achieved. Still a great deal remains to be done.

I am going to Mehrauli today.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 393

459. SPEECH AT URS^

Mehrauli,

January 27, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

1 would request the sisters to remain silent and give me a
few minutes. I had hardly imagined that I would be required
to speak here. I have come here on pilgrimage. Several days
ago I had heard that it might not be possible to hold the Urs
at Mehrauli as in the previous years. Had it been so I would

* Omission of names in the letter is as in the source.

2 Vide pp. 497-8.

^ Obviously the reference is to the growing differences between Jawa-
harlal Nehru and Vallabhbhai Patel, both of whom had written detailed
notes to Gandhiji, each offering to resign in favour of the other.

The United Nations Organization

^ Gandhiji was taken to the innermost shrine. The usual practice of
not allowing women to enter the shrine was waived and the girls accom-
panying Gandhiji were allowed to enter.

502

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

have been deeply distressed. I request you — Hindus, Sikhs and
Muslims who have come here with cleansed hearts — to take a
vow at this holy place that you will never allow strife to raise its
head, but will live in amity, united as friends and brothers. Then
the world will admit that though we quarrelled among ourselves
as two brothers, ultimately we have not turned into sworn enemies.
We might be different outwardly but after all we are the off-
shoots of the same tree. I do not want to talk about one who is
a slave of Satan. I have seen life. This is nothing new. Even
now somewhere or other fighting is going on. Only today I have
read that Hindus have been killed in the Frontier.* The Muslims
here should be ashamed of it. We have to resolve to cleanse our
hearts. The people massacred there are not going to come back.
But we must declare and say that we are not going to avenge
it by killing anyone. We will purify ourselves and meet the op-
ponents with love. It would be well for the Hindus if they under-
stood and assimilated this. When I broke my fast it was on the
condition that the Hindus and Muslims of Delhi would thor-
oughly cleanse their hearts. If, however, you persuaded me to
break my fast just to keep me alive, it was folly on your part.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 394

460. INTERVIEW TO KINGSLEY MARTIN^

New Delhi,

January 27, 1948

Gandhiji explained how the freedom movement had not been a
non-violent movement in the highest sense of the term. If it had been
the non-violence of the strong no butchery such as had taken place recently
could have come about. He discovered this while he was on his pilgri-
mage in Noakhali and ever since this discovery he had been impressing
the fact on everyone. He felt that non-violence during the struggle for in-
dependence was an expedient, i. e., resistance to the white man was under-
taken in a non-violent manner simply because we had no military strength
with which to offer battle.

* Non-Muslims waiting for evacuation in a camp at Parachinar were
attacked by tribesmen on the night of January 22. According to the local
authorities, 130 were killed, 50 wounded and 50 abducted.

^ A British press correspondent. Notes of this interview taken by
Amrit Kaur were approved by Gandhiji.

INTERVIEW TO KINGSLEY MARTIN

503

Gandhiji went on to relate how he had resisted a certain millionaire
in South Africa who had introduced him at a public meeting as a mere
passive resister and weak because as an Indian there he was landless and
without any rights.* Gandhiji objected to this description and said that
real passive resistance had been miscalled a weapon of the weak. After all
Jesus Christ had been called the Prince of passive resisters. Could he, in
any sense of the term, be called a weak man? People forget that soul-
force, the only weapon of the truly non-violent man, was a weapon of the
strong.

In reply to the correspondent’s suggestion that many people looked
upon non-violence as a good opposition weapon in politics and that they
could not understand how it could, for example, be used as a positive
weapon in Kashmir today or against a man like Hitler who just killed
everybody and stamped out opposition in that manner, Gandhiji laughingly
replied that he was not in charge of the Government and therefore could
not guide their policies; nor did he think that the members of the present
Government believed in non-violence. He recalled how Maulana Saheb had
said, “When we gain power we shall not be able to hold it non-violently.”

Gandhiji said that he had laughed to himself at that time and related

the moral of Tolstoy’s story of Ivan the Fool which had always remained

with him. Hindu scriptures, Gandhiji said, had scores of such stories but
he quoted Ivan the Fool because the interviewer might have read the
book. Ivan remained non-violent even when he became king. Gandhiji

pointed out how the truly non-violent man could never hold power himself.
He derived power from the people whom he served. For such a man or
such a government, a non-violent army would be a perfect possibility.
The voters then would themselves say, ‘We do not want any military for
our defence.’ A non-violent army would fight against all injustice or
attack but with clean weapons. Non-violence did not signify that man must
not fight against the enemy and by enemy was meant the evil which men
did, not human beings themselves. He went on to say that if he were the
leader of Kashmir like Sheikh Abdullah, he would have such an army but
Sheikh Abdullah quite honestly and humbly thought otherwise.

* According to “A Correction” sent by H. S. L. Polak which appeared
in Harijan, 5-9-1948, the reference was obviously to William Hosken who
though a well-to-do businessman, was not a millionaire.

William Hosken had introduced Gandhiji and the passive resistance
movement at a meeting at Germiston in 1909 as follows: “The Transvaal
Indians have had recourse to passive resistance when all other means of
securing redress proved to be of no avail. They do not enjoy franchise.

. . . They are weak and have no arms. Therefore they have taken to
passive resistance which is a weapon of the weak.” Vide Vol. XXIX,
p. 93, also Vol. IX, pp. 243-4.

504

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

On the correspondent suggesting a solution of the Kashmir issue on
the basis of separation, e. g., a predominantly pro-Pakistan area like Poonch
going to Pakistan and the Kashmir Valley remaining in India Gandhiji
had no difficulty in giving a firm answer in the negative. He held firmly
that India or any part of India could not be divided in this manner. It
was an evil that must not be allowed to continue.

Take, for example, Hyderabad; will you separate the town
of Hyderabad from the rest of the State? Such pockets exist
all over India and separation would then become an endless
process spelling the ruination of India.

The interviewer pleaded that the position of Hyderabad was not wholly
analogous. Any state on a border area was surely different. But Gandhiji
maintained that it was not possible for states even on the border to be
either cut up or separated or ... to call themselves independent. And
when the correspondent mentioned Gilgit, Gandhiji recalled that he was
in Kashmir' when the city of Srinagar was illuminated. On asking what
the illuminations were for Gandhiji was told that they were celebrating
the accession of Gilgit to Kashmir. He was sad when he heard the news
because he wondered how long Kashmir would hold Gilgit. It had been
a big bite even for Britain. Britain’s policy of keeping on adding to her
territories in India had not been either a wise or right policy. If Kashmir
acceded to India, it would be because of the will of the people as a whole
and they would do so well knowing that Gilgit was no part of the Indian
Union today. There were people who said they would reconquer Gilgit. All
sorts of complications would then arise. Gandhiji said that Britain had made
of India a political whole and India must continue as such.

In reply to a question as to what Pakistan could do with tribal
people Gandhiji said:

I would accept a challenge of conquering the tribal areas but
as a non-violent man. I would not bribe them, nor kill them;

I would serve them. Have not missionaries allowed themselves
to be eaten by cannibals?

The correspondent exclaimed, “Alas! there are no Gandhis in Pales-
tine, in Russia or in the U. S. A.!”, to which Gandhiji laughingly replied:

So much the worse for them.

In reply to a query as to why Poonch going over to Pakistan was not
practicable and that a war between India and the Frontier would be un-
ending, Gandhiji replied that it would be a very bad example to others.
There were pockets everywhere, for example, Murshidabad in West Bengal.

From August 1 to 4, 1947

A DISCUSSION

505

The vital difference between the policy of the Indian Union and that
of Pakistan was that the former never believed in dismemberment while
the Pakistan leaders did. Gandhiji quoted the example of Kathiawar.
Pakistan wanted to vivisect Kathiawar by getting Junagadh to accede to
that Dominion. Vivisection of Kathiawar which was indivisible was quite
unthinkable. The whole basis of partition was, in his opinion, wrong.
Gandhiji admitted that two distinguished persons had suggested the idea of
partition of Kashmir to him but he had very firmly said “no” for reasons
he had already explained.

In conclusion he asked the correspondent to study things deeply and
not superficially. He himself was working for a heart-union between
Hindus and Muslims not only in India but in Pakistan also and would
continue his efforts in that direction.

Harijan, 20-6-1948

461. A DISCUSSION^

January [27],^ 1948

Mr. Diwakar and myself^ met Mahatmaji to consult him on some of
the important points relating to the changes in the Congress Constitution.
The following is a summary of the talk we had with him:

On the question of general membership, on being asked whether the
membership of the Congress should be open to all who subscribed to its
creed or whether it should be further restricted to those who also agreed
with the fundamentals of its socio-economic programme, Mahatmaji was of
opinion that there need be no necessity for enrolment of members even on
the present basis. Instead, he suggested that the constituencies should be
so limited in area that all adults residing in that locality could participate
in the elections to the primary committees, irrespective of the fact whether
they formally subscribed to the creed and programme of the Congress or not.
The reason he advanced in favour of this was, firstly, that the constituency
being small every adult in it would be able to exercise his or her judgment
in favour of a candidate about whose conduct and work he or she could
properly judge. The Congress should henceforward be an organization of

* & ^ According to the introductory note issued with the “Draft Consti-
tution of Congress” the Constitution Committee met Gandhiji in the morn-
ing after the Working Committee meeting held on January 26 and “had
the privilege of discussing many important points”. Gandhiji was requested
to prepare a draft embodying his proposals which he undertook to hand
over on January 30. Vide pp. 526-8.

^ Presumably Acharya Jugal Kishore, one of the General Secretaries of
the Congress and a member of the Constitution Committee

506

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

sevaks who possessed missionary zeal to be able to effect a radical change
in the society ensuring justice, tolerance and economic equality. Only
through such a change in the social outlook could the state be reformed
and restrained.

Secondly, and consequently he wants to avoid the present system of
election with its pocket or rotten boroughs and the corruption incidental
to it.

Regarding the qualifications of those who are to be eligible to stand
as candidates for election to the various Congress Committees he would re-
quire everyone to subscribe not only to the creed but also to the funda-
mentals of the socio-economic programme and also to put in some kind of
constructive work such as plying the charkha for a stated period or any
other manual work besides doing some kind of public work.

On the question whether the Congress, now that the political power
had been transferred to the representatives of Indians, had any role other
than that of carrying out the parliamentary activities, Mahatmaji was very
emphatic that even for carrying out parliamentary activities the Congress
had to carry on constructive activities in the country to maintain contact
with the people and to educate them to understand Congress policies and
programmes. But apart from this kind of activities the Congress had also to
rebuild a new society based upon truth and non-violence — a society not so
much dependent on the existence of a strong and centralized government
as on the intelligent co-operation of the people organized on a voluntary
basis and inspired by the ideals of justice, tolerance and truthfulness. He
was of opinion that unless the Congress took up this role, the Congress
would gradually lose its moral influence and was likely to degenerate into
a political party hankering only after power and position. Viewed in this
context, the Congress must reorganize itself on the basis proposed by him
and become eventually a strong and efficient instrument of public ser-
vice and of public will. His suggestion regarding the question of jurisdic-
tion of the Congress was that it should not function in the Pakistan area.
He said that formerly he was of opinion that it could function in that area
but in the changed circumstances brought about by the communal frenzy it
would not be proper to function there directly. In the case of East Bengal
his suggestion was that the Congress could function there if the Government
of East Bengal had no objection. Regarding States, he was of opinion that
the States Peoples’ Conference should continue to function but they should
have representatives on the A. I. C. C. and Provincial Congress Committees.

A. I. C. C. File No. 1876. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library

462. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

January 27, 1948

Gandhiji began his post-prayer address by asking how many Muslims
were present and expressed his disappointment when only one hand went
up. The other day he had advised that each Hindu or Sikh should bring
at least one Muslim friend along and he had expected they would do that.

Gandhiji next described his morning visit to the Dargah Sharif at
Mehrauli.

No one had difficulty in visiting the fair. When I asked the
Muslims whether as many people visited the shrine this year as
in the previous years, they said that some at least must have been
too frightened to go. This shows that there are amongst us people
who cause a scare. They say that what happened in Allahabad
could happen here and ask what the Hindus would do then. It
is a shameful situation that one man should be frightened
of another man. But at least I observed at the fair that
there were as many Hindus and Sikhs as there were Muslims.
I also saw something that distressed me. The shrine is very
ancient. It is second only to the Ajmer shrine. The chief thing
about it was the beauty of its marble carvings and inlay work.
Much of it, though not all, has been destroyed. I was sorry to
see it. It is sheer vandalism. Have we fallen so low that we
should violate and desecrate a tomb of a saint on which thousands
of rupees had been spent? I cannot go into the account that
says that what happened in Pakistan was ten times worse. To
me it is meaningless to consider whether the crime committed
was of greater or less magnitude. To me it is a shameful
thing. If the whole world indulges in shameful acts does it
mean that we should do the same?

You will surely agree with me that we should not resort to
such shameful conduct. I am told the shrine has always attracted
large crowds both of Hindus and Muslims who go there to seek
fulfilment of some wish. It is associated with the name of a
saint in whose eyes Hindus and Muslims were all equal. This is

* The Hindi version in Prarthana Pravachan has been collated with the
report in The Hindustan Times.

507

508

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

a matter of history and it does not do to falsify history. We
should have respect for such men of God and should not be
guided by what happens in Pakistan.

1 see from the newspapers today that at one place’ in Pakistan
one hundred and thirty Hindus and Sikhs have been murdered.
There was also looting. There are many small tribes of Muslims
around the borders of the Frontier Province. These tribals at-
tacked the Hindus and killed them. No one says that these Hindus
had caused any harm. The Pakistan Government says that it
took prompt action and many of the attackers were put to death.
We do not know how far that is true. But since the Pakistan
Government says so we should accept it. Let us not be provoked
and start killing the Muslims here. Today you are living like
brothers but if you harbour any malice in your heart you will
be untrue to the pledge you have taken. It is for our Govern-
ment to ask for an account from the Pakistan Government. Our
part is only to keep our pledge to keep our hearts clean.

RajkumarF had been on a visit to Ajmer. She told me of
a tragic and shameful situation. It seems the Harijans there,
from whom people take a lot of work which they willingly
perform, live surrounded by dirt and filth. The administration
there is our own. And the officers — Hindus and Sikhs — work
under our Government. How can they allow this disgraceful state
of affairs to continue? There are many white-collared Hindus
there who earn a lot of money and are quite well-to-do.
Why do they not go to the Harijan locality and stay there even
for a day? If they went there they would be nauseated and some
of them might even die. It is criminal that people whose only
sin is that they were born Harijans should be allowed to live in
such squalor. I have been to the Harijan locality in Delhi
too. The conditions there are pretty bad. But Ajmer seems
to be much worse in this respect. We have secured our in-
dependence, but it is of no value if we cannot stop such a thing.
And it can be done in a day. Gan we not provide a piece of
dry ground for the Harijans? If they must remove garbage, as
they do, must they also be made to live in it? We seem to
have lost our reason and we have become heartless. We have
forgotten God. That is why we continue to commit such crimes.
How can we then find fault with others?

Finally I want to tell you about Mirpur. I have referred to
the matter briefly earlier. Mirpur is in Kashmir. It has been

’ At Parachinar; vide footnote 1, p. 502.

2 Amrit Kaur

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

509

occupied by the raiders. A number of women and children there
have been abducted. They include not only young women but
also some elderly ones. They are in the power of the raiders
who, I have no doubt, have violated their honour. The food
given to them is very bad. A few of them are within the border
of Pakistan. Some of them may have been taken up to the
Jhelum in the Gujrat district.

I must tell the raiders that they must exercise a modicum
of restraint. What they are doing will bring about the downfall
of Islam and yet they say that they are doing all this for a free
Kashmir.

I can understand it if people indulge in plunder and rapine
for food. But it is too much to assault innocent young girls and
to deprive them of food and clothing. Is this what the Koran
teaches? I must ask the Pakistan Government to recover all the
abducted women and girls and let them go back to their homes.

The Mirpur people who came to me are quite strong and
sturdy. But they feel disconsolate. They ask me why it is that
such a powerful Government cannot do anything about this. I
tried to explain matters to them. Jawaharlal himself has been
deeply distressed and is trying to do what he can. But how does
his grieving or his trying help? How can those who have lost
their all, who have been ruined and separated from their nearest
and dearest, be comforted? One of the men who came to see
me has lost fifteen of his relatives. He asked me what was to
happen to those still left there. I must ask the raiders and the
Government of Pakistan, for the sake of humanity and for the
sake of God, to return all the abducted women with due respect
and without waiting to be asked. It is their duty. I have
enough knowledge of Islam about which I have read a good
deal. Nowhere does Islam bid people to carry away women and
keep them in such a disreputable condition. It is irreligion,
not religion. It is worship of Satan, not of God.

The Hindustan Times, 28-1-1948, and Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 344-7

463. INTERVIEW TO VINCENT SHEEAN^

New Delhi,

January 27j28, 1948

Gandhiji’s objection to the use of force was not that force could as
well be used to support unrighteous wars; it was fundamental.

I do not know what is intrinsically good. Hence I do not
go by results. It is enough if I take care of the means.

For instance, as a nature-curist, he did not believe in the use of sul-
pha drugs. Suppose he got typhoid. Should he abandon his belief and try
to get cured by taking sulpha drugs?

I do not know whether it is good for me or humanity to be
cured by the use of sulpha drugs; so I refuse to use sulpha drugs
. . .2 If evil does seem sometimes to result from good, the in-
ference would be that the means employed were probably wrong.

Good action to produce good results must be supported by
means that are pure.

If those who believe in the idea of non-violence keep away from
government, government will continue to be carried on by the use of
force. How is then the transformation of the existing system of government
to be brought about?

Gandhiji admitted that ordinarily government was impossible without
the use of force.

I have therefore said that a man who wants to be good
and do good in all circumstances must not hold power.

Is all government to come to a standstill then?

No, he (the man of non-violence) can send those to the
Government who represent his will. If he goes there himself,
he exposes himself to the corrupting influence of power. But my
representative holds power of attorney only during my pleasure.
If he falls a prey to temptation, he can be recalled. I cannot
recall myself. All this requires a high degree of intelligence on
the part of the electorate. There are about half a dozen con-

* Vincent Sheean, an American author, accompanied Gandhiji on his
evening walk on January 27. The interview continued the next day.

^ Omission as in the source

510

INTERVIEW TO VINCENT SHEEAN

511

structive work organizations. I do not send the workers to the
Parliament. I want them to keep the Parliament under check
by educating and guiding the voters.

You mean to say that power always corrupts?

Yes.

Asked further whether this did not call for a very prolonged and high
degree of discipline which it would be too much to expect of common
people, he answered, “No.” It was their inertia that made people think so.

Too much is being made of the study of things that are in
my view really of not much consequence to humanity, to the
neglect of things eternal. Take, for instance, the exact distance of
the sun from the earth or the question whether the earth is round.
The discipline that is necessary to discover the laws that govern
life is no less important and yet we say that it is so laborious
that only a select few can attain it. For instance, we steal in so
many ways — not to steal in any shape or form needs some
mental poise, contemplation. I have given my time not to
abstract studies but to the practice of things that matter.

To Sheean’s question whether misuse of atomic energy might not
endanger our planet itself since the phenomenal universe is perishable,
Gandhiji answered that everything was possible “including the dissolution of
appearances . . and the survivors, if any, will then say, ‘what a wondrous
spectacle ’ ”. He very much doubted that the advent of the atomic era
would basically affect human problems.

They claim that one atom bomb changed the entire course of
the war and brought the end of war so much the nearer. And
yet it is so far. Has it conquered the Japanese spirit? It has not
and it cannot. Has it crushed Germany as a nation ? It has not
and it cannot. To do that would require resorting to Hitler’s
method, and to what purpose? In the end it will be Hitlerism
that will have triumphed.

The whole of the Gita was an argument in defence of a righteous war,
Gandhiji’s visitor argued. The last war was a “war in a righteous cause”.
Yet violence was more rampant as a result than it was ever before.
Gandhiji agreed so far as the result of the last war was concerned. Even
in India they had not been able to escape from its back-lash.

See what India is doing. See what is happening in Kashmir.
I cannot deny that it is with my tacit consent. They would not
lend ear to my counsel. Yet, if they were sick of it, I could

* Omission as in the source

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today point them a way. Again, see the exhibition that the United
Nations Organization is making. Yet I have faith. If I live
long enough . . .' they will see the futility of it all and come
round to my way.

But he did not agree that the Gita was either in intention or in
the sum total an argument in defence of a righteous war. Though the
argument of the Gita was presented in a setting of physical warfare, the
“righteous war” referred to in it was the eternal duel between right and
wrong that is going on within us. There was at least one authority that
supported his interpretation. The thesis of the Gita was neither violence
nor non-violence but the gospel of selfless action — the duty of performing
right action by right means only, in a spirit of detachment, leaving the
fruits of action to the care of God.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 677 and 763-5

464. LETTER TO NARAHARI PARIKH

New Delhi,

4.25 a. m., January 28, 1948

CHI. NARAHARI,

I was very happy to read your letter written in a clear hand.
Though I believe every word of what you say, I remain of the
same view as before. “No one who strives for good meets with
an evil fate.”^ This statement is as true today as it was when
it was penned. This is proved by your speedy recovery. It will
be enough now if you do not throw away through impatience
what you have gained.

You have plenty of writing work to do. It will keep you
sufficiently occupied. But don’t do even that at the cost of sleep
or exercise. Any health resort on the sea-coast which Swami finds
is bound to be good. But in case he fails, Ghogha, Gopnath,
Veraval and Mangarol are excellent. For bandar used to be
equally good, but I am afraid it is no longer so.

Anybody who wishes to avail himself of your experience will
take the necessary trouble to come and see you.

Take long baths in shallow and clear water in the sea.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: S. N. 9151

’ Omission as in the source

^ Bhagavadgita, vi. 40

465. LETTER TO VANAMALA PARIKH

January 28, 1948

CHI. VANUDI,

I write this merely to address you. I should certainly like
it if you decided to stay with Father and look after him for the
rest of his life. Girls who dedicate their lives to the service of
their fathers deserve to be admired. Mani' is one such. May
you be another. Among Parsis it is quite a common practice;
Kabraji’s daughters, for instance. They were extremely capable
and looked after all their father’s work. I do not know what
the sisters did after Kabraji’s death.

Keep writing to me.

If Delhi releases me, I intend to leave for Wardha on the
2nd. I should like to return from there on the 12th, but will
do as Rama ordains.

The Harijan Ashram must have changed completely. I will
visit it when God permits me to do so.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 5800. Also C. W. 3023.
Courtesy: Vanamala Desai

466. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR

New Delhi,

January 28, 1948

CHI. LILI,

I have your letter. It was wise of you to have stayed back.
You had better not be impatient. I have given you permission
to come when your long vacation begins, and that should be
enough. What are my fasts worth? They have become part of
me. Who can tell when one will burst forth? I myself never know.
This time I have broken the fast in good faith. A lot of work is
to be done, and everybody can do it. That may include you also
because self-purification can be accomplished wherever one might

* Manibehn Patel

513

90-33

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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

be. One can forge friendship with Muslims, Christians, Parsis,
Jews; they can be accepted as our own. Thus, even if I were on
a fast, rushing to me would be nothing but blind love. It is a
different thing if I am to be looked after. But they have always
been looking after me.

I am writing all this till the Committee^ arrives. You must
have your feet cured. I hope Dwarkadas is all right.

Blessings from

Bapu

From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

467. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 28, 1948

Now that things here have somewhat settled down, there
are disturbances in the N. W. F. P. I am still knocking about in
a dark world. I do not intend to stay on here for too long.
Whatever has to be decided will be decided in the next four days.

I have not the slightest doubt that if we show the least bit
of slackness over Kashmir, Hyderabad and Junagadh are going
to meet with the same fate. Sheikh Abdullah is a brave man.
But one wonders whether he may not betray in the end. I hold
that no man can betray another, for ultimately one is betrayed
by oneself. Therefore on this account I have no worry. My
health is satisfactory. I am still on liquid diet. It suits me.

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 397-8

468. FRAGMENT OF A LETTER

January 28, 1948

More than the biting cold the tale of horrors of N. W. F. P.
froze me yesterday. How our human nature can degrade us!
All nationalist Muslims, indeed all Muslims, should issue a joint
statement and expiate this great sin.

[From Hindi]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 398

* Presumably the Central Relief Committee whose members called on
Gandhiji at 2 p. m.

469. LETTER TO DR. SEED MAHMUD

Birla House, New Delhi,

January 28, 1948

RESPECTED DOCTOR SAHEB,

Jai Hind.

Gandhiji has received your letter. He says that it is not possible for
him to go there for rest. Where is any rest for him in this life? If it is
possible, he wishes to go to Sevagram for a few days. From there he will
return straight here.

Hope you are well.

Tours,

Brijkrishna

From a photostat of the Urdu: G. N. 5097

470. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING^

New Delhi,

January 28, 1948

Gandhiji said he had received a complaint from some friends in Baha-
walpur that they had asked for an appointment with him but failed to
get it. Gandhiji knew they were in distress and he would manage to find
time for them if that would comfort them. He, however, desired to assure
them that everything possible was being done.

Dr. Sushila Nayyar and Mr. Leslie Cross went to Bahawal-
pur and the Nawab has promised to help them in every way.
In the Union Capital, by the grace of God, there is again peace
among the three communities. This will certainly improve the
situation all over India.

You know in South Africa our people are fighting for their
rights. Here in India there are no laws depriving the people of the
right of owning land or living wherever they please. It is true we
have reduced Harijans to some such condition but for the rest of

* The Hindi version in Prarthana Pravachan has been collated with the
report in The Hindustan Times.

515

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society that is not so. But I have seen with my own eyes that
that is so in South Africa. The Indians therefore are having to
put up a struggle to safeguard their rights and in defence of the
honour of India. They can resort to various means in their
struggle but they claim to be satyagrahis and their struggle has
taken the form of satyagraha. They keep on sending cables.
They cannot even move from one province to another without a
permit. South Africa is like a continent. It is a very large
country. Indians wishing to go to the Transvaal from Natal
can do so only if they have a permit. They say it is as much
their country as anyone else’s and ask why there should be such
restrictions imposed on their movements. Many have succeeded
in moving to the Transvaal and the Government this time have
been decent. They have not been arrested so far. They first
went to Volksrust which is the first city after crossing the border.
There were policemen present in strength but they only looked
on and did not arrest them. There they found a motor vehicle
and proceeded in it further on. Then a meeting was held there
at which they were given a warm welcome. I thought I should
give you this information. Those Indians have performed an act
of great courage. Indians in South Africa are few in number but,
if they all become true satyagrahis, their victory is certain and
no obstacle can stop them. But this has yet to be achieved.
There are, as here, many kinds of people. There are Hindus
and there are Muslims. They all work together. They know
they cannot fight their battle separately. They have reached
Johannesburg but they cannot stop there. They must go on and
on till they are arrested. The Government have a right to arrest
them, for satyagraha implies the acceptance of punishment for
the violation of a law. They deserve congratulations. I shall
ask the Government of South Africa not to be too severe with
people who carry on their struggle with such decency. They
should understand their grievances and come to a settlement with
them. Why should it be that one with a white skin cannot
have a dialogue with one with a black skin ? Why should Indians
have to fight for their legitimate rights? How does it harm the
whites if Indians too are allowed to live there? Today we are
also a free country as South Africa is and are members of the
same Gommonwealth, which implies that we should all live like
brothers and equals. But if they consider Indians their enemies
and deprive them of their basic civic rights, then they are not
behaving as friends but as enemies. It is something which is
difficult to understand. Why should they look down on the

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

517

coloured people? Is it because they are industrious and thrifty?
I shall tell the Government of South Africa through this meeting
that it should mend its ways. I have myself lived in South
Africa for twenty years and I can therefore say that it is my
country. I should have told you all this yesterday but I could
not do so.

Some Muslims from Mysore had sent me a wire a few days
ago saying that my fast had produced no effect there and Mus-
lims were still being killed there. I had also said a few words on
the matter.’ Now I have a telegram from the Home Minister of
Mysore in which he has refuted the charge made in the wire
and has explained that the Government is trying to be just to
the Muslims. I must tell the Muslims of Mysore what I have told
all others, namely, that they should not indulge in exaggeration.
This hampers me and I am able to do nothing. If anything they
should try to water down such reports. This is the only way
Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs can live as brothers.

Our people are so simple that they send money by post. I
recollect an incident from my childhood. My father had some
jewellery among which was a valuable pearl. He mailed it by post.
That was not cheating but it certainly was risky because, if any-
body had suspected it, they could have opened the envelope. In
any case the money was not saved because he wanted the ack-
nowledgment by wire. It seems there still are innocent people
like my father. A friend sent currency notes of over a thousand
rupees in this way. He had the envelope neither registered nor
insured. He sent it by ordinary post. When there is dishonesty
and corruption everywhere it is a matter of great credit to our
Post Office that envelopes with money are safely delivered. They
do not even want to see what an envelope might contain. My
advice to people who send money like this is not to take such
risk because in the postal department there are bound to be
some dishonest men and, if the money is misappropriated in the
post, the loss will be mine or that of the Harijans for whom
this money is intended, and also of the donor. I congratulate
the postal department on displaying such honesty. Let the other
departments follow their example and take care of other people’s
money and keep away from graft and peculation.

The Hindustan Times, 29-1-1948, and Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 348-51

’ Vide pp. 485-6.

471. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR

New Delhi,

4.20 a. m., January 29, 1948

CHI. LILI,

I got your letter regarding Vijaya^. I am taking immediate
steps. She must get the money without delay. As you say, there
is complete confusion. But even in this case the fruits of patience
will be sweet.

I am likely to leave here on the 2nd. It will be decided
tomorrow. I have twelve days’ work there. Then I will be back
here.

You must have received my letter of yesterday.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 7181. Also G. W. 10248. Gour-
tesy: Lilavati Asar

472. LETTER TO VIJATA WALJI SODAWALA

New Delhi,

4.30 a. m., January 29, 1948

CHI. VIJAYA,

You did well in writing to me. It is a matter of shame that
you should be put to such straits. It is being delayed probably
because the arrangements are new. I hope everything will be
all right.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: K. G. Mashruwala Records. Gourtesy:
Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad

’ Vijaya Walji Sodawala, a final-year Harijan student of M. B. B. S. in
Bombay

518

473. LETTER TO KANU GANDHI

New Delhi,

January 29, 1948

CHI. KANAIYO,

I talk at length with Abha and thus save time by omitting
to write to you. On the whole I like your letters. There is
scope for a few improvements which can come in course of time.
About your coming, I have for the time being left the decision
to you. And that seems to be the only right thing to do. Right
now I don’t feel that you must come over, but when you do,
you will be coming in your own right. This is what I have
told Abha. And this I think will lead to her development. Also
she will be of the maximum use to you. I am writing a postcard
because I think it will reach you the earliest. I understand you
eat nothing but uncooked food. I wish that you should not
undertake this experiment. Your body is like that of Hanuman^;
if you ruin it you will be liable to punishment. The body is
the true temple for God to dwell in. Bear this in mind when
you make use of your body. Don’t shrink from writing to me.
My leaving this place is not definite. Perhaps I may visit
Wardha for twelve days.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

474. LETTER TO SANKARAN

New Delhi,

January 29, 1948

BHAI SANKARAN^,

Chi. Kishorelal gave me news of the death of your daugh-
ter Sulochana. I had no idea of it at all. What can I write to
you? What comfort could I give? Death is a true friend. It is
only our ignorance that causes us grief. Sulochana’ s spirit was

^ Who was known for his physical prowess
^ A teacher at the Hindustani Talimi Sangh at Sevagram

519

520

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

yesterday, is today and will remain tomorrow. The body, of
course, must die. Sulochana has gone taking her failings with
her, leaving the good in her behind. Let us not forget that or
her. Be even more true in the discharge of your duty.

Blessings from

Bapu

From a photostat of the Hindi: C. W. 10420

475. LETTER TO KISHORELAL MASHRUWALA^

New Delhi,
January 29, 1948

CHI. KISHORELAL,

I am devoting the time after prayer today to writing
letters. You did well in writing to me about the death of
Sankaran’s daughter. I have written to him. My proposed visit
there is still in the air. I have mooted the idea of my staying
at Sevagram from 3rd to 12th. If my mission is regarded to
have been accomplished, I need not stay on here now for the
fulfilment of my pledge. Whether or not it can be so regarded
will depend on the co-workers here. Probably we shall be able
to arrive at some decision tomorrow. The purpose of my visit
will be to discuss the possibility of uniting the various organiza-
tions for constructive work into one body and to join in the
observance of Jamnalal’s death anniversary. I am regaining
strength fairly well. This time both the kidneys and the liver
have been affected. According to me, it indicates that my faith
in Ramanama is not complete.

Blessings to you both from

Bapu

[From Gujarati]

Harijanbandhu, 8-2-1948

* This letter could not be posted on the 29th. The next day when Manu
Gandhi asked Gandhiji if she could add a line in it saying that they were
to leave for Wardha on the 2nd, he remarked: “Who has seen tomorrow?
If my going is finalized I shall mention it after the prayers today and it
will be relayed in the night broadcast. But the letter should not have
been left like that. Though it was Bisen’s responsibility you cannot be relieved
of any of my jobs. It may be a lapse on the part of someone else but
I regard it as a lapse on your part.”

476. LETTER TO BALVAMTSINHA

New Delhi,

January 29, 1948

SHRI BALVANTSINHAJI,

What Bapuji said I am writing to you in my own words. Hoshiari-
behn had gone to Khurja, but she is now back here. She returned only
yesterday. She goes back to Khurja today, as some physician there has
promised to restore her to health in a month’s time. She has decided to
take his treatment, and Bapuji has approved of her decision. Bapuji says:
“Hoshiari will be able to devote herself fully to serving others only after
she is physically all right herself, and so I have agreed to her taking the
treatment of this physician.”

Please show this letter to Chimanlalbhai also. The rest you will learn
from Chimanlalbhai’s letter.

With regards,

Bisen

From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 1990

477. INTERVIEW TO MARGARET BOURKE-WHITE^

New Delhi,

January 29, 1948

Margaret Bourke-White discussed with Gandhiji the doctrine of
trusteeship. Bapu had once said that the rich should be trustees for the
poor. How did he define a trustee?

A trustee is one who discharges the obligations of his trust
faithfully and in the best interests of his wards.

Did he know of any industrialist who lived up to that ideal?

' This and the following item are reproduced from P. B. Chandwani’s
article “The Master at Work”.

Margaret Bourke-White, American photographer and Life magazine
correspondent, introduced herself as the “Torturer”, a title Gandhiji had
conferred on her earlier in Bengal.

521

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No, though some are striving in that direction, my host,
G. D. Birla, for instance. I hope he is not deceiving me. If I
saw him do so, I would not live under his roof.'

Did he still cherish the wish and hope to live the full span of life?

He had lost that wish, Gandhiji said, in view of the prevailing dark-
ness. He was, however, groping for light. If things took a turn for the
better and the people responded to his call and co-operated to usher in a
new era of peace and amity, he would again wish — indeed, he would be
“commanded” to wish to live the full span.

“Would you advise America to give up the manufacture of atom
bombs?” she finally asked.

Most certainly. As things are, the war ended disastrously
and the victors are vanquished by jealousy and lust for power.
Already a third war is being canvassed, which may prove even
more disastrous. Ahimsa is a mightier weapon by far than the
atom bomb. Even if the people of Hiroshima could have died
in their thousands with prayer and goodwill in their hearts,
the situation would have been transformed as if by a miracle.^

Harijan, 22-2-1948

* What follows is reported by Margaret Bourke-White in her book
Halfway to Freedom under the date January 30, 1948.

^ At this stage the interviewer presented some pictures taken by her
for Gandhiji’s autograph in order to complete her questions. Mahatma Gan-
dhi— The Last Phase carries the following version of the interview:

“ How would you meet the atom bomb . . . with non-violence?”

“I will not go underground. I will not go into shelter. I will come
out in the open and let the pilot see I have not a trace of ill will against
him. The pilot will not see our faces from his great height, I know. But
the longing in our hearts — that he will not come to harm — would reach
up to him and his eyes would be opened.

“If those thousands who were done to death in Hiroshima, . . . had
died with that prayerful action — died openly with that prayer in their
hearts — their sacrifice would not have gone in vain.”

478. INTERVIEW TO GENERAL SECRETARY, T. W. C. A.>

New Delhi,

January 29, 1948

The interviewer, an American lady, asked Bapu what America with
her interest in India and her well-being could do for India.

Gandhiji said that American visitors should endeavour to see India through
Indian spectacles. They could go round and offer friendly and constructive
criticism but to describe its dirty spots as India would be a caricature. Here
Bapu recalled the instance of Emily Kinnaird^, who had invited herself to
be Gandhiji’s guest in Bombay^. She was content with the vegetarian food
and modest comforts she could get and always insisted on walking with him
to the prayer ground. Till the moment of her death, she continued to
write long and delightful letters to Bapu, pouring out her heart and spirit.

Asked what foreign missions could do in the new set-up for Indian
Christians or Christian Indians as they would now like to be called,
Bapu replied that the best course would be to leave them to their own re-
sources, to help them settle down as sons of the soil.

Harijan, 22-2-1948

479. SPEECH AT PRATER MEETING

New Delhi,

January 29, 1948

BROTHERS AND SISTERS,

Of the many things I wish to tell you, I have chosen six
for today, for I must finish in 15 minutes.

1 notice that we are beginning a little late, which is wrong.

Sushila has gone to Bahawalpur, to see the refugees still stranded
there. She has no other mission. Mr. Leslie Cross of the

Friends’ Service has gone with her. My idea was that some-
one from the Friends’ Unit should go and observe the conditions
of refugees there and report to me. There was no proposal for
Sushila to go. But when she heard about the plan she suggested

* Of the World Headquarters in Switzerland

2 Who had met Gandhiji on July 20, 1940 and January 15, 1941 in Seva-
gram. Vide Vol. LXXII, pp. 297-9.

^ Obviously a slip for ‘Sevagram’

523

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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

that she be permitted to accompany Mr. Cross. She has
known him ever since she went to Noakhali. She is an efficient
doctor and she belongs to the Gujrat district in the Punjab.
She too has suffered a good deal. She had a large property
which she has lost. But her heart has not become poisoned.
She said it would help if she went because she could speak
Punjabi, Hindustani, Urdu and English and could be of use to
Mr. Cross. I was delighted. There are of course hazards but
she said she was not afraid. Had she been afraid she would
not have gone to work in Noakhali. Many people who live in
the Punjab have been completely ruined in every way. At least
she can still find food and other provisions. I consulted Mr.
Cross and he welcomed the idea. He said she could act as an
interpreter. He is from the Red Cross. The function of the Red
Cross is to provide medical relief to war victims. Whether Dr.
Sushila went with Mr. Cross or Mr. Cross went with Sushila
is a complicated question but they are friends and like each
other. They have gone to render service and not to make
money. They will observe and give me a report of what they
see. The Nawab keeps writing to me. After I have the report
from Mr. Cross and Sushila Nayyar I shall tell you more about
the matter.

Some people, perhaps forty of them, from Bannu had come
to me. They have suffered hardships no doubt but they are
able to walk. Some had injured fingers, some had other
wounds on other parts of the body. I saw them just now and
told them to explain everything to Brijkrishna. They were all
respectable men. They must have been full of anger but they
accepted my advice. One of them — I did not ask whether he
was a refugee — said I had done enough harm already and that
I should stop and disappear from the scene. He did not care
whether I was a mahatma. I asked him where he wanted me
to go. He said that I might go to the Himalayas. I had to
rebuke him. He is not as old as I am and is stronger. But I
could not afford to become nervous. I asked why I should go
to the Himalayas merely because he wished it, when there were
many who wanted me to stay. There are many who praise me
and there are others who abuse me. What am I to do? I can
only do as God bids. You may say that you do not believe in
God. But then you must allow me to go my way. God is the
help of the afflicted. But an afflicted person is not God. When
I claim that every woman is my own sister or daughter, then
her suffering becomes my suffering. Why do you presume that

SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING

525

I do not understand the sufferings of the refugees? Why do
you presume that because I am a friend of Muslims I am an
enemy of Hindus and Sikhs ? I cannot run away because anyone
wants me to run away. I have not taken to service at any one’s
bidding. I have become what I have become at the bidding of
God. God will do what He wills. He may take me away. I
shall not find peace by going to the Himalayas. I want to find
peace in the midst of turmoil or I want to die in the turmoil.
My Himalayas are here.

I keep receiving complaints about the refugees. They are
given food and drink and clothing and they are helped in every
possible way. But they do not want to work. I have said that
if the refugees want to end their sufferings, if they want to con-
vert suffering into happiness and serve India and serve them-
selves, they must not shirk work. A refugee has no right to
live comfortably without working. The Gita says: “Eat only

after you have performed jajwa.” Eat what remains after the yajna.
This has not been said only for me but also for you and all
others. It applies also to the refugees. Even if a millionaire eats
and does not work, he is a burden on the earth. Of course
one can understand if you are a cripple, or if you are blind or
too old. But a robust man has no excuse for not working. Let
those who are strong of body clean lavatories in the camp; let
them spin, let them do any other work that comes to hand.
Let them teach their boys.

Someone came to see me today. I forget his name. He men-
tioned peasants. I said if I had my way our Governor-General
would be a peasant; our Prime Minister would be a peasant.
In my childhood I learnt a poem which says “O farmer, you
are the king, the master of the whole world.” What would we
eat if the peasant did not produce food? But today we have
made him a slave. What can a peasant do? Must he acquire
academic degrees such as B.A. and M.A. ? If he does that he will
be ruined. He will be no more good for wielding the pickaxe.
If the man who produced foodgrain out of the earth becomes
our Chief, our Prime Minister, the face of India will change.

There is a scarcity of food in Madras. A representative
of the Madras Government had come here to plead with Shri
Jairamdas^ that he should make foodgrain available for Madras.

* Jairamdas Doulatram (1891-1979); Editor of The Hindustan Times,
1925-27; General Secretary of Congress, 1931; Governor of Bihar, 1947-48
and of Assam, 1950-56; Minister of Food and Agriculture in the Union
Cabinet, 1948-50

526

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

This attitude of the people of Madras saddens me. I want
to point out to them that they can find enough things to eat
in their own province such as groundnut, coconut and various
other things. They also have plenty of fish which most of them
take. What need is there for them to go out and beg? It is
not right for them to insist on rice and that too polished rice
which has all its food value removed or to insist on wheat in
place of rice. They can mix groundnut flour or coconut flour
with rice flour and thus keep the wolf from the door. What
they need is self-confidence and dedication. I know the people
of Madras quite well. I had with me in South Africa people
drawn from all the linguistic areas of the Province. During the
satyagraha march* they were given a pound and a half of bread
and an ounce of sugar each day. But they surprised me when
on our striking camp they would pick out some edible greens
or some other thing and cook it singing away in great delight.
How can such resourceful people ever feel so helpless? True we
were all coolies. But then in honest work lies our freedom and
the satisfaction of all our basic needs.

[From Hindi]

Courtesy: All India Radio. Also Prarthana Pravachan — II, pp. 352-6

480. DRAFT CONSTITUTION OF CONGRESS^

New Delhi,

January 29, 1948

Though split into two, India having attained political
independence through means devised by the Indian National
Congress, the Congress in its present shape and form, i. e., as a
propaganda vehicle and parliamentary machine, has outlived
its use. India has still to attain social, moral and economic in-
dependence in terms of its seven hundred thousand villages as
distinguished from its cities and towns. The struggle for the

’ Which commenced on November 6, 1913; vide Vol. XXIX, p. 240.

^ Acharya Jugal Kishore, General Secretary of A. I. C. C., released this
draft to the Press on February 7, with the note: “As something has already
appeared in the Press . . . regarding the proposals which Mahatmaji had made
concerning changes in the Congress constitution I am releasing the full
draft as was handed to me on the fateful forenoon of 30th January. . .

This appeared in Harijan under the title “His Last Will and Testament”.

In his article “The Fateful Friday”, in Harijan, Pyarelal writes: “The
whole of the 29th had been so cram-full with work that at the end of the

DRAFT CONSTITUTION OF CONGRESS

527

ascendency of civil over military power is bound to take place
in India’s progress towards its democratic goal. It must be kept
out of unhealthy competition with political parties and communal
bodies. For these and other similar reasons, the A. I. C. C. resolves
to disband the existing Congress organization and flower into a
Lok Sevak Sangh under the following rules with power to alter
them as occasion may demand.

Every panchayat of flve adult men or women being villagers
or village-minded shall form a unit.

Two such contiguous panchayats shall form a working party
under a leader elected from among themselves.

When there are one hundred such panchayats, the flfty first-
grade leaders shall elect from among themselves a second-grade
leader and so on, the first-grade leaders meanwhile working under
the second-grade leader. Parallel groups of two’ hundred pan-
chayats shall continue to be formed till they cover the whole of
India, each succeeding group of panchayats electing a second-
grade leader after the manner of the first. All second-grade
leaders shall serve jointly for the whole of India and severally for
their respective areas. The second-grade leaders may elect, when-
ever they deem necessary, from among themselves a chief who
will, during pleasure, regulate and command all the groups.

(As the final formation of provinces or districts is still in a
state of flux, no attempt has been made to divide this group of
servants into provincial or district councils and jurisdiction over
the whole of India has been vested in the group or groups that
may have been formed at any given time. It should be noted
that this body of servants derive their authority or power from
service ungrudgingly and wisely done to their master, the whole
of India.

day Gandhiji felt utterly fagged out. “My head is reeling. And yet I must
finish this,” he remarked to Abha, pointing to the draft constitution for the
Congress which he had undertaken to prepare, and then, “I am afraid I
shall have to keep late hours.”

The next morning Gandhiji revised the draft and gave it to Pyarelal to
“go through it carefully”. He added: “Fill in any gaps in thought that
there might be. I wrote it under a heavy strain.” When Pyarelal took
the revised draft to him he “went through the additions and alterations
point by point with his characteristic thoroughness and removed an error in
calculation that had crept in in regard to the number of panchayats.”

’ The copy available in the A.I.C.C. files has a question-mark here.
Vide footnote 2 above.

^ A facsimile of the draft up to here is available in Mahatma Gandhi —
The Last Phase.

528

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

1. Every worker shall be a habitual wearer ofkhadi made
from self-spun yarn or certified by the A. I. S. A. and must be a
teetotaller. If a Hindu, he must have abjured untouchability
in any shape or form in his own person or in his family and
must be a believer in the ideal of inter-communal unity, equal
respect and regard for all religions and equality of opportunity
and status for all irrespective of race, creed or sex.

2. He shall come in personal contact with every villager
within his jurisdiction.

3. He shall enrol and train workers from amongst the
villagers and keep a register of all these.

4. He shall keep a record of his work from day to day.

5. He shall organize the villages so as to make them self-
contained and self-supporting through their agriculture and
handicrafts.

6. He shall educate the village folk in sanitation and hygiene
and take all measures for prevention of ill health and disease
among them.

7. He shall organize the education of the village folk from
birth to death along the lines of Nayee Talim, in accordance
with the policy laid down by the Hindustani Talimi Sangh.

8. He shall see that those whose names are missing on the
statutory voters’ roll are duly entered therein.

9. He shall encourage those who have not yet acquired the
legal qualification, to acquire it for getting the right of franchise.

10. For the above purposes and others to be added from time
to time, he shall train and fit himself in accordance with the
rules laid down by the Sangh for the due performance of duty.

The Sangh shall affiliate the following autonomous bodies:

1. A.I.S. A.

2. A. I. V.I.A.

3. Hindustani Talimi Sangh

4. Harijan Sevak Sangh

5. Goseva Sangh

Finance

The Sangh shall raise finances for the fulfilment of its mis-
sion from among the villagers and others, special stress being
laid on collection of poor man’s pice.

M. K. G.

New Delhi, January 29, 1948

Harijan, 15-2-1948. And A.I.C.C. File No. 1578. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library

481. TALK WITH DEVDAS GANDHI^

New Delhi,

January 29, 1948

... I had had one of those rarest of rare experiences, that of being
alone with Bapu for a moment. It was my customary call at 9.30. He
was in bed. ... I stepped in and was greeted by “what news?” . . . I . . .
had no news to give. So I asked: “How does the ship of State fare?”
He said:

I am sure the little differences^ will vanish. But things may
have to await my return from Wardha. That won’t be long.
The Government is composed of patriots and no one will do
anything that is in conflict with the interests of the country. I
am sure that they must hold together at all costs and they will.
There is no difference of substance.

There was more conversation on the same lines and I would have
invited the usual “crowd” even at that hour, had I tarried. So, preparing
to leave, I said: “Bapu, will you sleep now?”

No, there is no hurry. You may talk for some time longer
if you like.

Harijan, 15-2-1948

’ Reproduced from Devdas Gandhi’s article, “I Speak as an Orphan”,
broadcast by All India Radio on February 5

^ Between Jawaharlal Nehru and Vallabhbhai Patel

90-34

529

482. LETTER TO AN AMD T. HINGORANI

New Delhi,

January 30, 1948

SHRI ANANDBHAIYA AND GANGIBEHN,

Bapu had your letter. Bapu is going to Sevagram but only for ten
days. So Bapu says that there is no need for Gangi to come. Yes, when
he goes there for a long stay she may come. . . .

Tours,

Bisen

From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India
and Anand T. Hingorani

483. TALK WLTH PTARELAU

New Delhi,

January 30, 1948

Passing out of the room at the end of the massage, Gandhiji . . . in-
quired if I had finished the revision^ and further asked me to prepare a
note on how to meet the threatened food crisis in Madras in the light of
my experience and experiment in Noakhali.

The Food Ministry is feeling nervous. But I maintain that
a province like Madras that is blessed by nature with cocoanut
and palm, ground-nut and banana in such plenty, not to men-
tion roots and tubers of various kinds, need not starve, if only
the people know how to husband their resources in food.

Harijan, 15-2-1948

’ This and the following two items have been reproduced from Pyarelal’s
article “The Fateful Friday”.

^ Of the draft constitution of the Congress; vide pp. 526-8.

530

484. TALK WITH PTARELAL

New Delhi,

January 30, 1948

1 put before Gandhiji the case for orderly evacuation*, but his view
was emphatic and clear. Just as we, workers, had to “Do or Die”, even so
had we to prepare our people to “Do or Die” for the vindication of their
self-respect, honour and right of religious freedom.

Maybe in the end only a few will be left. But there is
no other way of evolving strength out of weakness. Are not
ranks decimated in the war of weapons too? How can it be
otherwise under non-violence then? What you are doing is the
way. You have shed the fear of death and established yourself
in the hearts and affections of the people. To love and diligence
must be joined knowledge. This you have done. If you alone
do your part fully and well, you will cover the whole lot. You
know, I need you here, the burden is so heavy. And there is a
lot I would like to share with the world which I cannot do
now that you are away. But I have steeled myself to it; the
work you are doing is more important.

He then showed how to deal with miscreants in the event of the
Government failing to discharge its duty.

Harijan, 15-2-1948

485. TALK WITH SUDHIR GHOSH^

New Delhi,

January 30, 1948

Sudhir Ghosh, among other things, read out to Gandhiji a cutting
from the London Times and extracts from a letter from an English friend

* From Noakhali

2 Sudhir Ghosh in his book Gandhi’s Emissary writes: “As I sat down
he handed to me a letter written to him by Agatha Harrison enclosing with
it a clipping from the London Times. Agatha’s letter said that the whisper-
ing campaign about a serious rift between his two lieutenants Mr. Nehru
and Vallabhbhai Patel had spread to London and The Times editorial on
this rift between the two men was a bad omen; was Gandhiji not going
to do something about it?”

531

532

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

showing how some people were assiduously trying to drive a wedge
between Pandit Nehru and Sardar Patel by traducing the latter as a com-
munalist, while pretending to praise the former. Gandhiji remarked that
he was aware of the move and was deeply exercised over it. He had
already dealt with it, he said, in one of his post-prayer speeches', which
had been published in the Harijan. But he felt that something more needed
to be done. He was thinking what he should do.^

Harijan, 15-2-1948

486. TALK WITH MUSLIM LEADERS

New Delhi,

January 30, 1948

Gandhiji told them that if he did not leave for Sevagram on the
proposed date^, all his plans would be upset. The Maulanas said they had
no wish to detain him on their account, for they knew that he would be
working for them wherever he was. The interval would enable them to
assess and report to him how the implementation of the pledges given
as a result of his fast was progressing. They hoped he would be able to
return to Delhi by the 14th February. Gandhiji replied:

I do expect to be back here by the 14th. But if Providence
has decreed otherwise, that is a different matter. I am not,
however, sure whether I shall be able to leave here even the
day after tomorrow. It is all in God’s hands.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, p. 770

* Vide p. 464.

2 Sudhir Ghosh reports: He finished the writing of whatever he was
working at and said, “I wonder what I am going to do about it” — as if
asking himself a question. I said, “Well they are so big that nobody
dares to talk to them about it; but people talk behind their backs. Some
day you may like to talk to both of them about it. You alone can do it.”
He pondered over my remark and said, “Well, there is something in what
you say. I think I am going to talk about it. I think I will talk about it
after prayers this evening. Vallabhbhai is coming to see me at 4. Jawaharlal
is coming to see me at 7. You can come and see me just before I go to
bed.” Vide also “Talk with Vallabhbhai Patel”, p. 534.

^ February 2

487. A TALK

New Delhi,

January 30, 1948

Wherever I look I find our plight the same as that of the
Yadavas who met their doom killing one another. No one real-
izes how much harm we are doing to society by being engaged
in our personal feuds. But what can you or anyone else do about
it? This indicates a failure on my part. What could anyone do
when God made me blind to these things? But let me set things
right as far as possible, while I am alive, so that the coming
generation may not hurl abuses at me. If I succeed in it, I
shall regard it as God’s grace.

I ought to take up this task.^ The diaries should be edited
well and compiled. Narahari’s health does not permit any work
and . . .2 has dissociated himself from all my activities. But how
can it be said that he has done so without full understanding?
Everyone is entitled to freedom of thought. If Ghandrashankar^
shoulders this responsibility he will exhibit his talents as well.
What similarity between the handwritings of the two! I shall
write to him."*

[From Gujarati]

Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, p. 425

* Of editing and compiling of Mahadev Desai’s diaries
^ The name is omitted in the source.

^ Chandrashanker P. Shukla

After this talk Rasikbhai Parikh and U. N. Dhebar from Kathiawar
wanted an appointment with Gandhiji. Being busy Gandhiji said: “Tell them
I shall talk with them during my walk after the prayers, if I am alive.”

533

488. INTERVIEW TO SINDHI DEPUTATION^

New Delhi,

January 30, 1948

Bapu said in an exceedingly tender voice that all this had distressed
him beyond measure. Outwardly he seemed light and happy but his heart
was smitten with grief at the wave of insanity which was sweeping over the
land. Either this must end or he must perish.

He also referred to the advice offered to him by a refugee^ to retire
to the Himalayas. Chuckling with laughter he observed that nothing
would be better in one sense: he would develop into a double Mahatma and
attract larger crowds. But what he wanted was not vainglory or ease but
such comfort and strength as he could extract out of the prevailing dark-
ness and misery.

Harijan, 22-2-1948

489. TALK WITH VALLABHBHAI PATEL^

New Delhi,

January 30, 1948

Although he had previously expressed his view, Gandhiji told the
Sardar, that one of the two — either the Sardar or Pandit Nehru — should
withdraw from the Cabinet, he had since come to the firm conclusion that
the presence there of both of them was indispensable. Any breach in their
ranks at that stage would be disastrous. He further said he would make
that the topic of his post-prayer speech in the evening. Pandit Nehru would

’ Reproduced from P. B. Chandwani’s article “The Master at Work”
The deputation, led by Choithram Gidwani, narrated the woes of Sin-
dhis and spoke of the restrictions imposed by the Pakistan Government on
their evacuation.

2 From Bannu; vide pp. 524-5.

^ Gandhiji carried on his spinning while talking.

534

REMARKS ON WAY TO PRAYER MEETING

535

be seeing him after the prayer; he would discuss the question with
him too. If necessary, he would postpone his going to Sevagram and not
leave Delhi till he had finally laid the spectre of disunity between the

two. . . .*

Gandhiji said to the Sardar as he rose to get ready to go to the
prayer-ground:

I must now tear myself away.^

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 771-2

490. REMARKS ON WAY TO PRAYER MEETING^

New Delhi,

January 30, 1948

“Bapu, your watch must be feeling very neglected. You would not
look at it,” remarked Abha.

Why should I, since you are my time-keepers?

“But you do not look at the time-keepers”, rejoined one of them.
Bapu again laughed. The last remark he uttered as he cleared the steps
leading to the prayer-ground was:

It is your fault that I am ten minutes late. It is the duty
of nurses to carry on their work even if God himself should be
present there. If it is time to give medicine to a patient and

^ According to the source, “the talk with the Sardar continued. At
4.30 p. m. Abha brought Gandhiji his evening meal. It was getting near
prayer time. But the Sardar had still not finished. Abha felt fidgety, know-
ing the great importance that Gandhiji attached to punctuality, particularly
in regard to prayer time. But she dared not interrupt. At last, becoming
desperate, she picked up his watch and held it before him to draw his
attention. But it was no good. Noting her predicament, Manibehn Patel
tactfully intervened.”

^ In his letter to Jawaharlal Nehru dated February 5, 1948, while

referring to this talk Vallabhbhai Patel wrote: “I had the good fortune
to have a last talk with him for over an hour just before his death and he
communicated to me what had passed between you and him as well as
his talk with H. E. [Lord Mountbatten]. He had also fixed an appointment
to meet both of us the next day. His opinion also binds us both and I
can assure you that I am fully resolved to approach my responsibilities
and obligations in this spirit.”

^ The report in Pyarelal’s “The Fateful Friday”, has been collated
with the Gujarati version in Dilhiman Gandhiji.

536

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

one feels hesitant about it, the poor patient will die. So it is
with prayers. It irks me if I am late for prayers even by a
minute.*

Harijan, 15-2-1948, and Dilhiman Gandhiji — II, pp. 426-7

* According to Manu Gandhi’s account, as Gandhiji passed along the
cordoned lane through the prayer congregation, he took his hands oflF the
shoulders of the two girls to acknowledge the namaskars of the prayer con-
gregation. All of a sudden someone from the crowd roughly elbowed his
way towards them. Manu Gandhi, thinking that he was coming forward
to touch Gandhiji’s feet, remonstrated saying something about it being
already late for the prayer and tried to stop the intruder by thrusting back
his hand. He violently pushed her away, causing the notebook, the spittoon
and the mala, which she was carrying in her hands, to fall down. As she
stooped down to pick up the scattered things, he planted himself in front
of Gandhiji and fired in quick succession three shots at point-blank range.
The last words Gandhiji uttered were ‘‘'Hey Ram”. A spreading crimson
spot appeared on the white clothes. The hands which had been raised in
namaskar to the gathering slowly came down. The limp body softly sank to
the ground. Gandhiji breathed his last at 5.17 p. m.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

A. I. C. C. RESOLUTIONS^

(1) RIGHTS OF MINORITIES 2

15-11-1947

The All India Congress Committee welcomes the elimination of foreign
rule in India and the establishment of a free and independent State and a
Government responsible to the people of the country. The achievement of
freedom is the culmination of the long struggle of the Indian National Con-
gress and outcome of the sufferings and tribulations of the Indian people.
Freedom brings responsibility and new burdens and problems.

The freedom achieved was not the kind that the Congress had envi-
saged during its long history. It has been accompanied by secession of parts
of the country and disasters of unparalleled magnitude. Hardly was free India
born when grave crisis overtook it and events happened which have besmirched
her fair name and brought death and desolation to vast numbers of innocent
people in circumstances too tragic for words. There have been arson and
loot and murder on a mass scale in West Punjab, N. W. F. Province,
Baluchistan, East Punjab and adjoining areas. The Committee cannot find
words strong enough to condemn these inhuman acts by whatever commu-
nity perpetrated. It extends its sympathy to all those who have been the
innocent victims of this colossal tragedy.

At this moment of crisis, it is necessary that the Congress should de-
clare its faith and policy in clear terms and that the people as well as the
Government should follow that policy unswervingly. Even though the Con-
gress agreed to a division of the country in the hope, which has thus far
proved vain, that thereby internal conflicts might cease, it has never accepted
the theory that there are two or more nations in India. It has firmly
believed in the whole of India as a nation bound together by indissoluble
cultural and historical links which had been further strengthened in the course
of the national struggle for freedom. It was on the basis of this faith that
the Congress grew up as a national institution open to all Indians without
difference of creed or religion. India is a land of many religions and many
races, and must remain so. Nevertheless India has been and is a country

1 Vide pp. 63-7.

^ According to Dilhiman Gandhiji, the draft of this was corrected by Gandhiji.

537

538

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

with a fundamental unity and the aim of the Congress has been to develop
this great country as a whole as a democratic secular State where all
citizens enjoy full rights and are equally entitled to the protection of the
State, irrespective of the religion to which they belong. The Constituent
Assembly has accepted this as the basic principle of the Constitution. This
lays on every Indian the obligation to honour it.

The Congress wants to assure the minorities in India that it will conti-
nue to protect, to the best of its ability, their citizen rights against aggres-
sion. The Central Government, as well as the Provincial Governments must
accordingly make every effort to create conditions wherein all minorities and
all citizens have security and opportunity for progress. All citizens have also
on their part not only to share in the benefits of freedom but also shoulder
the burdens and responsibility which accompany it, and must above all be
loyal to India.

The All India Congress Committee calls upon all Congressmen and the
people of India to adhere strictly to those well-established principles of the
Congress and not to allow themselves to be diverted into wrong channels by
passion or prejudice or by the tragic events that have happened. Real good
and progress of India have yet to be achieved and this can only be done by
adhering to the ideals and policy of the Congress and discarding and opposing
all false doctrines which have done so much mischief to India and her people.

(2) REPATRIATION OF REFUGEES

15-11-1947

The tragic events that have taken place in recent months in the Pun-
jab and elsewhere have resulted in vast migrations of populations, and con-
sequently in tremendous suffering to millions of people. New problems of re-
lief and rehabilitation have arisen of a magnitude which is unparalleled in
history. The Government of India have faced these problems with courage
and determination. Nevertheless it is necessary to state clearly what the
national policy should be in dealing with these problems.

The A. I. C. C. has looked with disfavour on this large-scale migration
which brings suffering to millions, upsets the nation’s economy and does vio-
lence to the ideal which the Congress has held since its inception. It is of
opinion that these migrations should be discouraged and conditions should
be created both in the Indian Dominion and in Pakistan for minorities to live
in peace and security. If such conditions are created the desire to migrate
to another part of the country will disappear. In the opinion of the Com-
mittee, it is wrong to coerce Hindu and Sikh inhabitants of Pakistan into
leaving their homes and migrating to the Indian Union, and Muslims of the
Indian Union into migrating to Pakistan.

While it is impossible to undo all that has been done, every effort
should be made to enable the evacuees and refugees from either Dominion

APPENDICES

539

ultimately to return to their homes and to their original occupations under
conditions of safety and security. Those who have not left their homes
already should be encouraged to stay there unless they themselves desire to
migrate, in which case facilities for migrating should be made available. It
is the duty of the Central Government of the Indian Union and the Gov-
ernment of Pakistan to negotiate on this basis and to create conditions which
would enable the evacuees and refugees to return with safety.

In any event the policy to be followed in the Indian Union is to pro-
tect the minorities still residing there and to prevent their removal by force
or by creating circumstances which compel evacuation.

During these disorders large numbers of women have been abducted on
either side and there have been forcible conversions on a large scale. No
civilized people can recognize such conversions, and there is nothing more
heinous than abduction of women. Every effort, therefore, must be made to
restore women to their original homes with the co-operation of the Govern-
ments concerned.

The A. I. C. C. has noted with satisfaction the declarations made on
behalf of the Governments of the two Dominions and East and West Punjab
that forcible conversions will not be recognized and that they would co-operate
in the recovery of abducted women.

Such being the policy of the Congress, the refugees in the Indian Union
are entitled to every care and attention from the authorities and the people
within the Union as long as they have to remain there. They are not to be
regarded as interlopers grudgingly placed upon charity. They will have the
same rights and be under the same obligations as any other citizen. Where
they are living in camps they will be expected to render some social service
in co-operation with fellow-refugees, subject to the rules framed for the good
government of the camp. Sanitary and other services should be performed
by the inmates of the camps under instructions from those fitted for the work
and who will themselves take part in these services. Refugees should be engaged
in productive work as far as possible on a co-operative basis.

Refugees from West Punjab shall as a rule be accommodated in East
Punjab. Those from the other parts of Pakistan shall be accommodated in
places that the Central Government, in co-operation with the Provincial Gov-
ernments, may consider more suitable. Those from a particular locality should,
as far as possible, be kept together.

In this task the Provincial Governments should offer their full co-opera-
tion and should take in and make suitable arrangements for as many refugees
as they can.

No house, not vacated willingly by a Muslim, shall be used for the ac-
commodation of refugees, except by proper legal authority.

The movement of refugees, which is already taking place by train,
convoy or otherwise, should be regulated in accordance with the policy laid

540

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

down above and no one should be sent away unless he expresses his desire to
migrate.

This principle should apply also to the States which have acceded to the
Indian Union and from which large numbers of Muslims have been evacuated
or driven out.

The A. I. C. C. trusts that the Central Government of the Indian Union,
the East Punjab and West Bengal Governments, and the Governments of the
States affected by these migrations, will give effect to the policy indicated
above and will issue directions to all their officers to act strictly in accordance
with it.

(3) STATES

15-11-1947

In view of the fact that in a number of States, people’s organizations,
instead of rising in power and influence as a result of freedom, are being sup-
pressed and prevented from functioning; and further in view of the fact that
Rulers in Punjab and some parts of Rajputana and Central India and in the
South Indian States have shown an unpatriotic attitude and have betrayed a
woeful lack of imagination and have been party to the liquidation of the Mus-
lim and Hindu population by inhuman means, it becomes necessary to reiterate
in unequivocal language the policy of the Congress in regard to the States.

Whatever may be the legal implications of accession and lapse of British
Paramountcy, the moral result of the independence of India was undoubtedly
the establishment and recognition of the power of the people as distinguished
from that of Princes and feudal or other interests hostile to natural popular
aspirations. This power, the Congress is determined to uphold at any cost.
Therefore, all such interests and specially the Princes should know that the
Congress cannot uphold them unless they are demonstrably in favour of re-
garding the voice of the people as the supreme law. In such a democratic
State the individual who wants to assert himself against the popular will
cannot count, no matter how powerful he may be.

This meeting of the A. I. C. C. therefore hopes that the Princes will read
the signs of the times and co-operate with the people, and those who have
acted in a contrary spirit will retrace their steps and revise their undemo-
cratic conduct and function through democratic organizations expressing the
people’s will. This they can best do by seeking the association and advice of
the A. I. S. P. C. which has been endeavouring to act on behalf of the people
of States.

(4) COMMUNAL ORGANIZATIONS

16-11-1947

The A. I. C. C. has noted with regret that communal organizations like
the Hindu Mahasabha, the Muslim League and the Akali Party have sought

APPENDICES

541

to promote their respective interests based on so-called religious considerations
in conflict with the national interest. The national interest must mean and
include a healthy synthesis of all interests based not on religious but political,
social, material and moral grounds. Political activities must accordingly be
conducted by political organizations which are based on political and economic
policies and which are open to members of all communities.

(5) PRIVATE ARMIES

16-11-1947

The All India Congress Committee has noted with regret that there is a
growing desire on the part of some organizations to build up private armies.
Any such development is dangerous for the safety of the State and for the
growth of corporate life in the nation. The State alone should have its defence
forces or police or home guards or recognized armed volunteer force. The
activities of the Muslim National Guards, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
and the Akali Volunteers and such other organizations, in so far as they
represent an endeavour to bring into being private armies, must be regarded
as a menace to the hard-won freedom of the country. The A. I. C.C. there-
fore appeals to all these organizations to discontinue such activities and the
Central and Provincial Governments to take necessary steps in this behalf.

(6) CONTROLS

16-11-1947

The A. I. C. C. has been alarmed at the disturbance of normal life by the
various controls, specially in regard to foodstuffs and clothing. These have
promoted black-marketing, hoarding, corruption and other evils. They have
interfered with the process of self-reliance and arrested the incentive to pro-
duction specially in the matter of growing more foodstuffs and the manu-
facture of hand-spun and hand-woven khadi in the thousands of villages
in India. The Committee is, therefore, of opinion that the Central and Pro-
vincial Governments should give urgent consideration to the problem of de-
control as early as possible without detriment to the public good.

(7) THE CONGRESS CONSTITUTION

16-11-1947

As the goal of complete independence from foreign domination has been
achieved and in view of the new role the Congress organization will have to
play under the changed circumstances, the A. I. C. C. appoints the following
Committee to revise the present Congress Constitution, including the
objective as contained in Article I and to submit the revised draft Constitution
prepared by it to a special session of the All India Congress Committee,
to be convened for the purpose, not later than the end of January, 1948 and

542

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

pending the final approval of such a Constitution by the A. I. C. C. to
postpone all Congress elections under the present Constitution.

Shri R. R. Diwakar, Shri P. D. Tandon, Acharya Narendra Deo, Shri
S. K. Patil, Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya, Shri Surendra Mohan Ghosh and
Acharya Jugal Kishore.

(8) CONGRESS OBJECTIVES

16-11-1947

Political independence having been achieved, the Congress must address
itself to the next great task, namely, the establishment of real democracy in the
country and a society based on social justice and equality. Such a society
must provide every man and woman with equality of opportunity and freedom
to work for the unfettered development of his or her personality. This can
only be realized when democracy extends from the political to the social and
the economic spheres.

Democracy in the modern age necessitates planned central direction as
well as decentralization of political and economic power, in so far as this is
compatible with the safety of the State, with efficient production and the cul-
tural progress of the community as a whole. The smallest territorial unit
should be able to exercise effective control over its corporate life by means of
a popularly elected Panchayat. In so far as it is possible, national and regional
economic self-sufficiency in the essentials of life should be aimed at. In the
case of industries, which in their nature must be run on a large scale and on
centralized basis, they should belong to the community, and they should be so
organized that workers become not only co-sharers in the profits but are also
increasingly associated with the management and administration of the industry.

Land, with its mineral resources, and all other means of production as
well as distribution and exchange must belong to and be regulated by the
community in its own interest.

Our aim should be to evolve a political system which will combine effi-
ciency of administration with individual liberty and an economic structure
which will yield maximum production without the creation of private mono-
polies and the concentration of wealth and which will create a proper balance
between urban and rural economies. Such a social structure can provide
an alternative to the acquisitive economy of private capitalism and the
regimentation of a totalitarian State.

With a view to drawing up the economic programme for the Congress
in accordance with the above-mentioned principles, and the election manifesto
of the Congress dated December 19th, 1945, the following Committee is ap-
pointed :

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Shri Jaiprakash
Narain, Prof. N. G. Ranga, Shri Gulzari Lai Nanda, Shri J. C. Kumarappa,
Shri Achyut Patwardhan, Shri Shankarrao Deo — with powers to co-opt.

APPENDICES

543

(9)

17-11-1947

This Committee would have liked Acharya J. B. Kripalani to continue
as President of the Indian National Congress till the next elections in the
normal course but as he has expressed his inability to reconsider his resigna-
tion, it regretfully accepts it.

The Committee places on record its appreciation of the services rendered
by him both before and during the time he has held the office as President.

Harijan, 23-11-1947

APPENDIX II

EXTRACT FROM LETTER FROM PTARELAE^

This means that unless we can accept partition as unreservedly as once
you accepted the British Empire, even to the length of teaching your child-
ren to sing ‘God save the King’ in the approved English tune, we cannot
stay in Pakistan without being guilty of ‘disloyalty’ to the State. How can
then those who cannot in all conscience accept partition as something good
or irrevocable for all time have any place in Pakistan?

Feverish preparations are going on to re-enact Kashmir on a small
scale in Tripura State. Pakistan officials are deeply involved in it. Some of
them are even said to be carrying on a ‘palace intrigue’ in Tripura State
to this end. Three or four days ago, speeches were delivered at a public
meeting in Comilla by Muslims exhorting the people to launch an action
against Tripura authorities. Hindu subjects of Pakistan were challenged to
prove their ‘loyalty’ by joining in that meritorious action for the extension
of Pakistan’s boundaries. What should be the attitude of the Hindus ? What
should the Hindu refugees from Noakhali, domiciled in Agartala (capital of
Tripura) do? What advice should we give to those who seek our counsel?

In one sense, however, the situation in Noakhali may now be said to
be normal. The policy of the Government is no more to harass or to perse-
cute the Hindus. But the complexion of the administration is communal and
their behaviour openly partisan. Discrimination and a steady squeeze in the
name of the ‘Islamic State’ are going on and corruption, inefficiency and
lack of discipline in all branches of administration are endemic. Before
the partition the Central Government exercised, at least in name, some check.
Now even that is gone. For the rest unless war actually breaks out between
the two Dominions, there is no imminent danger of any large-scale disturb-
ance taking place. In other words, peace in East Bengal henceforth will

* Vide “Letter to Pyarelal”, pp. 45-6.

544

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

depend more on the overall situation vis-a-vis the two Dominions than on
purely local conditions. . . .

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 529-30

APPENDIX III

LETTER FROM KARL STRUVE^

After carefully studying Roy Walker’s thrilling story of your admirable
work {Sword of Gold) I was satisfied that, lifelong as your struggle for non-
violence had been, your unlimited devotion had met with success, at least
as far as India’s leaders and masses were concerned, and the fact that Bri-
tain retired from India in apparent goodwill and friendship, seemed to bear
out the hope that appreciation of non-violence was no longer restricted to
your own country. The first breach into the thick walls of violence seemed
made, and the prospects for humanity seemed to have grown more lucid
than ever.

All the more depressing were your recent confessions, as reported in
the last edition of Peace News by George Davies. It grieves me to the heart to
read that you had never experienced the dark despair that is today within
you. And though it is certainly true that God does not demand success but
truth and love from a man, it is a sad sight to behold mankind so deeply
entangled by violence as not to yield to the vast extent of soul-force and
self-sacrifice given by you and your few friends during a long life.

However, willingly admitting as I do that you are in a far better posi-
tion to look into the heart of things than I am, I cannot believe that your
heroic efforts will be lost upon mankind, that the good seed you have so
untiringly sown in all your surroundings, by your words as well as by your
example, should be wasted.

Be that as it may, I for one (and I am sure I speak the heart of un-
told millions) feel it my bounden duty to express my deepest gratitude to
you for giving the whole of your life to what you felt to be the one way to
salvation for mankind.

Harijan, 11-1-1948

1 Vide pp. 337-8.

APPENDIX IV

LETTER FROM INDIAN REPRESENTATIVE
TO THE SECURITY COUNCIL i

January I, 1948

The Government of India have instructed me to transmit to you the
following telegraphic communication:

1. Under Article 35 of the Charter of the United Nations, any Mem-
ber may bring any situation whose continuance is likely to endanger the
maintenance of international peace and security to the attention of the Secu-
rity Council. Such a situation now exists between India and Pakistan owing
to the aid which invaders, consisting of nationals of Pakistan and of tribes-
men from the territory immediately adjoining Pakistan on the north-west,
are drawing from Pakistan for operations against Jammu and Kashmir,
a State which has acceded to the Dominion of India and is part of India.
The circumstances of accession, the activities of the invaders which led the
Government of India to take military action against them, and the assistance
which the attackers have received and are still receiving from Pakistan are
explained later in this memorandum. The Government of India request the
Security Council to call upon Pakistan to put an end immediately to the
giving of such assistance, which is an act of aggression against India. If
Pakistan does not do so, the Government of India may be compelled, in
self-defence, to enter Pakistan territory, in order to take military action
against the invaders. The matter is, therefore, one of extreme urgency and
calls for immediate action by the Security Council for avoiding a breach of
international peace.

2. From the middle of September 1947, the Government of India
had received reports of the infiltration of armed raiders into the western parts
of Jammu province of Jammu and Kashmir State; Jammu adjoins West
Punjab, which is a part of the Dominion of Pakistan. These raiders had
done a great deal of damage in that area and taken possession of part of
the territory of the State. On 24th October, the Government of India heard
of a major raid from the Frontier Province of the Dominion of Pakistan
into the Valley of Kashmir. Some two thousand or more fully armed and
equipped men came in motor transport, crossed over to the territory of the
State of Jammu and Kashmir, sacked the town of Muzaffarabad, killing
many people and proceeded along the Jhelum Valley road towards Srinagar,

' Vick p. 356.

545

90-35

546

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

the summer capital of Jammu and Kashmir State. Intermediate towns and
villages were sacked and burnt, many people killed. These raiders were
stopped by Kashmir State troops near Uri, a town some fifty miles from
Srinagar, for some time, but the invaders got around them and burnt
the power-house at Mahora, which supplied electricity to the whole of
Kashmir.

3. The position, on the morning of 26th October, was that these raid-
ers had been held by Kashmir State troops and part of the civil popula-
tion, who had been armed, at a town called Baramulla. Beyond Baramulla
there was no major obstruction up to Srinagar. There was immediate dan-
ger of these raiders reaching Srinagar, destroying and massacring large
numbers of people, both Hindus and Muslims. The State troops were spread
out all over the State and most of them were deployed along the western
border of Jammu province. They had been split up into small isolated
groups and were incapable of offering effective resistance to the raiders. Most
of the State officials had left the threatened areas and the civil adminis-
tration had ceased to function. All that stood between Srinagar and the fate
which had overtaken the places en route followed by the raiders was the
determination of the inhabitants of Srinagar, of all communities, and practi-
cally without arms, to defend themselves. At this time Srinagar had also a
large population of Hindu and Sikh refugees who had fled there from West
Punjab owing to communal disturbances in that area. There was little
doubt that these refugees would be massacred if the raiders reached Srinagar.

4. Immediately after the raids into Jammu and Kashmir State com-
menced, approaches were informally made to the Government of India for
the acceptance of the accession of the State to the Indian Dominion. (It
might be explained in parenthesis that Jammu and Kashmir form a State
whose ruler, prior to the transfer of power by the United Kingdom to the
Dominions of India and Pakistan, had been in treaty relations with the Bri-
tish Crown, which controlled its foreign relations and was responsible for its
defence. The treaty relations ceased with the transfer of power on 15th
August last, and Jammu and Kashmir like other States acquired the right
to accede to either Dominion.)

5. Events moved with great rapidity, and the threat to the Valley
of Kashmir became grave. On 26th October, the Ruler of the State, His High-
ness Maharaja Sir Hari Singh, appealed urgently to the Government of India
for military help. He also requested that the Jammu and Kashmir State
should be allowed to accede to the Indian Dominion. An appeal for help
was also simultaneously received by the Government of India from the
largest popular organization in Kashmir, the National Conference, headed
by Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah. The Conference further strongly supported
the request for the State’s accession to the Indian Dominion. The Govern-
ment of India were thus approached not only officially by the State

APPENDICES

547

authorities, but also on behalf of the people of Kashmir, both for military
aid and for the accession of the State to India.

6. The grave threat to the life and property of innocent people in
the Kashmir Valley and to the security of the State of Jammu and Kashmir
that had developed as a result of the invasion of the Valley demanded im-
mediate decision by the Government of India on both the requests. It was
imperative on account of the emergency that the responsibility for the de-
fence of Jammu and Kashmir State should be taken over by a government
capable of discharging it. But, in order to avoid any possible suggestion
that India had utilized the State’s immediate peril for her own political
advantage, the Government of India made it clear that once the soil of the
State had been cleared of the invader and normal conditions restored, its
people would be free to decide their future by the recognized democratic
method of a plebiscite or referendum which, in order to ensure complete
impartiality, might be held under international auspices.

7. The Government of India felt it their duty to respond to the appeal
for armed assistance because:

(1) They could not allow a neighbouring and friendly State to
be compelled by force to determine either its internal affairs or its
external relations;

(2) The accession of Jammu and Kashmir State to the Dominion
of India made India really responsible for the defence of the State.

8. The intervention of the Government of India resulted in saving
Srinagar. The raiders were driven back from Baramulla to Uri and are
held there by Indian troops. Nearly 19,000 raiders face the Dominion forces
in this area. Since operations in the Valley of Kashmir started, pressure by
the raiders against the western and south-western borders of Jammu and
Kashmir State had been intensified. Exact figures are not available. It is
understood, however, that nearly 15,000 raiders are operating against this
part of the State. State troops are besieged in certain areas. Incursions
by the raiders into the State territory, involving murder, arson, loot, and the
abduction of women continue. The booty is collected and carried over to
the tribal areas to serve as an inducement to the further recruitment of
tribesmen to the ranks of the raiders. In addition to those actively
participating in the raid, tribesmen and others, estimated at 100,000, have
been collected in different places in the districts of West Punjab bordering
Jammu and Kashmir State, and many of them are receiving military
training under Pakistani nationals, including officers of the Pakistan Army.
They are looked after in Pakistan territory, fed, clothed, armed and otherwise
equipped, and transported to the territory of Jammu and Kashmir State with
the help, direct and indirect, of Pakistani officials, both military and civil.

9. As already stated, the raiders who entered the Kashmir Valley in
October came mainly from the tribal areas to the north-west of Pakistan

548

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

and, in order to reach Kashmir, passed through Pakistan territory. The raids
along the south-west border of the State, which had preceded the invasion
of the valley proper, had actually been conducted from Pakistan territory,
and Pakistan nationals had taken part in them. This process of trans-
mission across Pakistan territory and utilization of that territory as a base of
operations against Jammu and Kashmir State continues. Recently, military
operations against the western and south-western borders of the State have
been intensified, and the attackers consist of nationals of Pakistan as well
as tribesmen. These invaders are armed with modern weapons, including
mortars and medium machine-guns, wear the battle-dress of regular sol-
diers and, in recent engagements, have fought in regular battle formation
and are using the tactics of modern warfare. Man-pack wireless sets are in
regular use and even mark V mines have been employed. For their trans-
port the invaders have all along used motor vehicles. They are undoubtedly
being trained and to some extent led by regular officers of the Pakistan
Army. Their rations and other supplies are obtained from Pakistan territory.

10. These facts point indisputably to the conclusion

(a) that the invaders are allowed transit across Pakistan terri-
tory;

(b) that they are allowed to use Pakistan territory as a base of
operations;

(d) that they draw much of their military equipment, transporta-
tion, and supplies (including petrol) from Pakistan; and

(e) that Pakistan officers are training, guiding, and otherwise ac-
tively helping them.

There is no source other than Pakistan from which they could obtain
such quantities of modern equipment, training or guidance. More than once,
the Government of India had asked the Pakistan Government to deny to
the invaders facilities which constitute an act of aggression and hostility
against India, but without any response. The last occasion on which this
request was made was on 22nd December, when the Prime Minister of India
handed over personally to the Prime Minister of Pakistan a letter in which
the various forms of aid given by Pakistan to the invaders were briefly re-
counted and the Government of Pakistan were asked to put an end to such
aid promptly; no reply to this letter has yet been received in spite of a
telegraphic reminder sent on 26th December.

11. It should be clear from the foregoing recital that the Government
of Pakistan are unwilling to stop the assistance in material and men which
the invaders are receiving from Pakistan territory and from Pakistan nationals,
including Pakistan Government personnel, both military and civil. This
attitude is not only un-neutral, but constitutes active aggression against
India, of which the State of Jammu and Kashmir forms a part.

APPENDICES

549

12. The Government of India have exerted persuasion and exercised
patience to bring about a change in the attitude of Pakistan. But they have
failed, and are in consequence confronted with a situation in which their
defence of Jammu and Kashmir State is hampered and their measures to drive
the invaders from the territory of the State are greatly impeded by the sup-
port which the raiders derive from Pakistan. The invaders are still on the
soil of Jammu and Kashmir and the inhabitants of the State are exposed
to all the atrocities of which a barbarous foe is capable. The presence, in large
numbers, of invaders in those portions of Pakistan territory which adjoin
parts of Indian territory other than Jammu and Kashmir State is a menace
to the rest of India. Indefinite continuance of the present operations pro-
longs the agony of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, is a drain on India’s
resources and a constant threat to the maintenance of peace between India
and Pakistan. The Government of India have no option, therefore, but to
take more effective military action in order to rid Jammu and Kashmir State
of the invader.

13. In order that the objective of expelling the invader from Indian
territory and preventing him from launching fresh attacks should be quickly
achieved, Indian troops would have to enter Pakistan territory; only thus
could the invader be denied the use of bases and cut off from his sources of
supplies and reinforcements in Pakistan. Since the aid which the invaders
are receiving from Pakistan is an act of aggression against India, the Govern-
ment of India are entitled, under international law, to send their armed forces
across Pakistan territory for dealing effectively with the invaders. However,
as such action might involve armed conflict with Pakistan, the Government of
India, ever anxious to proceed according to the principles and aims of the
Charter of the United Nations, desire to report the situation to the Security
Council under Article 35 of the Charter. They feel justified in requesting
the Security Council to ask the Government of Pakistan:

(1) to prevent Pakistan Government personnel, military and civil,
from participating or assisting in the invasion of Jammu and Kashmir
State;

(2) to call upon other Pakistani nationals to desist from taking any
part in the fighting in Jammu and Kashmir State;

(3) to deny to the invaders: (a) access to any use of its territory for
operations against Kashmir, (b) military and other supplies, (c) all other
kinds of aid that might tend to prolong the present struggle.

14. The Government of India would stress the special urgency of the
Security Council taking immediate action on their request. They desire to
add that military operations in the invaded area have, in the past few days,
been developing so rapidly that they must, in self-defence, reserve to themselves
the freedom to take, at any time when it may become necessary, such military
action as they may consider the situation requires.

550

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

15. The Government of India deeply regret that a serious crisis should
have been reached in their relations with Pakistan. Not only is Pakistan a
neighbour but, in spite of the recent separation, India and Pakistan have many
ties and many common interests. India desires nothing more earnestly than
to live with her neighbour-State on terms of close and lasting friendship.
Peace is to the interest of both States; indeed to the interest of the world. The
Government of India’s approach to the Security Council is inspired by the
sincere hope that, through the prompt action of the Council, peace may be
preserved.

16. The text of this reference to the Security Council is being telegraphed
to the Government of Pakistan.

Sardar Patel’s Correspondence, 1945-50, Vol. I, pp. 345-50

APPENDIX V (A)

VALLABHBHAI PATEL’S STATEMENT TO THE PRESS^

New Delhi,
January 12, 1948

I am sure all of you have read the Press statement of Mr. Ghulam
Mohammad, Finance Minister of Pakistan, on the payment of cash balances
to the Pakistan Government. The Finance Minister of Pakistan has had a
varied career of responsibility as a civil servant — Finance Minister of Hyder-
abad State, and a participant in ‘big business’. One would not normally
expect in his statements the defects of suppressio veri and suggestio falsi.
But I regret to observe that not only does his statement abound in these, but in
his utter desperation at seeing his financial anticipations wrecked by the actions
of his own Government in regard to Kashmir, he has cast discretion and
judgment to the winds and descended down to the familiar arts of a bully
and a blackmailer.

I use these epithets deliberately, for to anyone reading his statement dis-
passionately it would be obvious that he has tried to browbeat the Reserve
Bank of India into submission by a liberal use of threats and insinuations, has
charged the Government of India with bad faith in the hope that the charge
would gain for him his coveted ransom, and has tried to invoke the assistance
of international opinion in the expectation that the threatened exposure before
the world would make the Government of India bend in its attitude on this
subject. I quite concede that the desperate situation in which he finds himself
calls for rather drastic remedies but we are entitled to expect of him a
balanced approach to this problem rather than these filibustering tactics, the
failure of which is as certain as daylight. Further, in his overzeal to achieve

1 Vide p. 435.

APPENDICES

551

his object by all manner of means, the Pakistan Finance Minister has, I would
presently show, paid little attention to truth and shown little regard for facts.

Let us first deal with his statement that “none of us had the slightest
indication that the Kashmir problem would be dragged in”, his accusation of
bad faith and similar other statements of an accusatory nature. To deal with
these I would give in brief a resume of the course of negotiations. The
series of meetings held between the representatives of the Pakistan and the
Indian Governments in the last week of November were intended to iron out
all our differences including the question of Kashmir. The discussions held
were not confined to mere partition issues, but covered Kashmir, refugees and
other important evacuation matters as well. On the 26th November talks on
Kashmir were held in an atmosphere of hope, goodwill and cordiality, and
were continued simultaneously with the discussions of financial and other
questions on subsequent days. On the 27th November, informal and provisional
agreement was reached on the two issues of division of cash balances, and the
sharing of the uncovered debt. The Pakistan representatives were in some
haste and tried to hustle us into agreeing to announce these agreements. We
resisted it. Indeed, on the 27th evening, I issued a statement to the Press
asking them not to speculate on the nature of the talks, but to wait until
an authoritative statement was issued after the talks had concluded.

Here is what I said thenr “All-out efforts are being made for a settle-
ment on all outstanding matters, but any speculations on the nature of the
talks would do more harm than good. All that I can say at present is that
discussions are being held and the Prime Minister and the Finance Minister
of the Pakistan Government are staying on till Saturday. A detailed statement
will be issued when the talks are concluded. Till then reports about any
settlement on any individual item or issue between the two Governments
must be regarded as premature and lacking authority.”

The next morning my statement which was read at a meeting at Gov-
ernment House at which both the Prime Minister and the Finance Minister of
Pakistan were present, that we would not regard the settlement of these
issues as final unless agreement had been reached on all outstanding issues. I
made it quite clear then that we would not agree to any payment until the
Kashmir affair was settled. Accordingly, no announcement of the agreement
was made. In the meantime, Pakistan representatives postponed their departure
and talks on Kashmir and other matters were continued with rather varying
results on different issues. Working in this somewhat improved atmosphere,
we reached a settlement on all other outstanding issues relating to partition, and
the informal agreement was reported to the Partition Council at its meeting
on the 1st December, though they were to be reduced to writing later. This was
completed on the 2nd December, but it was agreed even then not to make an
announcement on the subject until after the Lahore discussions on Kashmir and
other outstanding issues had been, as was then hoped, successfully concluded.

552

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

The position was further confirmed by the submission made on the 3rd
December by both the parties before the Arbitral Tribunal that the prospects
of all the references being settled were very good, that a further meeting
was to be held on the 8th and 9th at Lahore and the situation would then be
clearer. The discussions were resumed at Lahore on the 8th and 9th December.
But in the meantime, it was found that feverish attempts were being made by
the Pakistan Government to secure the payment of Rs. 55 crores which it had
been agreed to allocate to Pakistan out of the cash balances. We resisted
these attempts. Nevertheless, evidently in an attempt to isolate the issue and
force our hands contrary to the understanding reached, the Pakistan High Com-
missioner on the 7th December gave a Press interview announcing the agreement
reached on the financial issues. When, however, we stuck to our previous
position and reiterated it during the Lahore discussion, though in deference to
Pakistan’s insistence on the announcement of the agreement on financial issues
we agreed to make a short statement on the 9th December in the Legislature,
which was then sitting in Delhi, the Pakistan Finance Minister showed also
such indecent haste in rushing to the Press in this matter that he actually
gave an interview on the subject on the 7th December itself. Pakistan’s game was
by then quite clear. Armed with this understanding on the question of public
announcement by us of the agreement on financial issues, their attitude on the
Kashmir stiffened and the prospect of agreement which seemed so near at
Delhi receded. I then felt it necessary in my statement to the Assembly on
9th December to make it quite clear that the implementation of this agreement
was to be as far as possible simultaneous with the settlement of the Kashmir
issue. The Pakistan Government did not take any exception to this statement
at the time. In the subsequent detailed statement which I made on the 12th
in the presence of the Pakistan High Commissioner, I again repeated that the
successful implementation of this agreement depended on the continuation of
goodwill, spirit of accommodation and conciliation on the other vital issues.
Quite obviously Kashmir was one of such issues. Pakistan still made no
protest. To all approaches for payment of the Rs. 55 crores, we returned a
negative answer. Then came the final talks on the Kashmir issue on the 22 nd
December. It was then for the first time during these discussions that the
Pakistan Prime Minister took exception to our stand that the financial and
Kashmir issues stood together as regards implementation and asked for
immediate implementation of the payment of Rs. 55 crores. We made it
clear to him then and subsequently in our telegram dated the 30th December
that we stood by the agreement but that in view of the hostile attitude of
the Pakistan Government in regard to Kashmir the payment of the amount
would have to be postponed in accordance with our stand throughout the
negotiations.

Thus it is our case that far from our having done anything unfair to
Pakistan or in breach of any agreement, it is the Pakistan representatives who

APPENDICES

553

were all the time trying to soft-pedal the Kashmir issue in order to secure
concessions from us on the financial issues and to manoeuvre us into making
an isolated public announcement on the subject without reference to other
vital issues between the two Governments. We consistently and successfully
resisted this despite attempt by the Pakistan High Commissioner and Finance
Minister to force our hands. Far from there being bad faith on our part,
we genuinely and sincerely meant this settlement as part of an overall set-
tlement which would have been conducive to the maintenance of friendly
and peaceful relations between the two sister Dominions.

It is also our claim that in agreeing to these terms of the financial set-
tlement, we were actuated by generous sentiments towards Pakistan and a
sincere desire, as I made clear in the Partition Council, “to see Pakistan
grow into a prosperous neighbour”. We hoped that Pakistan would recipro-
cate on other issues which unfortunately still divided us. That the financial
settlement was attractive to Pakistan and would be a great asset to Pakis-
tan’s economy is clear from the statements issued by the Pakistan High
Commissioner and Sir Archibald Rowlands (former Finance Member of
Viceroy’s Council). It is, therefore, quite plain that having secured terms
which were essential to hold Pakistan’s finances together, the Pakistan Gov-
ernment failed in their obligation to respond to India’s gesture on other
issues.

I would also point out that the Government of India took a more
comprehensive view of our obligation to the securing of a just and peaceful
settlement than the Pakistan Government. We realized throughout that neigh-
bourly relations between ourselves and Pakistan could be restored and main-
tained only if the spirit of amity, tolerance and goodwill pervaded through-
out the entire field of controversy; the Pakistan Government obviously in-
tended to take undue advantage of our generous attitude and exhibit these
virtues in a narrow, restricted and selfish sphere. The need for a comprehen-
sive view was and still is quite clear. Apart from other factors, India has
taken over the entire debt of undivided India and depends on Pakistan’s
bona fides and goodwill to make equated payment by easy and long-term
instalments of its debt to India after a four-year moratorium period. We
cannot, therefore, afford to let conflicts endanger our credit and security
and throw into the melting-pot some of the vital points in the financial
agreement itself. Obviously, therefore, India must provide against strained
relations worsening into open breach and thereby, as I was careful to point
out in my statement of the 12th December, “placing all the good work achieved
in jeopardy”.

We are, therefore, fully justified in providing against Pakistan’s possible
continuance of aggressive actions in regard to Kashmir by postponing the
implementation of the agreement. We have made it clear to the Pakistan
Government more than once that we stand by the agreement which we

554 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

reached. The agreement does not bind the Government of India to any
fixed date for payment and we cannot reasonably be asked to make a pay-
ment of cash balances to Pakistan when an armed conflict with its forces is
in progress and threatens to assume an even more dangerous character, which
is likely to destroy the whole basis of the financial agreement and would
endanger other parts of the agreement, such as arrangements for taking over
of debt, and division of stores, etc.

The Pakistan Finance Minister claims the amount of Rs. 55 crores as
belonging to Pakistan. He has apparently overlooked the fact that on the 14th
August 1947, after the Partition Council had decided to allocate the working
balance of Rs. 20 crores to the Pakistan Government, the then undivided
Government of India issued an order in the following terms to the Reserve
Bank:

“please transfer twenty, half of forty crores, from

CENTRAL CLOSING CASH BALANCE ON THE 14tH INSTANT

TO PAKISTAN AND BALANCE TO INDIAN DOMINION AS
OPENING BALANCE ON THE 15tH.”

A copy of this telegram was endorsed to the Pakistan wing of the
then Finance Department, and no objection was, or has been, raised to this
accounting. It follows from this that so far as the bank accounts are con-
cerned, there is no balance of the old undivided Government to be operated
upon; the money stands in the name of the Indian Dominion and it is only
on the authority of the Indian Dominion that any share can be allocated
to the Government of Pakistan. The relevant portion of the Partition Council
minutes also runs thus:

“In addition to the 20 crores, already made over to Pakistan,
55 crores will be allocated to Pakistan in full and final settlement of
its claim for a share of the undivided Government’s cash balance and
of the cash balance investment account.’’

It is clear, therefore, that nothing belongs to Pakistan until the Govern-
ment of India transfer the amount to its account.

This clear-cut position makes the Pakistan Finance Minister’s outburst
against the Reserve Bank appear somewhat hysterical and rhetorical. The
Reserve Bank cannot do anything without the specific instructions of the
Government of India who are the only competent authority to operate the
account. He has accused the Government of India of interfering in the
discharge of its duties towards the Pakistan Government and has characterized
this alleged interference not only as an unfriendly act, but as an act
of aggression. I wish to say in the most emphatic terms that this accusation
is completely baseless and devoid of any element of truth whatsoever. I
understand that the Reserve Bank of India first received the demand for
the payment of Rs. 55 crores on the 6th of this month in a memorandum

APPENDICES

555

handed over to the Deputy Governor of the Reserve Bank at Karachi. I also
understand that the Governor to whom this memorandum was telegraphed
by the Deputy Governor has sent an appropriate reply. So far as the
Government of India are concerned, I would say that when the Reserve Bank
mentioned an approach by the Pakistan Government for temporary accom-
modation from the Bank, the Government of India made it clear to the
Bank that it was a matter for the Bank alone to decide. Indeed, the Gov-
ernment of India have made every effort to avoid dragging the Reserve Bank

into the controversy. The blame for attempting to force the Reserve Bank
into taking sides must rest with the Pakistan Finance Minister. Neither the
manner nor the nature of the attempt reflects creditably on the honesty of

purpose and the motives of the Pakistan Government.

Gentlemen, I think I have said enough to prove how unfounded and
insubstantial are the allegations made by the Pakistan Finance Minister
against the Government of India. We have also shown how we have held
consistently to the position that the settlement of the financial issues cannot
be isolated from that of other vital issues and has to be implemented simul-
taneously. There can be no question of our repudiating the agreement reached.
We only desire that the appropriate atmosphere conditioned by the agree-
ment must be created for its implementation. If the Pakistan Government
desires for payment of cash balance in advance, it is obvious that they are
motivated by factors wholly opposed to the spirit underlying the agreement.
We are thus fully justified in resisting these machinations which, if success-
ful, would vitiate the very basis of the agreement and adversely affect, by
facilitating Pakistan’s aggressive designs on India, the implementation of other
vital parts of the agreement.

The Bombay Chronicle, 13-1-1948

APPENDIX V(B)

GOVERNMENT COMMUNIQUE^

The Government of India have fully clarified their position in regard
to the financial settlement arrived at between them and the Government
of Pakistan. They have declared that they abide by that settlement, but
that the implementation of it, in regard to the cash balances, must be
considered as part of an overall settlement of outstanding questions in issue
between India and Pakistan. They regret that the Finance Minister of the
Pakistan Government should have advanced arguments which are unsupported
by facts and which they cannot accept. The factual position has been
clearly stated in the statements issued by the Deputy Prime Minister, and

1 Vide p. 435.

556

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

the Finance Minister of the Government of India. The facts and arguments
contained in these statements represent the deliberate and unanimous opin-
ion of the Cabinet. They regret that the Finance Minister of the Pakistan
Government should have again challenged these incontrovertible facts which
justify fully the position taken up by the Government of India both on
legal and other grounds.

The Government have, however, shared the world-wide anxiety over the
fast undertaken by Gandhiji, the Father of the Nation. In common with
him they have anxiously searched for ways and means to remove ill will,
prejudice and suspicion, which have poisoned the relations between India and
Pakistan. Impelled by the earnest desire to help in every way open to them
in the object which Gandhiji has at heart, the Government have sought for
some tangible and striking contribution to the movement for ending the
physical suffering of the nation’s soul and to turn the nation’s mind from
the present distemper, bitterness and suspicion to constructive and crea-
tive effort. The Government are anxious to remove as far as possible, with-
out detriment to the national good, every cause, which leads to friction
between India and Pakistan.

In view of the appeal made by Gandhiji to the nation, the Government
have decided to remove the one cause of suspicion and friction between the
two States which, consistently with national honour and interest, it is in their
power to remove. They make this spontaneous gesture in the earnest hope
that it will be appreciated in the spirit in which it is made and that it will
help in producing an atmosphere of goodwill for which Gandhiji is suffering
crucifixion of the flesh and thereby lead this great servant of the nation to
end his fast and add still further to his unparalleled services to India.

The Government have decided to implement immediately the financial
agreement with Pakistan in regard to the cash balances. The amount due
to Pakistan on the basis of the agreement, i. e., Rs. 55 crores, minus the
expenditure incurred by the Government of India since August 15 on
Pakistan account will, therefore, be paid to the Government of Pakistan.

The decision is the Government contribution, to the best of its ability,
to the non-violent and noble effort made by Gandhiji in accordance with
the glorious traditions of this great country, for peace and goodwill.

The Hindustan Times, 16-1-1948

SOURCES

All India Radio, New Delhi.

Bapuki Chhayamen (Hindi): Balvantsinha, Navajivan Publishing

House, Ahmedabad, 1959.

Bapuna Patro-4: Manibehn Patelne (Gujarati): Ed. Manibehn

Patel, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1957.

Bapuna Patro-9: {Shri) Marandas Gandhine, Part II (Gujarati): Ed.

Narandas Gandhi, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad,
1965.

Bapuna Patro-2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine (Gujarati): Ed. Manibehn

Patel, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1952.

Bapuni Prasadi (Gujarati): Mathuradas Trikumji, Navajivan

Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1948.

{The) Bombay Chronicle: English daily published from Bombay.

Charles Freer Andrews: Benarsidas Ghaturvedi and Marjorie Sykes,

Allen and Unwin, London, 1947.

Dilhiman Gandhiji, Parts I and II (Gujarati): Manu Gandhi,

Navajivan Publishing House, 1964 and 1966.

Gandhi National Museum and Library (Rashtriya Gandhi
Sangrahalaya), New Delhi: Central museum and library

of Gandhian literature and documents.

Gandhiji' s Correspondence with the Government, 1944-47: Ed. Pyarelal,

Navajivan Publishing House, 1959.

Harijan (1933-56): English weekly published under the auspices

of Harijan Sevak Sangh, first published from Poona on
February 11, 1933; shifted to Madras on October 27, 1933;
brought back to Poona on April 13, 1935; subsequently
published from Ahmedabad.

Harijanbandhu (1933-56): Gujarati weekly published under the

auspices of Harijan Sevak Sangh. First published on March
12, 1933, from Poona; subsequently published from

Ahmedabad.

557

558 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Harijan Sevak (1933-56): Hindi weekly published under the

auspices of Harijan Sevak Sangh. First published on
February 23, 1933, from New Delhi; subsequently published
from Ahmedabad.

{The) Hindu'. English daily published from Madras.

{The) Hindustan Times'. English daily published from New Delhi.

Mahatma: Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Vols. I and VIII:
D. G. Tendulkar, Vithalbhai K. Jhaveri and D. G. Tendulkar,
Bombay, 1951 and 1954.

Mahatma Gandhi — The Last Phase, Vol. II: Pyarelal, Navajivan

Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1958.

Majoor Sandesh: Gujarati weekly published from Ahmedabad.

National Archives of India, New Delhi.

Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad.

Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi.

Prarthana Pravachan, Part II (Hindi): Sasta Sahitya Mandal

Prakashan, New Delhi, 1954.

Pyarelal Papers: Documents made available by Shri Pyarelal.

Romain Rolland and Gandhi Correspondence'. Publications Division,
Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, Government of
India, 1976.

Sabarmati Ashram Preservation and Memorial Trust and
Sangrahalaya, Ahmedabad: Library and records containing

documents relating to Gandhiji.

Sansmarno (Gujarati): Ganesh Vasudev Mavalankar, Gujarat Vidya
Sabha, Ahmedabad, 1954.

Sardar Patel's Correspondence, Vols. I and IV: Ed. Durga Das,
Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1972.

CHRONOLOGY

{November 11, 1947 — January 30, 1948)

November 11: Gandhiji was in Delhi.

Had talks with Shankarrao Deo, J. B. Kripalani, Rajendra
Prasad, Manibehn Patel and Amrit Kaur.

Attended Congress Working Committee meeting.

In his address at prayer meeting defended Government of
India having taken over administration in Junagadh.

November 12: Had talks with Muslim students and H. S.

Suhrawardy.

Broadcasted message for refugees at Kurukshetra Camp from
All India Radio in the afternoon.

Attended Congress Working Committee meeting.

Addressed prayer meeting.

November 13: Attended Congress Working Committee meeting.

Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Sucheta Kripalani, H. S.
Suhrawardy, Dr. Jivraj Mehta, Profulla Chandra Ghosh,
Shankarrao Deo, B. G. Kher, Jawaharlal Nehru, Prabhavati
and Anantrai Pattani.

Addressed prayer meeting.

November 14: Attended Congress Working Committee meeting.

Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Mridula Sarabhai, Dr.
Kitchlew, Sudhir Ghosh and H. S. Suhrawardy.

Addressed prayer meeting.

Burma Independence Bill passed in House of Commons.

November 15: Gandhiji attended Congress Working Committee

meeting.

Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, J. B. Kripalani, C.
Rajagopalachari, Sudhir Ghosh, Jawaharlal Nehru, Dada
Dharmadhikari and Anantrai Pattani.

Addressed A. I. C. C. meeting. Resolutions on “Rights of
Minorities”, “Repatriation of Refugees” and “States” passed

by A.I.C.C.

J. B. Kripalani resigned from Congress Presidentship.
Gandhiji addressed prayer meeting.

559

560 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

November 16: Attended Congress Working Committee meeting.

Had talks with H. S. Suhrawardy, Vallabhbhai Patel and
Jawaharlal Nehru.

Resolutions on “Communal Disturbances”, “Private Armies”,
“Controls”, “The Congress Constitution” and “Congress
Objectives” passed by A. I. C. C.

November 17: Gandhiji attended Congress Working Committee

meeting.

Had talks with Rameshwari Nehru, A. V. Thakkar, Horace
Alexander, Jamnadas Dwarkadas and Rammanohar Lohia.
His speech was read out at prayer meeting.

A. I. C. C. accepted J. B. Kripalani’s resignation, elected
Rajendra Prasad as President and concluded its session.

November 18: Gandhiji had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Jaya-

prakash Narayan, Jawaharlal Nehru, Dr. Syed Mahmud,
Sucheta Kripalani, Gopalaswami Iyengar, Dewan of Rampur,
Shah Nawaz Khan, Dada Dharmadhikari, Gopalrao and
Achyut Patwardhan.

Explained Congress Resolution on “Rights of Minorities” in
his prayer address and appealed to people to support and
follow it.

Constituent Assembly met for the first time as Dominion
Parliament. G. V. Mavalankar elected its Speaker.

November 19: Gandhiji had talks with Rajendra Prasad,

Rameshwari Nehru, Amrit Kaur, Dr. Syed Mahmud,
Sir Akbar Hydari, Jairamdas Doulatram, Shah Nawaz
Khan, Mahamayaprasad, H. S. Suhrawardy and Lord
Ismay.

Addressed prayer meeting.

November 20: Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Shankarrao Deo,

G. Rajagopalachari, Sophiabehn and Sudhir Ghosh.
Visited Refugee camp near Okhla along with Sucheta
Kripalani in afternoon. Went to Government House to meet
C. Rajagopalachari and ailing Sarojini Naidu.

Addressed prayer meeting.

Indian Resolution calling for a Round Table Gonference
on treatment of Indians in South Africa failed to pass in
United Nations General Assembly.

Princess Elizabeth married Philip Mountbatten.

November 21: Gandhiji had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Shan-

karrao Deo, Rameshwari Nehru, Choithram Gidwani, K. C.

CHRONOLOGY

561

Neogi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Egyptian Delegation, Ram-
manohar Lohia, Dr. Chimanlal and Harekrushna Mehtab.
Addressed prayer meeting.

November 22: Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Rameshwari Nehru,

Mahavir Tyagi, Gopalaswamy Ayyangar, John Matthai,
Shah Nawaz Khan, Mridula Sarabhai, Nalini Sen, Indira
Gandhi, Pheroz Gandhi, Gopalrao Kale, Rammanohar Lohia,
Sucheta Kripalani, Naliniranjan Sarkar and Vallabhbhai
Patel.

Addressed prayer meeting.

November 23: Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Horace

Alexander, B. G. Kher, Morarji Desai, Maharani of
Vijayanagar, Sophiabehn, Reddiar, A. V. Thakkar, K.
Srinivasan, Dr. Gopichand Bhargava, Vallabhbhai Patel,
Khandubhai Desai, Girijashankar Bajpai and Jawaharlal
Nehru.

Addressed prayer meeting.

Visited ailing Manibehn Patel.

November 24: His speech was read out at prayer meeting.

Met Rajendra Prasad, C. Rajagopalachari, Horace Alexander,
Mridula Sarabhai, Anantrai Pattani, Khwaja Abdul Majid,
Rameshwari Nehru, Brijlal Nehru, Raja of Bilaspur and
Amrit Kaur.

November 25: Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Khwaja Abdul

Majid, Sophiabehn, Aruna Asaf Ali, Subhadra Gupta,
Jawaharlal Nehru, Amrit Kaur and Lady Mountbatten.
Addressed prayer meeting.

November 26: Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, C. Rajagopala-

chari, Abul Kalam Azad, Rameshwari Nehru, Gopinath
Bardoloi and Jawaharlal Nehru.

Addressed prayer meeting.

Vithoba temple at Pandharpur thrown open to Harijans.
Lord Mountbatten resumed office of Governor-General.
Ceylon Independence Bill passed by House of Commons.

November 27: Gandhiji called on Lord Mountbatten. Visited

ailing Liaquat Ali.

Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, J. B. Kripalani, Sheikh
Abdullah, Jamnadas Dwarkadas and Balwantrai Mehta.
Addressed prayer meeting.

90-36

562 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

November 28: Had talks with American visitors, Sheikh Abdullah,

Abul Kalam Azad, Dr. Sjahrir, Vallabhbhai Patel and
Jawaharlal Nehru.

Spoke at Guru Nanak birthday celebration.

Addressed prayer meeting.

November 29: Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, C. Rajagopala-

chari, Surendra Mohan Ghosh, Muslims from Panipat
and Jawaharlal Nehru.

Addressed prayer meeting.

November 30: Had talks with Maulanas, Kasturbhai Lalbhai

Shah, S. Radhakrishnan, Vallabhbhai Patel, Dinshaw K.
Mehta and Jehangir Patel.

Addressed prayer meeting.

Agreement signed between India and Hyderabad.

December 1: Gandhiji had talks with Lt.-Gen. K. M. Gariappa,

Rajendra Prasad, Dinshaw K. Mehta, Jehangir G. Patel and
Jawaharlal Nehru.

His speech was read out at prayer meeting.

December 2: Visited Panipat, had talks with Muslim refugees,

Muslim leaders and Dr. Gopichand Bhargava. Spoke at
public meeting.

Met Mridula Sarabhai.

Addressed prayer meeting.

December 3: Had talks with Mehar Ghand Khanna, Kamaladevi

Ghattopadhyaya, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, Lt.-Gen.
K. M. Gariappa and Jawaharlal Nehru.

Addressed prayer meeting.

December 4: Had talks with Amrit Kaur, Jehangir C. Patel,

Khurshed Naoroji, Burmese Premier and Syamaprasad
Mukherjee.

Addressed prayer meeting.

December 5: Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Anugrahanarayan

Singh, Mridula Sarabhai, Ghanshyam Singh Gupta,
Jawaharlal Nehru, Renuka Ray, Dr. Jivraj Mehta and
Annada Ghowdhary.

Addressed prayer meeting.

December 6: Had talks with Horace Alexander, Khurshed

Naoroji, Abul Kalam Azad, Vallabhbhai Patel, Saralabehn
Sarabhai, G. V. Mavalankar and M. S. Subbulakshmi.
Subbulakshmi sang bhajan at prayer meeting.

CHRONOLOGY

563

Gandhiji addressed the gathering.

Inter-Dominion Conference held in Lahore to consider
ways and means for restoration of abducted women and
forced converts.

December 7: Gandhiji addressed Kasturba Gandhi National

Memorial Trust meeting.

Had talks with Sindhi friends, Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawahar-
lal Nehru, Sucheta Kripalani and Mridula Sarabhai.

In his address at prayer meeting stated that restoration of
abducted women should be a matter of first priority with
Indian and Pakistan Governments.

December 8: Had talks with U. N. Dhebar, Bhaktiba, C. P.

Ramaswami, Sucheta Kripalani, J. B. Kripalani, Renuka
Ray and Jawaharlal Nehru.

His speech was read out at prayer meeting.

Control on sugar removed.

December 9: Gandhiji had talks with Shankarrao Deo, Saralabehn

Sarabhai, Khurshed Naoroji and Jawaharlal Nehru.
Attended meetings of Kasturba Gandhi National Memo-
rial Trust and All-India Spinners’ Association.

Had discussion with women workers of K. G. N. M. Trust.
Addressed prayer meeting.

December 10: Had talks with H. S. Suhrawardy, Jayaprakash

Narayan and Satis Chandra Das Gupta.

Had discussion with members of K. G. N. M. Trust, teachers
and students.

Addressed Hindustani Talimi Sangh meeting.

In address at prayer meeting dwelt on the activities of

A.I.S.A.

December 11: Had talks with J. C. Kumarappa, Amrit Kaur

and Jawaharlal Nehru.

Addressed Constructive Works Committee meeting.

Met rulers of Sangli, Aundh, Phaltan, Miraj (Senior) and
Ramdurg.

Demonstration held in Calcutta against Security Bill.

December 12: Gandhiji had talks with D. B. Kalelkar, Shankar-

rao Deo, Ghanshyamdas Birla and Dr. Gopichand Bhargava.
Addressed Constructive Works Committee meeting.

Spoke at prayer meeting.

564

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

December 13: Had talks with D. B. Kalelkar, Acharya Jugal

Kishore, R. R. Diwakar, Pandit Sundarlal, Satis Chandra
Das Gupta, Lakshmidas and Jamnadas Dwarkadas.
Addressed prayer meeting.

December 14: Had talks with Y. M. Parnerkar, Perinbehn Captain,
Khurshed Naoroji, G. Ramachandran, Saundaram, Satis
Chandra Das Gupta, Amrit Kaur and Jawaharlal Nehru.
Addressed prayer meeting.

Had discussion with constructive workers.

December 15: Had talks with Pyarelal, Maulanas, Anantrai

Pattani, J. C. Kumarappa and Amrit Kaur.

His speech was read out at prayer meeting.

December 16: Had talks with Pyarelal, Satis Chandra Das Gupta,
Arun Chandra Guha, Princess of Belgium, Amrit Kaur,
Vallabhbhai Patel and visitors from Jammu.

Addressed prayer meeting.

December 1 7: Sent message to U. P. students.

Had talks with Shankarrao Deo, Sushila Pai, Sir Datar Singh,
Dr. Acharya, Maharaja of Bhavnagar, Maulanas and
Jawaharlal Nehru.

Addressed prayer meeting.

December 18: Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Shankarrao Deo,

H. S. Suhrawardy, French Ambassador, Rammanohar Lohia,
Dr. Gopichand Bhargava, Swaran Singh and Jawaharlal Nehru.
Addressed prayer meeting.

December 19: Addressed Meos at Jesarah, a village in Gurgaon
tehsil.

Had discussion with Rajendra Prasad, Vallabhbhai Patel
and Jawaharlal Nehru in the morning and again in the eve-
ning. Had talks with Pyarelal, Dr. Chandubhai, Dinkarbhai
Desai, K. M. Munshi and Maharaja of Kapurthala.
Addressed prayer meeting.

December 20: Had talks with Rana Petis, Sri Prakasa and

Jawaharlal Nehru.

Met people from Bahawalpur, Mirpur and Jammu.
Addressed prayer meeting.

December 21: Had talks with H. S. Suhrawardy, Brijlal Nehru,

Rameshwari Nehru, Sheikh Abdullah, Begum Abdullah, Dr.
Kitchlew, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, Nawab of Chhatari,
Prince of Kutch, Maharaja of Bhavnagar and Anantrai
Pattani.

CHRONOLOGY

565

Addressed prayer meeting.

Met Vijayalakshmi Pandit and Jawaharlal Nehru.

United Deccan State formed.

December 22: Gandhiji had talks with Pandit Sundarlal, H. S.

Suhrawardy, Lakshmidas Asar, Raosaheb Patwardhan,
Rammanohar Lohia and Jawaharlal Nehru. His speech was
read out at prayer meeting.

Rajendra Prasad took over as President of Congress.

December 23: Gandhiji had talks with J. B. Kripalani, Sucheta

Kripalani, Lakshmidas Asar, H. S. Suhrawardy, Nawab of
Khamwat, Jawaharlal Nehru, Lady Mountbatten, Vallabhbhai
Patel and K. M. Munshi. Met local Muslims, people from
Bahawalpur and Rawalpindi.

Addressed prayer meeting.

Had discussion with Vallabhbhai Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru.

December 24: Met J. B. Kripalani and Maulanas.

Addressed prayer meeting.

Had discussion with Vallabhbhai Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru
in the evening.

December 25: Had talks with Sevakram, Dinshaw K. Mehta,

Jehangir C. Patel, Rameshwari Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel,
Jawaharlal Nehru and women delegates from Indonesia.

Met local Maulanas.

In address at prayer meeting referred to Kashmir dispute
and spoke against inviting a third party for arbitration.

December 26: Had talks with Sevakram, Dinshaw K. Mehta,

Shamaldas Gandhi, U. N. Dhebar, Balwantrai Mehta, Sardar
Nihalsingh, Ghoithram Gidwani and Kikibehn.

Addressed prayer meeting.

Had discussion with Vallabhbhai Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru.

December 27 : Called on Lord Mountbatten at 10.30 a. m. Had

talks with Jehangir C. Patel, Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal
Nehru, deputation from Ajmer led by Haribhau Upadhyaya
and Martanda Upadhyaya.

Addressed prayer meeting at Sambhal, a village.

December 28: Had talks with Jehangir C. Patel, Shamaldas

Gandhi, U. N. Dhebar, Maharaja of Patiala, Jawaharlal
Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah.

Addressed meeting of cloth merchants.

In address at prayer meeting advocated decontrol of cloth.

566 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

December 29: Had talks with U. N. Dhebar, Shamaldas Gandhi,

Balwantrai Mehta, Anantrai Pattani and Jawaharlal Nehru.
In address at prayer meeting paid tribute to Hakim
Ajmal Khan.

December 30: Had talks with Rameshwari Nehru, Vallabhbhai

Patel, Sheikh Abdullah, Diwan of Kutch and Abul Kalam
Azad.

In address at prayer meeting appealed to Nawab of
Bahawalpur to arrange for evacuation of Hindus and Sikhs.
Had discussion with Jawaharlal Nehru and J. B. Kripalani.

December 31: Had talks with Subhadra Gupta, Anantrai Pattani,
Amrit Kaur and Congress volunteers.

Addressed prayer meeting.

Government of India decided to refer Kashmir issue to
United Nations Security Council.

January 1, 1948: Gandhiji had talks with Amrit Kaur, Anantrai

Pattani, Gyani Kartarsingh and Sardar Dilip Singh.

In his address at prayer meeting appealed to Government to
enforce prohibition.

Government of India took over administration of 25 Orissa
States.

January 2: Kashmir issue referred to United Nations Security

Council.

Gandhiji had talks with Dev Prakash Nayyar, Chandrani and
Jawaharlal Nehru.

Addressed prayer meeting.

January 3: Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Jawaharlal Nehru,

Amrit Kaur and Maulanas.

Addressed prayer meeting at Waved Canteen refugee camp.
Provisional Government of Junagadh dissolved.

January 4: Gandhiji had talks with Rajendra Prasad, Pandit

Sundarlal, Zakir Husain, Jawaharlal Nehru and Muslim
leaders.

In his address at prayer meeting justified Government of
India having taken Kashmir issue to United Nations Security
Council.

Free Republic of Burma proclaimed.

January 5: Gandhiji had talks with Munnalal G. Shah, Subha-

dra Gupta, Jawaharlal Nehru and Maulanas.

In his written speech for prayer meeting commented on de-
control of food.

CHRONOLOGY

567

January 6: Met Khurshed Naoroji, Krishnan Nair, Raja and

Rani of Mandi, Rameshwari Nehru and Brijlal Nehru.

Had talk with Jawaharlal Nehru.

In address at prayer meeting advised dock workers in
Bombay against going on strike.

U. N. Security Council adjourned hearing on Kashmir issue.
Sikh refugees in a Gurudwara in Karachi attacked by Muslim
mob.

January 7: Gandhiji had talks with Gopalaswamy Ayyangar, M. S.
Aney, Abdul Ghani, Rameshwari Nehru and Mridula Sara-
bhai.

Met people from Punjab, Sindh and N. W. F. P.

In speech at prayer meeting, remonstrated with Pakistan
Government about incident in Karachi.

January 8: Had talks with D. B. Kalelkar, J. B. Kripalani, Suche-

ta Kripalani, Kikibehn, Rukmini Erulkar, Vallabhbhai
Patel, Anantrai Pattani, A. V. Thakkar, Dr. Kitchlew, Sheikh
Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru.

In his speech at prayer meeting advised students not to go
on strike.

January 9: Had talks with Vallabhbhai Patel, Manubhai

Pancholi, Balwantrai Mehta, Mohanbhai Motichand Gadhada-
wala, Sriman Narayan, Jawaharlal Nehru and Rameshwari
Nehru.

Addressed prayer meeting.

January 10: Had talks with Anantrai Pattani, N. V. Gadgil,

Iranian Ambassador and Jawaharlal Nehru.

In prayer speech assured evacuation of refugees from
Bahawalpur.

January 11: Had talks with Shankarrao Deo, Rajendra Prasad,

Bhimsen Sachchar, Sorabji Rustom, Pragjibhai and Anantrai
Pattani.

Addressed prayer meeting.

January 12: Vallabhbhai Patel in statement to Press, replied

to allegations made by Finance Minister of Pakistan and
justified Government of India’s stand that settlement of the
financial issues could not be isolated from vital issues like
Kashmir.

Gandhiji met Jamnadas and Vallabhbhai Patel. In written
speech at prayer meeting, announced decision to go on fast
to establish communal unity.

568

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Called on Lord Mountbatten.

Had talks with Jawaharlal Nehru, Jamnadas and Devdas
Gandhi.

M. S. Aney sworn in Governor of Bihar.

January 13: Gandhiji began fast at 11 a.m. with prayers.

Had talk with Vallabhbhai Patel.

Met Amrit Kaur, Abul Kalam Azad, Jairamdas Doulatram,
H. S. Suhrawardy, Purushottamdas Trikumji and Anantrai
Pattani.

In address at prayer meeting said he would end his fast
when peace returned to Delhi.

Train carrying non-Muslim refugees from Bannu attacked at
Gujrat railway station by tribesmen; hundreds were killed
and wounded and women abducted.

January 14: Gandhiji continued fast.

Had discussion with Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel,
John Matthai and Shanmukham Chetty.

Met deputation from N. W. F. P., Amrit Kaur, Maharaja of
Patiala, Gurbachansingh, Sucheta Kripalani, Mehar Chand
Khanna, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed and H. S. Suhrawardy.
Was examined by Drs. Jivraj Mehta, Bidhan Chandra Roy
and Sushila Nayyar and advised rest.

Addressed prayer meeting.

Health bulletin announced that “each day’s fast increased
both immediate and future danger” to Gandhiji’s life.
January 15: Gandhiji met Jawaharlal Nehru, Pandit Sundarlal,

Goswami Ganesh Datt, V. T. Krishnamachari, Kasturbhai
Lalbhai Shah, Shankarrao Deo, Acharya Jugal Kishore, B. G.
Kher, Maharaja of Devas, Rajendra Prasad, Shah Nawaz
Khan, Jairamdas Doulatram, Shanmukham Ghetty and
K. C. Neogi.

On third day of fast, became considerably weak and had to
be carried in an armchair.

Spoke briefly on microphone, lying in bed; his dictated speech
dealing with questions put by journalists, was read out.
Government of India announced implementation of financial
agreement with Pakistan regarding balance of payment as
gesture of goodwill.

Debate on Kashmir issue began in United Nations Security
Council.

January 16: Rajendra Prasad, Jawaharlal Nehru, Abul Kalam

Azad, Jayaprakash Narayan, Prabhavati, Shankarrao Deo,

CHRONOLOGY 569

Rammanohar Lohia, Sucheta Kripalani, Shah Nawaz Khan
and Sikh deputation called on Gandhiji.

Health bulletin said that Gandhiji’ s kidneys were not
functioning properly.

Gandhiji, lying in bed, spoke a few words on microphone;
his dictated speech was read out at prayer meeting.
Jawaharlal Nehru, Jairamdas Doulatram, Amrit Kaur and
Jayaprakash Narayan addressed public meetings appealing
to people to maintain peace and save Gandhiji’ s life.

January 17: Gandhiji’s condition deteriorated on fifth day of

fast. Health bulletin said it was most undesirable to let fast
continue and appealed to people to create conditions for
ending fast without delay.

Abul Kalam Azad, Sir Padmasingh, Gopinath Bardoloi,
Jawaharlal Nehru, Satyanarayan Sinha, Lord and Lady
Mountbatten, Rammanohar Lohia and Nawab Sadaquat Ali
Khan called. Gandhiji had talk with Rajendra Prasad and
G. D. Birla.

Lying in bed, addressed a few words on microphone; his dic-
tated speech was read out at a mammoth prayer gathering.
Abul Kalam Azad, at a public meeting, announced seven
conditions on which Gandhiji was prepared to end fast.
Representatives of different communities and organizations
assembled at Rajendra Prasad’s residence in evening.

January 18: Sixth day of fast.

Gandhiji complained of stomach ache, was extremely restless.
Over a hundred representatives of various groups and
organizations in Delhi came to Gandhiji, signed a declaration
of assurance on seven conditions. Rajendra Prasad signed
declaration as Congress President. On receipt of assurance
prayers were held and Gandhiji broke fast at 12.15 p.m.
Gave message to Sikhs on Guru Govind Singh’s birth
anniversary.

Lying in bed, spoke on microphone for twenty minutes; his
dictated speech was read out at prayer meeting.

January 19: Had talks with Jamshedji, Jehangir C. Patel,

Dinshaw K. Mehta, H. S. Suhrawardy and Jawaharlal Nehru.
Was carried to prayer ground in a chair, his written speech
was read out at prayer meeting.

Central Peace Committee formed to implement assurances
given to Gandhiji.

Government decided to decontrol cloth.

570 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

January 20: Gandhiji had talks with Jamshedji Mehta, Jawaharlal
Nehru and Amrit Kaur.

While addressing prayer meeting a bomb exploded a short
distance away. Gandhiji continued address after the interrup-
tion.

Madanlal Pahwa was apprehended.

United Nations Security Gouncil agreed to set up a three-
power commission to mediate between India and Pakistan
over Kashmir dispute.

January 21: Security measures were tightened in Birla House.

Gandhiji turned down suggestion for searching people coming
to prayer meeting.

Met Sikh deputation.

Had talks with Iftikhar-ud-Din and Jawaharlal Nehru.
Addressed prayer meeting, had to be carried in a chair.
January 22: Had discussion with Jawaharlal Nehru. Addressed

prayer meeting.

January 23: Had talks with Jawaharlal Nehru and Sucheta

Kripalani.

In his speech at prayer meeting, paid tribute to Subhas
Ghandra Bose on his birth anniversary.

Kathiawar rulers signed covenant approving creation of
Saurashtra Province, a United State.

January 24: Gandhiji attended Congress Working Committee

meeting.

In speech at prayer meeting, stressed need to return all
abducted women unconditionally.

Had talk with Jawaharlal Nehru.

January 25: Attended Congress Working Committee meeting.

Addressed prayer meeting.

January 26: Had talks with Gopichand Bhargava, Prafulla

Ghandra Ghosh and Annada Chowdhary.

Attended Congress Working Committee meeting.

His written speech was read out at prayer meeting.

January 27: Visited shrine of Khwaja Kutub-ud-Din Bakhtiar

at Mehrauli; addressed gathering there.

Had talks with Govind Ballabh Pant, Abul Kalam Azad,
Maharaja of Vijayanagar, Justice Ramlal, Mehar Chand
Khanna, Jawaharlal Nehru and Rameshwari Nehru.

Gave interview to Kingsley Martin and Vincent Sheean. Had
discussion with R. R. Diwakar, Acharya Jugal Kishore and
members of Congress Constitution Sub-committee.

CHRONOLOGY

571

Addressed prayer meeting.

January 28: Had talks with Rajendra Prasad, members of Central

Relief Committee, Nawab Sadiq Ali Khan, Jawaharlal Nehru,
Amrit Kaur and Vincent Sheean.

Addressed prayer meeting.

January 29: Had talks with Prabhavati, Jayaprakash Narayan,

Padmaja Naidu, Krishna Hutheesinh, Indira Gandhi, Rajen
Nehru and Sudhir Ghosh.

Gave interview to Margaret Bourke-White and General
Secretary of Y. W. G. A.

Addressed prayer meeting.

Prepared draft constitution of Congress suggesting disbanding
of Congress organization and setting up a Lok Sevak Sangh.
Had talk with Devdas Gandhi.

January 30: Revised draft constitution of Congress.

Had talks with Pyarelal, Sudhir Ghosh, Maulanas and Sindhi
deputation.

Had discussion with Vallabhbhai Patel, took his evening
meal at 4.30 p. m. while discussion continued.

Manibehn Patel interrupted discussion to remind Gandhiji
that it was time for prayer.

Gandhiji started for prayer meeting supported by Manu
Gandhi and Abha Gandhi on either side. As he was ap-
proaching the prayer ground, three shots were fired at him at
close range. Gandhiji sank to the ground breathing his last
at 5.17 p. m.

INDEX OF TITLES

Address to: Cloth Merchants, 309-11;
Meos, 261-2

Advice to Deccan States’ Union
Rulers, 214

Broadcast to Refugees at Kuru-
kshetra Camp, 15-8
Cable to Aruna Asaf Ali, 475
Certified and Uncertified Khadi,
366-7

Compost Manure, 269-70, 270-1
Congress Position, 497-8
Controls, 53

Death — Courageous or Cowardly,
87-8

“Dhan” of Dust, 313-4
(A) Discussion, 505-6
Discussion: (at) Constructive Works
Committee Meeting, 215-21;
(at) Hindustani Talimi Sangh
Meeting, 222-4; (at) Kasturba
Gandhi National Memorial Trust
Meeting, 190-1; (with) Suhrawardy,
H. S., 203-4

(The) Doctrine of Merger, 228-9
Draft Constitution of Congress, 526-8
(A) Foreword, 194
Give and Take, 185-6
Harijans and Temple-entry, 499-500
Harijans in Hostels, 367
His Majesty’s Opposition, 487
How Democracy Works, 399-400
How to Grow More Food, 52-3
How to Increase Yields?, 400
In Praise of Decontrol, 89
Interview to: Bourke-White, Marga-
ret 521-2; General Secretary,
Y. W. G. A., 523; Martin, Kingsley,

502-5; Sheean, Vincent, 510-2;
Sindhi Deputation, 534
Is It Deserved?, 347-8
Its Deep Roots, 203
Its Wise Use, 136
Kasturba Fortnight, 463-4
Khadi Can Remove Cloth Shortage,
365

(The) Late Totaram Sanadhya, 404-5
Laws of Health, 268-9
(A) Letter, 14, 56-7, 61-2, 248, 331,
375, — Extract from, 5, — Frag-
ment of, 4, 11, 12, 23, 23-4, 24,
30, 31, 32, 35, 36, 37, 48, 48-9,
49, 58, 71, 82, 83, 90, 95-6, 96,
101, 101-2, 103, 109-10, 110, 111,
121, 122, 131, 138, 253, 265-6,
273, 287, 295, 316, 317, 324, 325,
331, 338, 339, 343, 344, 348, 349,
350, 353-4, 354, 376, 377, 383,
384, 388, 484, 489-90, 500-1,

501, 514

Letter to: Abbas, 47; Abdul Ghaffar
Khan, — Fragment of, 54; Amtus-
salaam, 173, 174, 242, 324, 389-
90, 491-2; Aney, M. S., 460;
Aryanayakum, E. W., 380-1;

Asar, Lilavati, 108-9, 164, 272,

513-4, 518; Aundh, Raja of, 355;
Bachchharaj & Co., 164; Bachu,
279; Bahawalpur, Nawab of, —
fragment of, 482-3; Bajaj, Savi-
tri, 348; Balvantsinha, 332, 521;
Banerjee, (Dr.), 277 ; Bhatt,

Nrisimhaprasad K., 361; Bhopal,
Nawab of, 257; Cardes, (Rev.), 257;
Chandrani, 36, 258; Chatterjee,

573

574

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Amrita Lai, 389; Chokhawala,
Sharda G., 224, 285, 322,

330, 406; Chunibhai, 100-1;
Das Gupta, Hemprabha, 146,
296-7, 349; Dave, Jugatram, 458;
Desai, Jivanji D., 56, 95, 198, 241,
321, 360-1; Desai, Khandubhai,
304; Desai, Manibhai B., 20-1,
210; Desai, Morarji, 9-10, 323;
Desai, Valji G., 186-7, 237, 246,
308; Deshpande, Gangadharrao,
395-6; Diwakar, R. R., 359;

Diwanji, Dilkhush, 151, 291;

Firodia, Kundanlal, 281; Gandhi,
Arun, 370; Gandhi, Devdas,
420-2; Gandhi, Ila, 370; Gandhi,
Jaisukhlal, 343-4, 488-9; Gandhi,
Jamna, 152, 247; Gandhi, Kanti,
483; Gandhi, Kanu, 172, 278,
519; Gandhi, Krishnadas, 381-2;
Gandhi, Manilal, 369-70; Gandhi,
Manu, 280-1, 481-2; Gandhi,
Narandas, 145, 178, 247, 388;
Gandhi, Prabhudas, 55, 109;

Gandhi, Ramdas, 279-80, 323;
Gandhi, Shamaldas, 163; Gandhi,
Sita, 368; Gandhi, Sushila,
368-9; Gaznavi, Abdul Halim,
455; Godbole, M. B., 354-5;
Gregg, R. B., 3-4; Hamid-ud-Din,
294; Harshadram, 323-4; Hingo-
rani, Anand T., 290, 371, 530,
— and Gangi, 459; Hingorani,
Gangi A., 291, 372; Hingorani,
Mahadev A., 372; Hiragauri,

100; Hosa Rashid, 320; Hoshiari,
332; Hunar, M. A., 70, 260;
Ismat Iftikhar-ud-Din, 198, 475;
Ismay, Lord, 54; Jagtap, D. B.,
13-4; Joshi, Chhaganlal, 271;
Kalelkar, B. D., 456; Kalelkar,
D. B., 113; Kalelkar, Satish D.,

137; Kanji, 224-5; Kantak,

Prema, 432-4; Kher, B. G., 303;
Kiran Shankar, 246; Kodanda
Rao, P., 120; Kotak, Sharda H.,
178-9, 280, 395; Krishnachandra,
102; Krishnadas, 296; Mah-
mud, 359; Mahmud, (Dr.) Syed,
515; Mangal Singh, 385; Mani-
behn, 121; Mashruwala, Kishore-
lal G., 137, 520; Mashruwala,
Manu, 456; (a) Maulana, 199;
Mavalankar, G. V., 299-300;

Medh, Surendra, 114; Mehta,
Champa R., 46, 99, 163; Mehta,
V. L., 277; Mirabehn, 430-1,455;
Moore, (Dr.) Charles, 476;
Morarjee, Shantikumar, 308-9;
Mountbatten, Lord, 214; (a) Mus-
lim, 254; Muslim Chamber of
Commerce, 139-40; Nag, Man-
kumar, 120; Nalierwala, Naran-
das, 146; Nanavati, Amritlal T.,
286; Naorojee, Khurshed, 468-9;
Nayak, Pragji K., 338; Nayyar,
Dev Prakash, 259, 265, 459;

Nehru, Jawaharlal, 276, 449;
Nerulkar, Shanta, 380; Nether-
lands, Ambassador of, 476; Pan-
choli, Vijaya M., 361, 394; Pan-
dit, Vijayalakshmi, 211; Pandya,
Jayashankar, 151; Pant, Govind
Ballabh, 384; Parekh, Indu, 55-
6; Parikh, Narahari D., 230, 285,
454, 512; Parikh, Vanamala,

286, 513; Parthasarathy, 406;
Patel, Jehangir, 1 1 ; Patel, Mani-
behn, 304, 412; Patel, Vallabh-
bhai, 316; Patil, Bhaurao, 390;
Pavry, Bapsy, 149-50; Prabhakar,
102, 401 ; Privat, Yvonne, 129-31;
(a) Publisher, 412; Pyarelal, 45-
6, 145, 315; Qureshi, Amina G.,
381; Qureshi, Ghulam Rasool,
150; Rajagopalachari, C., 468;

INDEX OF TITLES

575

Rameshchandra, 360; Ratandevi,
70; Representative, Republic of
Indonesia, 469; Rizvi, S. M.
Qasim, 110-1; Sahasrabuddhe,
6; Sahni, Kedarnath, 407; San-
karan, 519-20; Sarabhai, Anasuya,
131; Saraiya, 407; Satyen, 152;
Shah, Chimanlal N., 47-8, 100,
258-9, 322; Shah, Kanchan M.,
68; Shah, Munnalal G., 67, 321,
456-8; Shankarlal, 247-8; Soda-
wala, Vijaya Walji, 518; Struve,
Karl, 337-8; Suhrawardy, H. S.,
467; Suryakant, 305; Tagore,
Rathindra Nath, 303; Tendul-
kar, D. G., 342; Trikumji,

Mathuradas, 34; Tyabji, Raihana,
139, 153; Vallabhram, 329-30;
Venkatappayya, Konda, 405,
454; Vidyarthi, Prabhudayal,
492; Wadia, Piroj, 458; (a) Wo-
man Worker, — Fragment of, 5;
Yashwantkunwarba, 278
Linguistic Redistribution, 85-7
Matter Well Placed, 313
(A) Message, 333

Message to: Bihar, 260; Indonesia,
307; Sikhs, 448; Students’ Peace
Conference, 34; U. P. Students, 249
National Guards, 88
Need for Storing Grain in Villages,
275

Neither Anger Nor Infatuation, 441-3
Never Dangerous, 228
No Comparison Possible, 119
No Inconsistency, 22
No Limitations, 195-6
(A) Note, 57, 341, 401
Note to: Balvantsinha, 418; Cariappa,
Lt.-Gen. K. M., 147; Gandhi,
Manu, 417-8; Gupta, Subhadra,
362; Muslims, 362
Notes, 273-4

(A) Psychological Explanation, 1-3
Question Box, 202, 352-3
Racing and Betting, 404
Rays of Hope, 81-2
Remarks on Way to Prayer Meeting,
535-6

Reply to Richard B. Gregg, 234
Speech: (at) A. I. C. C. Meeting, 37-
43; (at) Guru Nanak Birthday
Function, 122-4; (at) Prayer Meet-
ing, 6-9, 18-9, 25-30, 32-3, 44-5,
49-52, 58-61, 63-7, 71-5, 75-7,

77-80, 83-5, 91-4, 96-9, 104-8,
111-3, 114-9, 124-9, 132-6, 140-5,
147-9, 158-62, 167-72, 175-8, 179-
83, 187-9, 191-4, 196-8, 199-

202, 206-8, 211-4, 225-8, 231-4,
234-7, 238-40, 242-5, 249-52,

254-6, 262-4, 266-8, 282-4, 287-
90, 292-4, 297-9, 300-2, 305-7,
311-2, 317-20, 325-8, 334-6, 339-
40, 345-7, 350-1, 355-8, 363-5,
373-5, 377-9, 385-7, 391-3, 396-
8, 402-4, 408-11, 413-7, 423-5,
426-9, 435-7, 438-40, 450-3, 460-
2, 464-7, 472-4, 477-8, 484-6,

490-1, 493-4, 495-7, 507-9, 515-
7, 523-6; (at) Public Meeting,
156-7; (at) Urs, 501-2; (Before)
Breaking Fast, 444-8
Spinning Still!, 229-30
(A) Talk, 184, 533
Talk with: Birla, G. D., 469-70;
Burmese Delegation, 174-5; Ca-
riappa, Lt.-Gen. K. M., 165-7,
450; English Friends, 336-7; Gan-
dhi, Devdas, 529; Ghosh, Sudhir,
531-2; Gupta, Ghanshyamsingh,
179; Gupta, Subhadra and Others,
333; Muslim Delegation, 154-5;
(a) Muslim Friend, 418; Mus-
lim Leaders, 532; Muslim Stu-
dents, 14; Muslim Women, 449;

576

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Muslims, 153-4, 422; Patel, Dahya-
bhai and Yashoda, 25; Patel,
Vallabhbhai, 534-5; Pyarelal,
530, 531; Rajendra Prasad, 62-
3, 437-8; Saurashtra Delegation,
390-1; Sikh Deputation, 470-1;
(a) Sikh Friend, 413; Teachers
and Students, 204-5
Tatyasaheb Kelkar, 328-9
Telegram to: Amtussalaam, 242;

Hingorani, Anand T., 431
To Gujaratis, 419-20
Tribute to Valjibhai, 276
Unbelievable, 87
“Urdu Harijan”, 314-5, 398-9
Wanted Accuracy, 341-2
When a Blessing Becomes a Curse, 1
Who Should Be Provincial Gover-
nors?, 208-9

Worthy of Reflection, 479-81

INDEX

Abbas, 47

Abdul Ghaffar Khan, 54
Abdul Majid, Khwaja, 103, 111
Abdullah, Sheikh Mohammad, 74,
98, 115, 127, 503, 514; and com-
munal unity in Kashmir, 125;
and Kashmir, 318-9, 356; and

Kashmir’s accession to India, 9;
popularity of, among Hindus and
Sikhs, 115, 123; (the) real Maha-
raja of Kashmir, 298
Acharya, (Dr.), 269, 270
Adalaja, Kumi, 279
Ahimsa, see non-violence
Ahmed Saeed, 447 fn
Ahmedabad Labour Union, 131/«,
221

Ajmal Khan, 50; and Tibbia Col-
lege, 301; his services, 317
Akhil Bharatiya Charkha Sangh,
see ALL-INDIA spinners’ association

— — Gramodyog Sangh, see all-
india village industries associa-
tion

— — Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, 255,
442

— — Hindu Mahasabha, 43, 51,
142, 145, 284, 444/n, 445, 452,
453 ; appeal by, to Gandhiji to end
fast, 447; denial by, of communal
violence in Kathiawar, 169;
Hinduism cannot be saved by
ways of, 143; unfavourable re-
ports about, 50

Alcohol; is worse than poison, 340
Alexander (the Great), 78
Alibaba, 106

90-37

Ali Shah, 75

Aligarh Urdu Magazine, 299/«

All-India Basic Education Con-
ference, 22Afn

— — Compost Conference; con-
vened by Mirabehn, 264, 270, 306;
resolutions passed at, 269-70

— — Muslim League, 50, M6fn,
414; evil deeds begun by, 99;
Karachi Resolution to bifurcate,
282; propaganda of communal-
ism by, 284; retaliation against
misdeeds of, wrong, 40

Muslim Majlis, XQ'ifn

— — Nature Cure Trust, Uruli
Kanchan, 10, 355; question of
land for, 13-4

— — Spinners’ Association, 113,
181, 199, 219, 221, 231, 235, 237,
267, 296, 349, 528; and policy of
decentralization, 218; its defini-
tion of “certified khadi” incom-
plete, 366; role of, 206

Village Industries Associa-
tion, 113, 181,216, 219,220,267,
528

— — Women’s Conference, Madras,
307

Ambedkar, B. R., \Q2Jh

Amrit Kaur, 16, 336fn, 502fn, 508

Amtussalaam, 172 to 174, 242, 320,
324, 389, 491

Anand Math, 303 fn

Andhra; corruption in, 402-3, 411

Andrews, Charles Freer, 405; fore-
word to book on, 194

Aney, M. S., 460

577

578

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Ansari, (Dr.) M. A., 50, 301
Apte, Hari Narayan, 329
Apte, Narayana, 465/n
{The) Arctic Home of the Vedas,

Army; duty of, to protect minority,
165; Gandhiji’s admiration for,
167, — idea of Indian, 175; should
promote discipline, 73-4
Aruna Asaf Ali, 475
Aryanayakum, Ashadevi, 12, 100, 152,
236, 237, 380

Aryanayakum, E. W., 46, 48, 152,
220, 236, 237, 258, 380, 457
Aryanayakum, Meetu, 380
Asar, Lakshmidas, 179, 280, 395
Asar, Lilavati, 108, 164, 272, 513,
518

Ashoka (Emperor), 2337k, 267
Associated Press of India, 200
Atom Bomb; cannot break spirit,
511; ineffective against true non-
violence, 165-6; V. non-violence,
522

Aundh, Raja of, 355; Responsible
Government in State of, 374
Autobiography, 347 fn
Ayyangar, Gopalaswami, 156, 429yk
Azad, Abul Kalam, 24, 138, 158,

276, 282, 346>, 387, 413>, 437>,
AAQfn, 444>, 447, 448/«, 453,
503

Azad Hind Fauj, see Indian national

ARMY

Babo, 90
Babua, 146

Bachchharaj & Co., 100, 164
Bachittar Singh, Baba, 122, 124
Bachu, 279

Badge, Digambar, 465/«
Bahawalpur; attack on Hindu tem-
ple in, 391-2; plight of refugees

from, 387; situation in, hopeless,
384

Bahawalpur; Nawab of, 474, 482,
515, 524; his assurance of protec-
tion to Hindus and Sikhs, 396;
duty of, towards Hindus and
Sikhs, 288; must enable Hindus
and Sikhs to leave, 326
Bajaj, Jamnalal, 348yk, 442, 488,
520; and Hindustani Prachar
Sabha, 441
Bajaj, Janakidevi, 55
Bajaj, Kamalnayan, 348
Bajaj, Savitri, 348
Bakhtiar, Khwaja Syed Kutub-ud-
Din; shrine of, 440yk, 493, — duty
of non-Muslims and Government
to open, 282
Balubhai, 323
Balvantsinha, 332, 418, 521
Banerjee, (Dr.), 277
Bari Khan, 242, 390
Barnard, S. P., 59
Bashir Ahmed, Begum, 1917k
Basic Education, 12, 181, 190, 342,
457, 528; based on truth and non-
violence, 235-6; for strong pan-
chayats, 209; on trial, 222; qua-
lity of sthitaprajna for conducting,
2‘il

Bawazeer, Abdul Kadir, 150/k, 381,
405

Beg, 113

Bengal; partition of, 87
Besant, Annie, '528fn
Bhagavadgita, 237, 266, 310, 396,

472, 511; depicts eternal duel
between right and wrong, 512;
emphasis on self-reliance in, 525;
on action without knowledge,
343; reading of, by Sikhs and
Muslims for religious unity, 452
Bhagawat, 90

INDEX

579

Bhagwandas, 391
Bhagwat, a. K., 20, 21
Bhakti, see privat, Yvonne
Bhansali, Jayakrishna P., 2 1 , 99
Bharadwaja (of Hindu mythology),
392

Bharat (of Ramayana), 24:6 fn
Bharatmen Angrezi Raj, IQfn
Bhargava, (Dr.) Gopichand, 93,
153, 158, 159, 169, 261, 262
Bhatt, Gangabehn P., 210
Bhatt, Nrisimhaprasad Kalidas,
34iy«, 361, 394; only suited to

field of education, 390-1
Bhatt, Purushottam, 210
Bhave, Balkrishna, 20, 21, 210
Bhave, Vinoba, 2Qfn, 152
Bhavnagar, Maharaja of, 142, 278;
power handed over to people by,
467

Bhopal, Nawab of, 257-9, 461
Bhutto, Shah Nawaz (Dewan of
Junagadh), 4fn, 19; his request for
Junagadh’s accession to India, 6
Bible, 90, 212

Bihar; peace brought to, must not
be lost, 260

Birla, Ghanshyamdas, 15, 64, 937/1,
125, 181, 182, 224, 465, 469, 522
Bisen, Shiv Balak, 151, 520///
Bochasan Residential School;

annual celebrations of, 81-2
Boer War; of 1899 recalled, 351
(jThe) Bombay Chronicle, 117
Bombay Port Trust, iTifn
Bose, Nirmal Kumar, 345
Bose, Subhas Chandra; and unity in
Indian National Army, 165; his
respect for all religions, 485;
thoughts on birthday of, 484
Bourke-White, Margaret; interview
to, 521-2

Brahmacharya, 489

Brihadaranyakopanishad, 60///
Brijmohan, 100
(The) British, 219

— Cabinet, 436

— Commonwealth ; India’s entry
into, 59

— Empire; Gandhiji’s loyalty to, 45

— Imperialism; rulers of Indian
States henchmen of, 42

— Raj, see British rule

— Rule, 2-3, 283; extravagance of,
must go, 136, 477-8; fear under,
93; Gandhiji’s objection to Eng-
lish even during, 256; treatment
of Harijans under, 92, 94, 201

Buddha, 233///

Buddhism, 177
Bulsaria, 323

Burma Independence Bill, 59///

Calcutta; rowdyism opposing Secu-
rity Bill in, condemned, 227-8
Captain, Gosibehn, 150
Gardes, (Rev.), 257
Cariappa, (Lt.-Gen.) K. M., 147;

talk with, 165-7, 450
Central Dairy, Bangalore, 77

— Peace Committee, 46^

— Relief Committee, 514
Ceylon Independence Bill, 59//
Chamber of Commerce, 221
Princes, 221

Champaran Satyagraha; of 1917
recalled, 260

Chandiwala, Brijkrishna, 144, 181,
243, 279, 357, 524

Chandrani, 36, 257 to 259, 265, 353,
459

Chandraprakash, 47, 48
Charkha, see spinning-wheel
Charu Babu, 174
Chatterjee, Amrita Lai, 389

580

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Chatterjee, Bankimchandra, 2>Q/ifn
Chatterjee, Dhirendra, 389
Chattopadhyaya, Kamaladevi, Vdlfn
Chaturvedi, Benarsidas, 194, 405
Chavda, Akbar,

Chavda, Zohra, 102
Chhatari, Nawab of, 8/n
Children; cultivation of handwriting
by, 354

Chishti, Hazarat Moinuddin, 207/n
Chokhawala, Anand G., 224
Chokhawala, Gordhandas, \QQfn
Chokhawala, Sharda G., 100, 224,

285, 322, 330, 332, 406
Christ, Jesus, 130, 336; Christians
must follow path of, 293, 294; not
a passive resister, 129
Christianity, 43, 177; decline of, after
Constantine, 283; religious tole-
rance by Christians necessary for
preserving, 256

Christians, 212; harassment of,
at Sonepat, 83, 84, — Roman

Catholic, 80; must follow path
of Christ, 293, 294; religious tole-
rance by, necessary for preserving
Christianity, 256

Christmas; as meaningful as Diwali,
293

Chunibhai, 100

Cities; exploitation of villages by,
201-2

Cloth; danger of control on, 183;
removal of control on, 310, 365,
496

— and Yarn Merchants’ Associa-
tion, “iCQ/n

Communal Unity; appeal for, 96-7,
424, 478, 493-4, 502,— in Delhi,
462, — sincerity in implementing,
464; for ending fast, 437; inde-
pendence cannot last without,
480; pledge for, by representatives

of various organizations, 445, 448,
453

Communist Party of India, 190

Confession; (a) purifying act, 228,
254

Congressmen, 218; anti-Muslim atti-
tude of, dangerous, 65; failure of,
to mobilize constructive work,
216, 221; hankering after power,
223; Kathiawar Muslims saved
by, 141, 142; must have God in
their hearts, 33; offer satyagraha
in Rampur, 50

Constantine, Emperor; decline of
Christianity after, 283

Constituent Assembly, 209, 217

Constructive Programme; need
for, for maintaining freedom,
24; (the) only way for India’s
prosperity, 295

Constructive Work(s) ; function of,
associations to build up demo-
cracy, 220; objective of, organi-
zations to generate political power,
217; slackness in, 215-6; united
Sangh of, must eschew power
politics, 223

Committee, 219fn; discussion

at, 215-21

Control(s); and Government policy,
85; removal of, advised, 53, 60,
64, 181, 182-3, 197, 243, 310,
311, 363-5, 383, — imperative, 43,
44-5, 56-7, 309, — on firewood and
coal, 496, — on petrol, 263-4, 312,
— on sugar, 133-5, — (a) desirable
measure, 243, — price rise not
result of, 244

Conversion; forcible, condemned, 15,
160

Cow; Mirabehn’s service to, 431;
scientific care of, stressed, 76-7;
slaughter of, by Hindus, 306

INDEX

581

Cow in India, 78

Cross, Leslie, 482, 515, 523-4

CuRZON, Lord, 205

Dadoo, Y. M., 114
Dam AY ANTI, 164
Das, C. R., 329
Das Gupta, Arum, 297
Das Gupta, Hemprabhadevi, 146, 296,
349, 382

Das Gupta, Satis Chandra, 146yi2,
296fn; his book on the cow, 78;
his service to the cow, 431
Datar, 2 1 1

Datar Singh, (Sir), 123, 264, 269, 270
Dave, Jugatram, 458
Dawn, 117, 118
Dayanand Saraswati, 255 fn
Death; (a) friend, 55, 426, 520;
distinction between courageous,
and cowardly, 87-8; thoughts on,
338, 392

Delhi; confluence of diverse cultures,
419; events in, bound to have
impact on all India and Pakistan,
464; Gandhiji’s vow of “do or
die” in, 4, 14, 35, 36, 61, 68, 222,
265, 273, 299, 325, 447, 471,
501, — unfulfilled, 200; no respon-
sible Muslim in, to bring about
Hindu-Muslim unity, 23; peace
in, 515, — appeal for, 462, — appeal
for honouring promise of, 445, —
imposed by arms, 339, 344, 408;
refugees’ misconduct in, 358; riots
in, 71-2, 95, 266

Democracy; conditions for, 420; equal
opportunity for all to receive
wisdom in, 60; fight against British
example of true, 309; function
of true, 135; success of, in
individual strength, 12, — in

participation of minority, 433;
true, means rule of peasantry,
113, — possible only by promoting
the four Sanghs’ work, 267
Desai, Jivanji D., 56, 95, 198, 241,

314, 321, 360
Desai, Khandubhai, 304
Desai, Mahadev, 32, 171, 488, 533yiz;

Trust in memory of, 308
Desai, Manibhai B., 20, 210
Desai, Morarji, 9, 323
Desai, Valji G., 137, 186, 237, 246,
308

Deshpande, Gangadharrao, 395
Devanagari Script; (the) best, 441;
importance of learning Urdu along
with, 352-3, 398

Dharma, 112, 118; personal, cannot
be destroyed except by oneself, 27.
See also religion.

Dhebar, U. N., 19, 102, 145, 175, 391,
b2>2>fn', his protection to Kathiawar
Muslims, 141-2
Dhiru, 20, 21, 210
Didimoni, see taralika
Diwakar, R. R., 215/ti, 359, 505
Diwali; meaning of, 18; message to
refugees for, 16; prayer for inner
light on, 1 1 ; true observance of,
25-6, — and Christmas is not re-
velry, 293

Diwan, Manohar, 152
Diwanji, Dilkhush, 151, 273, 274, 291
Drinking; condemned, 132, 340
Duties; and rights, 91-2
Dwarkadas, 164, 513

East Africa; Bill against Indian im-
migration in, 252

— Bengal Government; its Order
against advocacy of undivided
Bengal, 87

582

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Education; importance of, through
crafts, 204; role of teachers and
parents in, 205; truth and non-
violence for true, 235
Elizabeth, Princess, 95 fn
English; can never be national lan-
guage, 179; hold of, stronger than
British rule, 443; importance of, to
Gandhiji, 443; (an) international
language, 256; must be given up, 69,
353; not a language for the masses,
255; slavery to, 25, 32, 58, 104
Essays on the Gita, \Q9fn
European Chamber of Commerce,
125, 126, 176

Evil; cannot be self-existent, 228

Fast(ing), 483, 491; by Harijans
before temples a sin, 500; breaking
of fifteenth, 447, 448, — conditions
for, 417, 440; ethics of, 377;

fifteenth, Gandhiji’s greatest, 430,
— for cause of Muslims in India,
415, 418, 428-9, — for purification
of all, 480, — for self-purification,

438, — Government decision on
cash payment to Pakistan motiva-
ted by, 436, — in name of Truth,
452, — inspired by God, 419, 424,
— need to preserve spirit behind,
451, 502, — not a political move,

439, — purpose of, 408-10, 413, 414,
421; requisites for undertaking,
461; (a) spiritual act, 202

Firodia, Kundanlal, 281

Food; control on, 308, — dangers of, 182

Friends’ Service Unit, 482, 523

Gadhadawala, Mohanbhai Moti-
chand, 390/ti
Gajaraj, 332

Gajendramoksha (in Hindu mythology);

meaning of fast reflected in, 421
Gandhi, Abha, 152, 172 to 174, 247,
353, 389>, 519, 527/n, 535
Gandhi, Arun, 370
Gandhi, Chhaganlal, \09fn, ‘iUlfn
Gandhi, Devdas, 529; stand on fast
explained to, 420-2
Gandhi, Harilal, T19fn, 456/«

Gandhi, Ila, 370

Gandhi, Jaisukhlal, 342, 418, 482, 488,
489

Gandhi, Jamna, 152, 172, 247
Gandhi, Kanti, 483
Gandhi, Kanu, 152, 172, 247, 278,
389, 492, 519

Gandhi, Karamchand Uttamchand,
517

Gandhi, Kasturba, 150, 463; Gandhiji’s
tribute to, 121
Gandhi, Krishnadas, 381
Gandhi, Lakshmidas, 4/«

Gandhi, Maganlal, 418; khadi science
dead after, 457
Gandhi, Manilal, 368 to 370
Gandhi, Manojna, 381
Gandhi, Manu, 31, 35, 61-2, 82, 90,
100 to 102, 110, 138,248,280, 325,
342 to 345, 349, 353, 354, 376,
383, 384, 417, 422, 465/«, 481,
482>, 484, 488, 489, 520/n, 536
Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand;
admits failure of his technique
of non-violence, 2-3; announces
decision to fast, 408-10; assassina-
tion of, 536_/ii; begins fast, 413;
bomb attack on, 472-3; ends fast,
448; favours linguistic redistribu-
tion of provinces, 300; his wish
to live for 125 years, 453, — no
longer eager to, 71, 157; his word
no longer law, 108; on trusteeship,
521

INDEX

583

Gandhi, Narandas, 145, 152 fn, 178,
247, 388

Gandhi, Navin, 388
Gandhi, Prabhudas, 55, 109
Gandhi, Ramdas, 219ifn, 323,456

Gandhi, Saraswati, 483
Gandhi, Shamaldas, 12, 19, 102, 118,

127, 175, 277; denial of violence
in Kathiawar by, 179-80; Gandhiji
opposed to course pursued by, in
Junagadh, 163; heads provisional
Government in Junagadh, 117; his
role in Junagadh’s accession to
India, 4

Gandhi, Sita, 368, 369
Gandhi, Sumitra, 280
Gandhi, Sushila, 368, 369
Gandhi Seva Sangh ; failure of erst-
while, 223

Gandhi’s Emissary, 531/h
Ganesh Datt, 447
Gangabehn, 231
Gaznavi, Abdul Halim, 455
Ghazanfar Ali Khan, 191/h, 192,

193

Ghosh, Aurobindo, 100
Ghosh, Sudhir, 531, 532Jh
Ghulam Mohammed, 115, 437//I
Gidwani, Choithram, 168 Jii, 534 fn
Gitarahasya, 328 fn

God, 1 1 , 23 , 24, 27, 3 1 , 32, 34, 44, 68
to 70, 83, 101, 108, 110, 115, 119,

128, 145, 154, 155, 159, 208, 224,
249, 256, 273, 285, 293, 339, 344,
346, 347, 357, 379, 394, 406, 414,
415, 435, 440, 471, 482, 483, 498,
500, 509, 512, 513, 532, 533, 535;
awareness of, for inner light, 18,
19; body true dwelling-place of,
519; constant remembrance of,
305; distinction between seeing,
“face to face” and “seeing Him
from afar”, 22; duty of man to

move towards, 446, 45 1 ; fast ad-
dressed to, 202, — inspired by,
419, 421, 424, 436; forgotten, 508;
Gandhiji in keeping of, 287, 410,
423,438, 447, 469,474, 477,525;
Gandhiji’s faith in, 35, 37, 57,

95, — life saved by, 484, — sole
counsellor, 409; grace of, 380,
— in vow of “do or die”, 71, 453;
(the) help of the afflicted, 524;
holds string of death, 156; human
heart the dwelling-place of, 294;
inner call from, for undertaking
fast, 461; is merciful, 459, 491;
is truth, 452, 460; love essential
for realization of, 49; man a mere
puppet in hands of, 96; man a
reflection of, his Maker, 283;
man in keeping of, 330; must
be enthroned in people’s hearts,
425; must dictate decisions of
A. I. C. C., 33; nearness to, keeps
one fit, 61; never fails satyagrahi,
5 1 ; one in keeping of, cannot be
harmed, 488; (the) only judge of
man, 280; Prahlad’s faith in, 292;
prayer to, for self-possession in
crisis, 473, — for strength to
demonstrate non-violence, 470;
pride of man humbled by will
of, 295; prompting of, not in
evil deeds, 472; realization of
presence of, at prayer, 402; (the)
Saviour, 82, 211-2; (the) support
of all, 230; total surrender to,
for inner joy, 351; trust in, 392;
will of, prevails, 369, 377, 384.
See also (lord) rama
Godbole, M. B., 354
Godse, Gopal, 465/n
Godse, Nathuram, 465/«

Gokhale, 20
Gorawala, a. D., 364/«

584

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Goseva Sangh, 221, 528
Goshala; managers of, ignorant of
cattle-rearing, 77
Goswami, 430, 431

Government of Bombay, 470/n; its
law for Harijans, 367, 499
Government of East Punjab, 16,
107

Government of India; and control
policy, 85; decision of, on cash
payment to Pakistan, 436; dif-
ference between policies of, and
Government of Pakistan, 505; duty
of, to create job opportunities,
320, — to ensure movement from
Kashmir, 116-7, — to help dis-
placed Sikhs, 107, — to help recla-
mation of Meo refugees, 262-3, —
to treat refugees fairly, 378-9
Govind, see gregg, Richard B.
Govind Singh, Guru, 124, 293, 450,
470; message to Sikhs on birth
anniversary of, 448; Muslim dis-
ciples of, 126; origin of his teach-
ings in Vedas, 177
Gram Dakshinamurty, Ambla, 391,
400

Granthsaheb, 98, 124, 293,470; message
of communal harmony in, 126;
parallel thought in Vedas, Upa-
nishads and, 177; reading of, by
Hindus and Muslims for religious
unity, 452; right place and wor-
ship of, 144; use of kirpan as
prescribed in, 73

Great Britain; her policy of colonial
expansion in India, 504
Gregg, Richard B., 3, 130, 234; his
explanation of violence in India,
1-2

Gulati, Ramdas, 458

Gupta, Deshbandhu, 155, 158, 445

Gupta, Ghanshyamsingh, 179, 382/h

Gupta, Subhadra, 333, 362
Gurubachan Singh, 155
Gwalior, Maharaja of, 478

Habib-ur-Rahman, 447/«

Half Way to Freedom, 522fn
Hamid-ud-Din, 294
Hanuman (of Ramayana), 144, 519
Harbans Singh, 448
Harijan, 1, 3, 22, 52, 53, 56, 81, 95,
130, 137, 277, 295, 300, 308, 313,
314, 328, 360, 383, 419, 455, 459,
483, 532; argument for continuing,
in Nagari and Urdu scripts, 441;
English, self-supporting, 443
Harijan Ashram, see satyagraha
ASHRAM, Sabarmati

Harijan Sevak, 85, 315, 360, 441
Harijan Sevak Sangh, 93, 215, 267,
528

Harijanbandhu, 56; self-supporting, 443
Harijan(s); admission of, students to
hostels, 367; and drinking, 340,
385; conversion of, to Islam, 169;
discrimination against, during
British rule, 201; equal rights of,
to visit temples, 499; must be
accepted, 94; must emulate
Nandanar, 500; plight of, in
Ajmer, 508, — in Rohtak, 92-3, — in
Sind, 200; protest fast by priests
against entry of, into Pandharpur
temple, 327; rehabilitation of,
from Sind, 303, 304
Harisingh, Maharaja, 115; advice to,
318-9; and Kashmir’s accession
to India, 8-9; legitimate ruler of
Kashmir, 466; responsibility of,
for Kashmir events, 298
Harmony of the Gospels, 129
Harrison, Agatha, 531/iz
Harshadram, 323

INDEX

585

Hifzur Rehman, 154y«, 444y«, 447

Hindi; and Hindustani, 442; lovers
of, must not object to Urdu, 255

Hindu Dharma/Hinduism, 43, 78, 94,
143, 157, 414, 485; abuse of, 472;
antipathy towards Muslims will
destroy, 347; degeneration of,
65; Gandhiji’s conception of, 79,
248, — efforts in saving, 474;
in peril, 265; killing Muslims will
destroy, 208; (an) ocean where
all religious thoughts meet, 177;
teaching of returning good for evil
in, 40

Hindu(s), 71, 98, 493; abducted,
girls must be accepted by their
families, 301-2; amity between,
and Muslims in East Africa, 252;
anti-Muslim attitude of, self-de-
structive, 403-4; definition of, 485;
equal rights of Harijans with, to
visit temples, 499; excesses by, in
Jammu, 115; flouting Hinduism,
414; forcible conversion of, to
Islam, 170; harassment ofRoman
Catholics by, 80; importance of
Ishopanishad mantra not for, alone,
212; India not for, alone, 40, 446;
lesson from British rule not learnt
by, 283; loyalty no monopoly of,
29; massacre of, in N. W. F. P.,
502, 508; must confess misdeeds,
228; must not retaliate against
Muslims, 298, 416; must trust
Muslims in India, 347 ; no difference
between, and Sikhs, 293; of East
Punjab harsh towards Muslims,
116; of Meerut, 468; plight of, and
Sikhs of Bahawalpur, 286; protec-
tion of Muslims by. Congressmen,
129; protection to, refugees in
Delhi, 72; Rama and not Ravana
to rule hearts of, 33; rescue of

abducted, girls, 127-8, 133; rights
of, of Junagadh, 7; two-nation
theory for, and Muslims incorrect,
52; vandalism by, at Muslim
shrine, 507; violence by, of
Kathiawar, 141
(The) Hindustan Times, 117
Hindustani; (a) blend of Hindi and
Urdu, 256; Gandhiji’s preference
for, 442-3; knowledge of, vital to
Congress members, 69; only, can be
national language, 179, 255; pro-
pagation of, for preservation of
culture, 32

— Prachar Sabha, 113, 322, 441/ti

— Talimi Sangh, 101, 113, 206,

220, 231, 236, 258, 259, 267; to
co-ordinate work of all the Sanghs,
222, 380, 528

Hingorani, Anand T., 290, 291,

372, 431, 459, 530
Hingorani, Gangi A., 290, 291, 372,
459, 530

Hingorani, Mahadev A., 372
Hingorani, Vidya, 372 fn
Hiragauri, 100

Hiranyakashipu (of Hindu mytho-
logy), 292

Hitler, Adolf, 503, 511
Holmes, (Dr.) John Haynes, 347, 348
Hoshiari, 332, 521
Hosken, William, 503/n
House of Commons, b9fn
(The) Human Cycle, 100/ra
Hunar, M. a., 70, 259, 260, 265
Hyderabad, Nizam of, \09fn, 110/h;

accession of the State to India,
8-9, 111

(The) Ideal of Human Unity, 100/h
Iftikhar Hussain Khan, 191/h
Iftikhar-ud-Din, 191/«, 198, 475

586

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Iftikhar-ud-Din, Ismat, 198, 475

Imam Hussain, 153 fn

Independenoe/Freedom, 156; anar-
chic use of, 86; and controls,
182; and khadi, 229; army and
police must make, worthy, 165;
can be retained only through
proper conduct, 302; complete,
will usher in Ramarajya, 162;
does not imply rule of Hindus for
India and Muslims for Pakistan,
80; implications of, 60, 293;
means, to do good, 306; not real,
30, 155; preservation of, 188, —

constructive programme essential
for, 24; restrictions necessary in,
73; revolution in education vital
for preserving, 205; struggle for,
not truly non-violent, 292, 502;
won through non-violence an
unprecedented achievement, 175,
177. See also swaraj.

— Day; thoughts on, 495

India; and Pakistan must settle

Kashmir dispute to prevent war,
357; entry of, into British Common-
wealth, 58; failure to befriend
Muslims will lead, to slavery,
451; not for Hindus alone,
250

Indian Civil Service; praised by
Vallabhbhai Patel, 244

— Constitution; should be in
Hindustani, 382

— National Army, 453; Subhas
Chandra Bose and unity in, 165

— — Congress, 43, 143, 169, 237,
"M&fn, 403; All-India Committee
of, 57, 74, 145, 329, — is real,
37, — resolutions of, 63, 189, 537-43
and constructive work, 216, 221, —
assurance of protection to Muslims
in 64, 65; confusion in, 482;

constitution of, and village uplift,
218; Constitution Committee of,
220; Constructive Works Commit-
tee of, 215; demand of, for sal-
aried Parliamentary Secretaries to
Ministers wrong, 244-5; deserves
support in its deliberations, 66;
draft constitution of, 526-8; duty
of, members to recall Muslims,

4 1 ; futility of, Resolution on
Hindu-Muslim relations in Delhi,
71-2; Gandhiji’s service to, 38,
44; Government is for people,
298-9; imitating extravagance of
British Government, 477 ; know-
ledge of Hindustani essential to
members of, 69; membership of,
505; misuse of radio by, means
dictatorship 111; moral degra-
dation in, 402, 410-1; must func-
tion only for political goals, 27 ;
must proclaim to be God’s servant,
498; must remove corruption, 217;
need for dynamic leadership in,
62 ; no longer a commanding or-
ganization, 86, 87 ; no room for
communalism in, 50; objective of,
to raise world high, 30; only politi-
cal freedom achieved by, 497;
policy of, to mend princely rule,
228-9; (a) political body, 434;
programme for prohibition, 340;
scramble for power in, 109;
service of, to poorest and lowliest,
284; task of, to rebuild society
based on truth and non-violence,
506; will be strengthened if
socialists remain in, and serve on
Working Committee, 433; Working
Committee of, 15, 19, 40, 48,
489, 494, — advised to work for
peace, 29, — discussion at, 26,
28, 33

INDEX

587

— Union Muslims’ Conference,
Lucknow, 282, 331/n, 3467«

Muslims Conference, Madras,

282

Instrument of Accession, Ifn, 8fn,
262

Inter-Dominion Conference, Lahore,
mfn

I{)BAL ; national appeal in language
of, 442-3

Ishopanishad’, universal importance of,

212

Islam, 43, 98, 177; glory of, during
days of Prophet, 283; in danger of
destruction by raiders in Kashmir,
509; Muslim separatism will
destroy, 40, 256, 266
Ismail Khan, Nawab Mohammad,
299/«

IsMAY, Lord, 54

IsPHAHANi, M. A. H.; support by, for
Indian Resolution on South
African Indians at U. N. O., 51-2
Ittehad-ul-Mussalmeen, 110/h
Iyengar, A. Rangaswami, 329 fn

Jagjivan Ram; his call to Harijans, 169
Jagtap, D. B., 10, 13
Jainism; not separate from Hinduism,
177

Jairamdas Doulatram, 413/?i, 525
Jaju, Shrikrishnadas, 47, 220, 259
Jamiat-ul-Ulema, 444/ra
Jamsaheb, of Navanagar, 127, 178, 316
Jayaprakash Narayan; on proposal
to elect. Congress President, 433
Jerajani, Purushottam K., 121
Jerajani, Vithaldas V., 121
Jones, Major Harvey; his request to
Indian Government to take over
administration in Junagadh, 6
JosHi, 329

JosHi, Chhaganlal, 271
JosHi, (Dr.) K. G., 269
Jugal Kishore, Acharya, 505, 526
Junagadh; accession of, to India,
6-8, 111; communal unity in, 486;
method of acquisition of, improper,
118; Provisional Government in,
117; reports about excesses on
Muslims of, exaggerated, 336
Junagadh, Nawab of, 4/«; and issue
of accession, 101-2; his accession
to Pakistan improper, 7-9

Kabraji, 513

Kakubhai, rrr jerajani, Purushottam

Kalelkar, B. D., 456
Kalelkar, D. B., 20, 113, 383
Kalelkar, Satish D., 137
Kalyanam, 241
Kanji, 224

Kantak, Prema, 2 1 , 432
Karkare, Vishnu, 465/«

Karmayogi, IQfn

Karnataka; unification of, 395-6
Kartar Singh, 470 fn, 471
Kashmir; accession of, to India, 8-9;
and Sheikh Abdullah, 115, 123;
belongs to the Maharaja, 466;
connivance of Pakistan in raids on,
356; crimes by raiders in, 508-9;
dispute over, must be settled with-
out arbitration, 297, 298, — referred
to Security Gouncil, 356, 357;
Hindu rulers of, must admit ex-
cesses, 299; partition of, an evil,
504

— Freedom League, 466
Kasturba Gandhi National Memo-
rial Fund, 21

— — — — Trust, 201, 380, 463;
discussion at meeting of, 190-1

588

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Kathiawar, 169; allegations of atro-
cities on Muslims of, 141-2, — re-
futed, 147-9, 175-6, 180; merger
of States of, into one State, 467 ;
selfless leadership for good of, 163
Kelkar, N. C.; tribute to, 328-9
Kesari, Zl^fn

Khadi, 247; and realization of Pan-
chayat Raj, 218-9; certified and
uncertified, 366; essential purpose
of, 229-30; for meeting cloth
shortage, 365; neglect of, fatal to
Congress, 69; only pure, has place
in Swaraj, 367; science of, dead,
457; slackness in, will retard India’s
growth, 295; v. mill-cloth, 206-9
Khadi Pratishthan, Sodepur, 78,
146, 349; dedicated to khadi, 296;
policy of, 382

Khan Obeidullah Khan, 54/«

Khan Saheb, (Dr.), 54/«

Khanna, Meharchand, 170
Kher, B. G., 303

Khilafat; communal harmony dur-
ing days of, 90
Khurshid, 445, 448
Kinnaird, Emily, 523
Kiran Shankar, 246
Kirpan; indiscriminate use of, by Sikhs
condemned, 98; (a) symbol of

purity, 124; use of, as prescribed
in Granthsaheb, 73
Kisan Ashram, Rishikesh, 313
Kistayya, Shankar, 465fn
Kodanda Rao, Mary, 120
Kodanda Rao, P., 120
Koran, 144; merit attained from
reading of, 211; reading of, by
Hindus and Sikhs for religious
unity, 452; religious compulsion
not ordained in, 145; teachings of,
common with Sikhism and Hin-
duism, 177, — flouted, 509

Kotak, Harjivan, 179, 395; death of,
178

Kotak, Sharda H., 178, 280, 395
Kripalani, J. B., 26, 76, 215; Con-
gressmen advised to accept resig-
nation of, 39-40, 43
Kripalani, Sucheta, 15fn, 79
(Lord) Krishna, i'iQfn, 267, 327,
474

Krishnachandra, 102
Krishnadas, 259, 296
Kulranjan, 297

Kumarappa, J. C., 216, 275, 308,
487/«

Kushtha Ashram, Duttapur, 152

Lajpatrai, Lala; his mastery over
Urdu, 255

Lakshman (of Ramayana), 246fn
Lal, (Dr.) B. N., 269
Lalkaka, 149
Lash, (Fr.), 120

Liaciuat Ali Khan, 114-5, 118, 179,
203,489; his denial of Pakistan’s
complicity in Kashmir raids, 356
LiAtiuAT Ali Khan, Begum, \Q\fn
Life, 521

Life Divine, \Q0fn
Lindlahr, (Dr.), 534
London Times, 531

MacDonald Award; undoing of, by
fast of 1926 recalled, 436

Madhavrao, 2 1 1

Madras; people of, advised to face
food crisis resourcefully, 525-6,
530

Mahadev Desai Memorial Trust,
308

Mahajan, Mehrchand, 115, 466

Maharaj Singh, 5 1

INDEX 589

Mahatma: Life of Mohandas Karamchand
Gandhi, M2fn
Mahesh, 260, 265
Mahmood Gazni, 127//!, 229
Mahmud, 359
Mahmud, (Dr.) Syed, 515
Mahomed Ali, 49; charkha promoted
by, during Khilafat days, 232
Mahratta, 2i28 fit
Majmudar, Parikshitlal, 367
Majoor Mahajan, see ahmedabad

LABOUR UNION

ManavadharmashastrajManusmriti, 340 fn
Mangal Singh, 385
Manibehn, 121

Manu (codifier of Hindu Law), 340
Mashruwala, Kishorelal G., 12, 137,
519, 520

Mashruwala, Manu, 279, 456
Mashruwala, Surendra, 279/i, 456/«
Mathuradas Trikumji, 34
Matthai, (Dr.) John, 263, 496
Mavalankar, G. V., 292
Medh, Surendra, 114
Mehta, Balwantrai, 102, 390/i; re-
commended for Chief-Ministership,
391

Mehta, Champa R., 46, 48, 99, 163,
322

Mehta, Dinshaw 11, 13, 14,20, 178,
210, 271, 286, 323, 331, 355, 471,
489; and All-India Nature Cure
Trust, 9-10

Mehta, Jamshedji, 471 fn
Mehta, (Dr.) Jivraj, 16, 413/n,
423//I

Mehta, Narasinha, 48, 394
Mehta, Ratilal, 46//, 146
Mehta, Vaikunthbhai Lallubhai, 146,
274, 275, 277
Merdeka, 307 fn

Military Evacuation Organization,
288/;/

Mill-cloth; v. foreign cloth, 366
Mirabai; her vision of God, 49
Mirabehn, 32, 52///, 53, 204, 313,
430, 455; All India Compost Con-
ference convened by, 306; her
service to the cow, 43 1 ; her work
for compost manure, 264, 267,

269-71, 314

Mohammad Zafrullah Khan ; denial
by, of Pakistan’s complicity in
Kashmir raids, 356; support by, for
Indian Resolution on South African
Indians at U. N. O., 51-2
Mohammed, (Prophet), 211; glory of
Islam during days of, 283
Mookerjee, Radha Kumud, 233///
Moore, (Dr.) Charles, 476
Moosa, 151

Morarjee, Shantikumar N., 308
Mosques; desecration of, a blot on
Hinduism and Sikhism, 79; steps
by Vallabhbhai Patel to protect,
143-4

Mountbatten, Lord Louis, 95//, 114,
115, 125, 126, 214, 288, 411///,
525///; his faith in non-violence,
166

Mountbatten, Prince Philip, 95///
Muslim(s), 80, 212, 347, 416, 493;
abduction of Hindu girls by, 127-8;
advice to, 154-5, — to be truthful,
422 ; amity between Hindus and. In
East Africa, 252; and false pro-
paganda in Kathiawar, 147-9, 175,
180; appeal by, to Gandhiji
to end fast, 447; assurance to
nationalist, of Government help,
403; fast for cause of, 414, 415,
428-9; forcible exodus of criminal
tribes among, wrong, 42; friendly
relations with, in Kathiawar, 4;
Gandhiji no enemy of, 466;
Gandhiji’s commitment to protec-

590

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

tion of, 362, — trust in, 240; Indian,
not a separate entity, 126; insanitary
conditions of, in Lahore refugee
camps, 288-9; loyalty of, 29; mis-
deeds of, not to be imitated, 127;
must join Congress when required,
284; must not be driven out of
Delhi, 123-4; must return abducted
Hindu and Sikh women, 302; must
return from Pakistan, 41, 65-6,
108; nationalist, must condemn
atrocities in N. W. F. P., 514; of
India must not fear being in mi-
nority, 282-3; of Mysore must not
exaggerate reports of disturbances,
517; of Panipat advised to remain
in India, 153, 158; Pakistan not for,
alone, 40, 446; peace in Calcutta
due to, 23; protection to, ensured
in A. I. C. C. resolution, 64, —
need for, 28, 38, 106, — of Kathia-
war, 141, 142, — of Panipat, 156;
religious intolerance by, will destroy
Islam, 256; should admit wrongs
done under Islamic rule, 299;
should not hanker after Govern-
ment jobs, 319-20; shrine of, saints
visited by Hindus and Sikhs, 507;
two-nation theory for Hindus and,
incorrect, 52
My Gandhi, Mlfn
Mysore; riots in, 485, 517

Nadirshah, 471
Nag, Mankumar, 120
Naidu, Sarojini, 32
Nalierwala, Narandas, 146
Nanabhai, see bhatt, Nrisimhaprasad
Kalidas

Nanak, Guru, 122, 124, 132, 145,

176; communal unity preached
by, 126, 177

Nanavati, Amritlal T., 153, 286, 322
Nandanar; example of, for Harijans,
500

Naorojee, Khurshed, 468
Narayan Singh, 75
Narendra Deo, Acharya, 433/«, 434
Natal Indian Congress, 59
Nathusingh, Gen., 15, 16
National Conference, Kashmir, 74

— Flag; symbol of wheel in, 267

— Language, 23; eligibility for, 255;
growth of, hampered by slavery
to English, 25; only Hindustani
for, 179

Nature Cure, 190; and village uplift
indivisible, 2 1

— — Clinic, Uruli Kanchan, 20
Navajivan, 441

Nayak, Pragji K., 338
Nayee Talim, see basic education
Nayyar, Dev Prakash, 36, 241, 259,
260, 265, 342, 459; on takli, 341
Nayyar, (Dr.) Sushila, 47, 100, 198,
241, 265, 322, 330, 332, 353, 369,
406, 407, 423/n, 426/n, 430, 438,
44:5fn, 450, 452/ii, 457, 458, 460/«,
464/«, 482, 515; her work for
Bahawalpur refugees, 523-4
Nazimuddin, Khwaja, 45
Nehru, Brijlal, 268, 269
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 16, 41, 43, 51,
63, 65, 82, 113, 115, 126, 142,

162, 167, 168, 184/«, 215, 223,
237, 252, 276, 288, 309, 365>,
384, 387, 395, 409/«, 415, 427,
433/n, 444/n, 453, 464, 469, 474,
477, 481, 486, 501, 509, 529fn,
53lfn, 532, 534, 535fn; appeal to,
to give up fast, 449; and Sardar
Patel, 157; his concern for refu-
gees, 465; saddened by events in
Kashmir, 18-9

Nehru, Rameshwari, 191/n, 192

INDEX

591

Neogy, K. C., 191/n
Nerulkar, Shanta, 380
New Delhi Municipal Committee,
238

New Testament, 129
Newman, Cardinal, &\fn
Newspapers; given to false reporting,
84, 90

Newton, (Sir) Isaac, 342
Non-violence, 5, 102, 114, 266, 348;
and basic education, 235-6; and
constructive work, 220; and fasting,
202, 408; and killing of stray dogs,
150; and soul-force, 503; and
strikes, 377-8; believers in, should
eschew office in Government,
434, 510; Burma must learn
India’s lesson of, 177; charkha
as symbol of, 234; efficacy of,
165-6; expedient for freedom,
502; flaw in technique of, 2-3;
forgotten after freedom, 7 1 ; Gan-
dhiji’s wish for brave death
demonstrating strength of, 489;
God-realization for diffusing glow
of, 350; hypocrisy in talk of,
305-6; idea of universal love in
pure, 195; in practice used as
weapon of weak, 253; loss of faith
in, 388; message of, to Ahmed-
abad mill labourers, 131, — to Meos,
261; mightier than atom bomb,
522; needs hard discipline, 196;
not for the coward, 292; of the
brave can be realized through
experience and faith, 481; passive
resistance mistaken for, 337, 428;
police protection to Gandhiji con-
tradicts faith in, 470; practice of,
not confined to civilized society,
54; prayer for realization of, 484;
requires humility, 439; that fails
is imperfect, 34; village uplift

impossible without, 210; weapon
of the brave, 175

North West Frontier Province;
atrocities in, 502, 508, 514; dete-
riorating situation in, 489; forci-
ble conversions in, 170

Old Testament, 130
Om Prakash, 258, 259
Omar, Hazarat, 293
{The) Orion, 328y«

Pahwa, Madanlal, 465/«

Pakhtoon, 54:fn

Pakistan; advised to rectify Sind
situation, 379; and India must
settle Kashmir dispute to avert
war, 357; conceived as home-land
of Muslims, 250; connivance of, in
raids on Kashmir, 356; crimes of,
99, — against Hindus, 424, —
must not be copied, 41, 188,

398-9, 416; failure to befriend
Hindus will make, slave country,
451; misdeeds begun by, 123;
Muslims advised to make, Pak,
154; must admit its wrongs for
its stability, 439; must protect
every Hindu and Sikh, 298;
payment of cash balances to,
435; plight of abducted Hindu
women in, 112, — responsible for,
194; protest of, against accession
of Junagadh to India, 7; safe
return of Hindu and Sikh refugees
to, 33; urged to restore abducted
women, 509
Pakistan Times, 117
Panchayats; basic education for
strong, 209

Panchakaka, 273, 276

592

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Pancholi, Manubhai, 361/n, 390/ra
Pancholi, Vijaya M., 361, 394
Pandharpur Temple; fasting by
priests against opening of, to
Harijans sinful, 327
Pandit, Vijayalakshmi, 51,211; and
Indian Resolution on South Afri-
can Indians, 170
Pandya, Jayashankar, 151
Panikkar, K. M., 51
Pant, Govind Ballabh, 384
Paramanand, 20
Parekh, Indu, 55
Parekh, Jayanti, 56
Parekh, Madhu, 55
Parikh, Manibehn, 230, 286
Parikh, Narahari D., 230, 248, 285,
454, 512, 513, 533
Parikh, Rasikbhai, 533_/ii
Parikh, Vanamala, 230, 286, 454,
513

Parikshit, 381
Parsee Sabha, 284
Parsis, 212
Parthasarathy, 406
Partition; (a) blunder, 103; Gandhiji
not in favour of, 109
Passive Resistance; distinct from
non-violent resistance, 129-30;
freedom won through, and not
non-violence, 292; miscalled wea-
pon of the weak, 503; of no
avail to a ruler, 428
Patel, Dahyabhai, 25
Patel, Harilal Bawabhai, 400
Patel, Jehangir, 9 to 11, 13, 14, 20,
21, 178, 271, 331, 471, 489
Patel, Manibehn, 304, 412, 513,

535>

Patel, Shivabhai, 81
Patel, Vallabhbhai, 17, 19, 25, 43,
65, 98, 112, 115, 117, 126, 127,
141, 142, 168, 175, 200, 215,

226, 237, 244, 276, 288, 309, 316,
329/n, 374, 393, 408, mfn, 411,
412, mfn, mfn, mfn, 464,
467, 469, mfn, 478, 481, 486,
501/«, 529>, 531/n, 532, 535;
advised to continue in office
with Nehru, 534; and Kathiawar
situation, 180; and Nehru, 157;
his assurance of protection to
Kathiawar Muslims, 118, 128, 129,
149; his distrust of Muslims, 416;
his promise of fair deal to Baha-
walpur refugees, 387; in defence
of, 427-8; Muslims against 415;
must rehabilitate Sind Harijans,
304; objects to Muslims from
outside settling in Delhi, 199;
steps by, to protect mosques, 143-4
Patel, Yashoda, 25
Patiala, Maharaja of, 324
Patil, Bhaurao; tribute to, 390
Pattani, Anantrai, 102, 391
Patwardhan, Achyut Rao, 275
(St.) Paul, 237
Pavry, Bapsy, 149
Pavry, Khurshedji Erachji, 149_/?i
Pay Commission, 373/n
Peace; importance of heart-felt,
350-1; need for inner, 349
Phatak, Haribhau, 210, 328
Phoenix 368
Polak, H. S. L., 503/ti
Police; must rise above communal
bias, 165; should promote disci-
pline, 73-4

Politics; and constructive work,
215; corruption in, 217
Prabhakar, 102, 401, 457
Practice of Nature Cure, "i54:fn
Prahlad; his faith in God, 292
Prayers; and punctuality, 535-6;
conduct at, 318, 325-6, 339-40,
402; importance of, 35, 191, 305

INDEX

593

Prempanth, 237

Princes; A. I. C. C. resolution on,
540; and merger of States, 228-9;
as trustees of their people, 7-8,
42; of Deccan States’ Union ad-
vised to be trustees of their peo-
ple, 214
Pritam, 195
Privat, Edmond, 130
Privat, Yvonne, 129

Privy Council; its judgement on

kirpan, 73, 98

Provinces; linguistic redistribution of,
85-7, 494

Purdah ; Muslim women advised to

shed, 449, 462

Pyarelal, 45, 120, 145, 241, 258, 259,
265, 289, 315, 423, 426, 431, 445>,
459, 495/«, 527/«, 530, 531,

535

Qureshi, Amina, 150, 381, 405
Qureshi, Ghulam Rasool, 150, 405
Qureshi, Hamid, 381
Qureshi, Shwaib, 257
Qureshi, Sultana, 381
Qureshi, Wahid, 381

Radha, 3, 4
Radhakrishna, 280
Raghuvira, 382/u
Rajagopalachari, C., 95, 468
Rajendra Prasad, 43/w, 62, 63, 65,
77, 96, 215, 237, 243, 264, 269,
270, 444, 445, 453, 493; appeals
to Gandhiji to end fast, 447, 448
Rama, 27, 33, 61, 246^; dispeller of
distress, 247; Gandhiji striving to
realize, 350; Gandhiji’s wish to
die uttering name of, 102, 489;
lives even today, 235; realization

of, the greatest blessing, 371;
symbol of good, 18, 26. See also

GOD.

Ramachandra (of Ramayana), 350
Ramachandran, 381
Ramanama, 33, 48, 90, 343; damage
to body by fast indicates dehciency
regarding, 483, 520; for cure of
ills, 353; Gandhiji’s lack of htness
attributed to weak faith in, 383;
heart recitation of, for full effect,
55; one sustained by, cannot be
harmed, 295; (the) unfailing re-
medy, 278; wish to utter, in crisis,
473

Ramarajya, 18; Gandhiji’s wish to
live for, 182; under conditions of
true freedom, 162

Ramayana, 90, 311, 392; Arabic and
Persian words in, of Tulsidas,
255

Rameshchandra, 2)b2fn, 360
Ranchhod, 18
Randhawa, 316, 445, 448
Rashid, Hosa, 320, 492
Rashid Khan, Abdul, 320 fit, 492
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, 51,
142, 145, 444>, 445, 452, 453;
appeal by, to Gandhiji to end
fast, 447; denial by, of communal
violence in Kathiawar, 169; Hin-
duism cannot be saved by ways
of, 143; unfavourable reports
about, 43, 50
Ratandevi, 70

Ravana, 33, 235; symbol of evil, 18,
26

Red Cross Society, 524
Refugees; appeal to, of Delhi for
right conduct, 358; broadcast
to, at Kurukshetra Camp, 15-8;
clothing for, ofPanipat, 161, 162;
Congress resolution on repatriation

90-38

594

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

of, 538-40; duty of, as “sufferers”,
185-6; Government to help re-
clamation of Meo, 262-3; efforts
to mitigate sufferings of, 465;
forcible occupation of Muslim
houses by, 373, 378, — bad example
for Pakistan, 250; insanitary condi-
tions of Muslims in Lahore, camps,
288-9; meaning of the word, 104;
misconduct of, in camps, 76;
must be enabled by Pakistan
Government to return, 251; must
be self-reliant, 525; of Panipat
and Muslims, 66; preferential
treatment to Hindu and Sikh, in
Delhi, 72; question of Hindu and
Sikh, at Working Committee
meeting, 33; rehabilitation of, 64;
rowdyism of, in Delhi deplored,
238; should be prepared to return
to Pakistan, 225; should lead an
ideal life, 84

Religion; and bigotry cultivated from
childhood, 324; and service, 94;
blind idol-worship is not, 144;
Gandhiji’s aspiration to offer
world a perfect, 337; money
cannot aid growth of, 293; (a)
private matter, 249; science and,
complementary, 316. See also

DHARMA.

Rights; and duties, 91-2

Riots; in Delhi, 95, 266; in Mysore,
485, 517; in Sind, 375; India
and Pakistan must undertake
to repair places damaged during,
282; Iranians killed in Bombay,
397

Rizvi, S. M. Q_asim, 110

Rolland, Romain, 412

Round Table Conference; of 1931,
15, 436

Roy, (Dr.) Bidhan Chandra, 438

Sabarmati Ashram, see satyagraha
ASHRAM, Sabarmati
Sahasrabuddhe, 6
Sahni, Kedarnath, 407
Salaji, 139

Sanadhya, Totaram, 381; tribute to,
404-5

Sankaran, 519, 520
Sant Singh, 97
Santiniketan, 303
Sarabhai, Ambalal, \90.fn

Sarabhai, Anasuya, 131
Sarabhai, Mridula, 191/;i, 192, 424,
429

Saraiya, 407

Satan, 33, 306, 340, 502, 509; must
be dethroned from people’s hearts,
424; need for turning away from,
446, 45 1 ; only God can save man
from, 211; worshippers of, among
Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs, 415
Satchell, 120
Satin Babu, 246

Satyagraha; greatest force in the
world, 50; in South Africa,
516; law of, in resolving conflict
between nationalism and religion,
119; loss of faith in, 386; offered
during independence struggle not
based on truth and non-violence,
253

— Ashram, Sabarmati, 81, 513; and
Totaram Sanadhya, 404
Satyagrahi; fasting last resort of,
408

Sat YEN, 152
Savitri, \Q0fn

Science; abuse of medical, 317
Self-government, see swaraj
Sen, I. B., 329

Service; constant faith in God is,
406; social, and women workers,
333

INDEX

595

Setalvad, M. C., 51
Sevagram Ashram, Wardha, 20, 21,
46, 67, 101, 181, 220, 258, 259,
376, 418, 457, 458, 488, 515, 520,
530, 532; must be self-supporting,
349, — people living in, 383
Sevakram, 303, 304
Shah, Chimanlal N., 47, 100, 163,

258, 322, 521

Shah, Kanchan M., 67, 68, 457,
458

Shah, (Dr.) Mangaldas, 272
Shah, Muhammad, 471/n
Shah, Munnalal G., 67, 321, 456
Shah Nawaz Khan, 260, 444yh, 453
Shah Nawaz Khan, Begum, Vdlfn
Shah, Shakaribehn, 224
Shaheed, Maulana, 276
Shankar, V., 411
Shankarlal, 247

Shankerrao Deo, 215/ra, 220, 432
Sharma, Shivakumar, 269
Shastras, 138

Shaukat Ali, 49; charkha promoted
by, during Khilafat days, 232
Sheean, Vincent; interview to, 510-2
Sherwani, Maqbool; martyrdom of,
74

Shrilal, 323

Shriman Narayan, 85, 90, 218; on
appointment of provincial Gov-
ernors, 208-9

Shukla, Chandrashanker P., 533
Sikh Sabha, 284

Sikhism, 43 ; and Hinduism fundamen-
tally one, 177

Sikhs, 71, 80, 212; advised to be-
friend Muslims, 124; bravery of,
123, 125, 288, 448, 471; duty of,
to consider all brothers, 126;
forcible conversion of, to Islam,
170; Gandhiji’s association with,
97-8; indiscriminate use of kirpan

by, 73; lesson from British rule
not learnt by, 283; must accept
their abducted women, 302; must
not retaliate against Muslims,
298; must uphold greatness of
Sikhism, 132; of East Africa de-
barred from Nairobi, 252; plight
of, from N. W. F. P., 106-7 ; protec-
tion to, 72, 474; Rama and not
Ravana to rule hearts of, 33; ran-
cour among, 96; should not dissi-
pate their strength, 293
Sin; not self-existent, 473
Sind; assurance of safety to Sikhs
in, 474; deteriorating situation in,
489; no peace for Hindus in, 379;
riots in, 375

SiTA (of Ramayana), 24Gfn', women
of purity of, cannot be harmed,
112

Sjahriar, 157
Smith, (Col.), 78
Smuts, Jan Christiaan, 170
Socialist Party, 190
Socialists; policy of, 433; self-sacri-
hcing and courageous, 432
SoDAWALA, Vijaya Walji, 518
SoMNATH Temple; renovation of,
274, — Government aid not to be
given for, 127, 226
SoPHIABEHN, 103

Soul-force; for struggle in South
Africa, 171

Spinning-wheel, 207; ahimsa taught
by, 206; not truly adopted, 233;
(the) pivot of village industries,
267; popularized in Gujarat, 231;
represents power of non-violence,
232; science of, to be perfected,
418; (a) symbol of slavery in

olden times, 232

States; appeal to Princes of, 42 ; Con-
gress resolution on, 540; merger

596

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

of, and Princes, 228-9; question
of accession of, 8-9
— People’s Conference, 506
{The) Statesman, 288
Strikes; students advised not to
resort to, 377, 386
Struve, Karl, 337

Students; advice to Muslim, 14;
advised not to resort to strikes,
377, 386; imposition of English
on, 443; message of self-reliance
for, of U. P., 249; message to
Peace Conference of, 34
SuBBAYYA, 100
SuBBULAKSHMI, M. S., 187
SuHRAWARDY, H. S., 203, 287, 413/n,
417, 451, 467, 489; advised to
denounce Pakistan’s policy, 204;
and Gandhiji’s peace mission
in Noakhali, 39; peace efforts of,
in Calcutta, 23, 450
Sulochana; on death of, 519-20
SuLOCHANA Devi, 473
SuNDARLAL, 70, 241, 260, 280, 321,
360; article by, on gates of

Somnath temple, 274
SuRYAKANT, 305

SwAMiNARAYAN Temple; Harijans

prohibited from entering, 499
Swaraj, 71, 163; meaning of, 331;
not an end but means to good
government, 325; only pure khadi
in, 367; sole purpose of Congress,
30; true, not yet attained, 276. See
also independence.

SwARAN Singh, 154yh, 158 to 160,

169, 191>

Sykes, Marjorie, 194

{The) Synthesis of Toga, \QOfn

Tagore, Rabindranath, 23/«, 49,

194>, 246>, 303>, 397, 416

Tagore, Rathindra Nath, 303
Takli, 342; Dev Prakash Nayyar on,
341

Tara Singh, 177
Taralika, 146, 297
Tendulkar, D. G., 342
Thadani, 237

Thakin Nu, 176, 177; talk with,
174-5

Thakkar, Amritlal V.; and Harijans,
93

Tibbia Gollege, Delhi; and Ajmal
Khan, 301, 317

Tilak, Bal Gangadhar, 328, 329,

460/«

Tolstoy, Leo, 129; moral of story
of Ivan the Fool by, 503
Tripathi, Kamalapati, 'iiTlfn
Trivedi, C. L., 161
Truman, Harry, 41
Truth, 102, 114, 343; and basic
education, 235-6; forgotten after
freedom, 7 1 ; Gandhiji’s only God,
248; God is, 453, 460; hypocrisy in
talk of, 305-6; is invaluable, 266;
patience for realizing, 34
Tukdoji Maharaj, 371
Tulsidas, 32/«, 79, 311, 312, 333,484;

language of, for masses of India, 255
Tyabji, Abbas, 139_/h
Tyabji, Raihana, 139, 153

U Pe Kin, 174
U Tin Tut, 174

Udeshi, Lilavati, see asar, Lilavati
Union of South Africa, 58; advice
to Indians in, 170-1; advised to
mend its ways, 517; appeal to,
to revise anti-Asiatic policy, 59-60;
Indian protest at U. N. O. against
treatment to Indians in, 51-2;
Indian struggle in, 515-6

INDEX

597

United Nations General Assembly,
170>, 171

— — Organization, 501, 512;

Indian protest at, against treatment
to South African Indians, 51-2;
Security Council of, 429, — Kashmir
dispute referred to, 356, 357
Unity, 'i¥lfn

Upadhyaya, Haribhau, 38^

Urdu; language formed in India, 255
Urdu Harijan, 321, 441; plea for
continuing, 314-5, 398-9
Urdu Script; boycott of, anti-
democratic, 353; need for adopting,
with Nagari script, 352; opposi-
tion to, regretted, 442

Vachchharaj, 323, 330
Vaidya, Gangabehn, 81, 82
Vaidyas; abuse of medical science by,
317; must abide by their duty, 330
Valjibhai (of Karadi); tribute to,
273-4, 276

Vallabhram, 324, 329
Vasant, 368

Vashishtha (of Hindu mythology), 390
Vedas; origin of Sikh teachings in,
177

Vegetarianism; inadequacy of, 3
Venkatappayya, Konda, 402, 405,
410, 454

Vidyarthi, Prabhudayal, 492
Village (s); need for conservation of
grain in, 274, 275; self-sufficiency
in cloth necessary for, 310; uplift
of, must be essential feature of
Constitution, 218, — role of women
workers for, 201-2, — through
ahimsa, 210, — khadi, 206
Village Industries, 287; charkha
the sun of, 267; progress of
India possible only through, 57

Violence; rights cannot be secured
through, 91; v. non-violence,
165

(Lord) Vishnu, 2'iZfn, 327, 394
(Lord) Vithoba; temple of, at
Pandharpur opened to Harijans,
327

Voyage Intereur, A\2fn
Vyas, Ravishankar, 81

Wadia, Piroj, 458

War(s) ; causes for, and avoidance
of, 184; possibility of, between
India and Pakistan, 240, 334, 335,
347, 356, 357
Watts, Isaac, 430/«

Wavell, Lord, 219; his faith in non-
violence, 166
West; mistakes of, 130
West Bengal Assembly; rowdyism
against Security Bill in, 226-8
Widows; women must fight against
inequity to, 31

Women; abducted Hindu and Sikh,
must be accepted, 301-2, 333,

— restored to their families,
192-4, — agreement between East
and West Punjab Governments
to return, 490-1 ; courageous, can
render great service to nation,
138; place of Indian, due to
purity of Kasturba, 121; purity
of Sita in, impregnable, 112
World War I, 59
II, 44, 59

Yashwant Kunwarba (Rajmata of
Kishangarh), 278

Young Women’s Christian Asso-
ciation, Switzerland; interview
to General Secretary of, 523

598

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Zafar Ali Khan, Maulana, 297 Zakir Husain, 220, 222, 223, 236, 237

Zaheed Hussain, 444/?;, 447 to 449, ^amindar, 297

452 Zend Avesta, 397

ERRATA

PAGE FOR READ

30 * footnote 1902-80 1902-79

64 * line 2 he same the same

255 * footnote 3 1919 1918

299 * para 2, line 5 Ghaznavi Ghazni

* Due correction made.

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